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HISTORY
OP TBI
MOORISH EMPIRE IN EUROPE
HISTORY
OF THE
Moorish Empire
IN EUROPE
BY
S. p. SCOTT
AUTHOR OF "THROUGH SPAIN"
Corduba famon locuples de nomine dicta,
Inclyta delicib, rebus quoque iplendida cunctis
Hroswitha, pAsno S. Pilaou
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOL. III.
PHILADELPHIA tf LONDON
J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY
1904
4iK-^
Suat, 373 I
M
^
Conmittoe on the Karv?/r! vt ' .^3
NfiR-residetit %\mi\ i^ostor
SEP 1941
Copyright, 1904
By J. B. LipPiNCOTT Company
Published March, 1904
Printed hy J. S. Lippincott Company ^ PkUadelphia, U. S. A*
CONTENTS OF VOLUME III.
CHAPTER XXIII
IKFLUXKCB OF THX MOOR8 OK SUROPB THROUGH THE BMPIRS OF
FREDERICK IL AND THE STATES OF SOUTHERN FRANCE
FAGS
Permanence of Arab Ideas in the South of Europe — Social
Corruption — Revolts against the Papacy — ^Antagonism
of the Holy See and the German Empire — Consolida-
tion of the Papal Power under Innocent III. — Civi-
lizing Agencies in Sicily— Influence of the Normans
as Heirs of the Arabs — ^Birth of Frederick II, — Char-
acter of Innocent III. — Genius of the Emperor — ^His
Reforms — System of Jurisprudence — Commerce -^
* Legislation — The University of Naples — The Medi-
cal School of Salerno— Character of Frederick — His
Court— The South of France— Its Early Civilization
— Cosmopolitan Character of its Population •— Its
Wealthy Intelligenoe^ and Profligacy — Debased Con-
dition of the Clergy — ^The University of Montpellier
—The Troubadours— The Albigense»— Their Defiance
of Rome — A Crusade is preached against Them — ^They
are annihilated — Cruelty of the Crusaders — Parallel
between the Civilization of Sicily and Languedoc —
Survival of the Philosophical Principles and OpinionB
of the Thirteenth Century 1
CHAPTER XXIV
THE SPANISH JEWS
Influence of the Semitic Race on Civilization — Enterprise of
the Ancient Jews — Their Eminent Talents — Their
Power during the Middle Ages — ^Their Universal Pro-
scription— Their Condition under the Moors of Spain
— Their Extraordinary Attainments — Their Devotion
to Letters — ^Their Academies — ^Rabbis as Ambassadors
of the Ehalifs — Learned Men — Poets^ Physicians,
V
vi Contents of Volume III.
Statesmen^ Philosophers — Maimonides: His Genius
and His Works — His Character — Preponderating In-
fluence of the Spanish Jews in Government and Society
— Their Necessity to the Ruling Classes — They are
driven to Usury — ^Their Prosperity — They are favored
by Alfonso X. and Pedro el Cruel — Their Proficiency
in Medicine — Obligations of Mediaeval and Modern
Science to the Jews — Their Wonderful Survival under
Oppression — Their Exile from the Peninsula — Their
Sufferings — ^The Taint of Hebrew Blood in the Aris-
tocracy of Spain and Portugal 105
CHAPTER XXV
THX CHRISTIANS XTMUBR M08LBM RULB
Scarcity of Information concerning the Tributary Chris-
tians— Supremacy of the Church under the Visigoths —
Independence of the Spanish Hierarchy — Its Wealth
— CiviL Organization of the Christians under the Moors
— Their' Privileges — Restrictions imposed upon Them
— Freedom of Worship — Churches, Monasteries, and
Convents — Conditions in Sicily — Greater Severity of
the Laws in that Island — ^Anomaly in the Ecclesiasti-
cal Government of Spain — The Khalif the Virtual
Head of the Church — ^Abuse of His Power — Results of
the Arab Occupation of Septimania — Increased Au-
thority of the Spanish Hierarchy resulting from its
Isolation — Social Life of the Christian Tributaries —
Their Devotion to Arab Learning — They are em-
ployed by the Khalifs in Important Missions — Innate
Hostility of Moslem and Christian — Number and In-
fluence of the Renegades — ^The Martyrs — Causes of
Persecution — Contrast between the Maxims and Policy
of the Two Religions — Impediments to Racial Amal-
gamation 177
CHAPTER XXVI
THE M0RI8COSS
State of the Kingdom after the Conquest — Superiority of
the Moors — Policy of the Crown — Introduction of the
Holy Office — Administration of Talavera — His Popu-
Contents of Volume III. vii
laritj — ^Hc is superseded by Ximenes — The Two Great
Spanish Cardinals — ^Their Opposite Characters — In-
fluence on Their Age — ^Violence of Ximenes — ^He bums
the Arabic Manuscripts — Insurrection of the Moriscoes
— Rout in the Sierra Bermeja — Bigotry of Isabella —
The Moors under Charles V. — Persecution by the
Clergy and the Inquisition under Philip II. — ^War in
the Alpuj arras — Ibn-Ommeyah — Operations of Don
John of Austria — Removal of the Moors of Granada
— Death of Ibn-Ommeyah — Ibn-Abu becomes King —
Siege of Galera — ^Atrocities of the Campaign — Fate of
Ibn-Abu — Condition of the Moriscoes in Spain — ^They
are ExUed by Philip III.— Their Sufferings— Effect
of their Banishment upon the Prosperity of the King-
dom '. 218
CHAPTER XXVII
CttNERAL CONDITION OF XUROPB FROM THB YIIL TO THE ZVL
CBNTURT
Effects of Barbarian Supremacy on the Nations of Europe
— Rise of the Papal Power — Character of the Popes
— Their Vices and Crimes — The Interdict — Corrupt
Practices of Prelates and Degradation of the Papacy
— Institution of the Monastic Orders — Their Great
Influence — Their Final Degeneracy — Wealth of the
Religious Houses — The Byzantine System — Its Char-
acteristics— Power of the Eunuchs — Splendor of Con-
stantinople— Destruction of Learning — Debased Con-
dition of the Greeks — ^The People of Western Europe
— ^Tyranny of Caste and its Effects — Feudal Oppres-
sion— Life of the Noble — His Amusements — ^The Serf
and his Degradation — His Hopeless Existence — ^Treat-
ment of the Jews — Prevalence of Epidemics — Religious
Festivals — General Ignorance — Scarcity and Value of
Books — Persecution of Learning — ^The Empire of the •
Church — Its Extraordinary Vitality dSi
viii Contents of Volume III.
CHAPTER XXVIII
THB HI8PANO-ARAB AOB OF LITXRATURX AND 8CISNCB
PAOX
Intellectual Stagnation of Europe during the Period of
Moslem Greatness — High Rank of Scholars in Spain
— Attainments of the Khalifs — Character of Arab
Literature — Progress of Science — The Alexandrian
Museum — Its Wonderful Discoveries — Its Contributions
to Learning — Its Influence on the Career of the Moham-
medans— The Arabic Language — Poetry of the Arabs
— Its General Characteristics — Theology and Juris-
prudence — History — Geography — Philosophy — .
Libraries — Rationalism — Averroes — Mathematics
— Astronomy — Al-Hazen — Gerbert — Botany —
Alchemy — Chemistry — Pharmacy — ^Albertus Magnus,
Robert Grossetete, and Roger Bacon — Medicine and
Surgery — Ignorance of their Theories and Scientific
Application in Medieval Europe — Prevalence 'of Im-
posture— Fatality of Epidemics — Great Advance of the
Arabs in Medical Knowledge — ^Hospitals — Treatment
of Various Diseases — The Famous Moslem Practi-
tioners— Contrast between the Christian and Moham-
medan Systems — Enduring Effects of Arab Science —
Ita Example and Benefits the Creative Influence of
Modem Civilization 429
CHAPTER XXIX
MOORISH ART IN SOUTHERN BUROPB
Absolute Ignorance of Art among the Original Arabs —
Their Debt to Antiquity— Their Early Architecture—
. Materials — Massive Character of the First Edifices of
the Moslems — ^The Horseshoe Arch — Its Phallic Deri-
vation— Progress of Artistic Embellishment — Its
Wonderful Diversity — Byzantine Influence — Employ-
ment of Encaustic Tiles — Mosaics of the Mosque of
' Cordova — Stuccoes — Their Composition and Infinite
Variety of Form — Stalactitic Pendentives — ^Woodwork
— Its Beautiful and Intricate Designs — Disappear-
ance of Arabic Architectural Monuments in Sicily —
Military Structures of Mohammedan Spain — Typical
Form of the Mosque — Its Hebrew Origiii — ^Manifold
Contents of Volume III. iz
PAOB
Derivation of Hispano-Arab Architecture — Devdop-
meiit of Art in Moorish Spain — Its Three Epochs —
The Alhambra its Culmination — Representation of
Animal Forms — Painting and Sculpture — Mural Dec-
oration— ^The Industrial Arts — ^Working of Metals —
Arms — Engraved Gems — Ceramics — The Leathern
Tapestry of Cordova — Tesriile Fabrics — Calligraphy
'and Illumination — Destruction of the Artistic Remains
of the Moors , 5S4
CHAPTER XXX
AOBICULTURX^ MANUFACTURXS^ AND COMMSRCB OF THK BUROPSAN
MOSLEMS; THBZR MANNERS, CUSTOMS, AND AMU8BMBNTS
Disappearance of the Memorials of Arab Civilization —
Agricultural System of the Spanish Moors — Its Won-
derful Perfection — Irrigating Apparatus — The Tri-
bunal of the Waters — The Work of Ibn-al-Awam—
Universal Cultivation of the Soil — Mineral Resources
of the Peninsula — Manufactures — ^The Great Moslem
Emporiums of the Mediterranean — Commerce — Its Ex-
tensive Ramifications — ^Articles of Traffic — Commercial
Prosperity of Sicily — The Magnetic Needle — Gun-
powder and Artillery — ^War — Coinage — Characteristics
of the Khalif s — Demoralisation of the People — The
Bath — General Prevalence of Superstition — Social Life
of the Moslems of Europe — Privileges of Women —
Polygamy and Morals — Slavery — ^Amusements — ^The
Game of Chess — Other Pastimes — ^Dances — Music —
Equestrian Sports — The Bull Fight — The TUt of
Reeds — ^The Course of the Rings — Hawking — Pecu-
liarities of Hispano-Arab Civilization — ^The Crusades
— ^Their Effect on Christendom— Unrivalled Achieve-
ments of the Moors in Europe — Conclusion HQii
Dudley Hall UBRikRf
HISTORY
OF THE
MOORISH EMPIRE IN EUROPE
CHAPTER XXIII
INFLUENCE OF THE MOOES ON EUKOPE THROUGH
THE EMPIBE OF FBEDERICK II, AND THE STATES OF
SOUTHERN TRANCE
- 1194-1250
Permanence of Arab Ideas in the South of Europe — Social Cor-
ruption— Revolts against the Papacy — ^Antagonism of the
Holy See and the German Empire— Consolidation of the
Papal Power under Innocent III. — Civilizing Agencies in
Sicily — Influence of the Normans as Heirs of the Arabs —
Birth of Frederick II. — Character of Innocent III. — Genius
of the Emperor — His Reforms — System of Jurisprudence —
Commerce — Legislation — ^The University of Naples — The
Medical School of Salerno — Character of Frederick — His
Court — ^The South of France — Its Early Civilization — Cos-
mopolitan Character of its Population — Its Wealth, Intelli-
gence, and Profligacy — Debased Condition of the Clergy —
The University of Montpellier— The Troubadours — The Al-
bigenses — Their Defiance of Rome — ^A Crusade is preached
against Them — They are annihilated — Cruelty of the Cru-
saders— Parallel between the Civilization of Sicily and
Languedoc — Survival of the Philosophical Principles and
Opinions of the Thirteenth Century.
The extraordinary impulse to scientific investiga-
tion, to historical research, to the development and
perfection of the industrial arts, to the extension of
commerce, to the improvement of the social and eco-
Vpju III.— 1
2 HiSTOEY OF THE
nomic conditions which are so intimately connected
with the comfort and happiness of mankind, imparted
by the Saracen kingdoms of Southern Europe, was
far from being destroyed by the absorption or con-
quest of their provinces or by the final extinction of
their empire. The progress of their humanizing in-
fluence upon other nations had been slow and im-
perceptible. The philosophical ideas and principles
advanced by the Arab universities were necessarily
hostile to the doctrines of Christianity, to the opinions
of the Fathers, to the inspiration of an infallible
Pope, to the imperious claims of ecclesiastical suprem-
acy. In consequence of their heretical tendency, they
were perused in secret; and the diligence with which
this prohibited literature was studied is revealed by
the number of sects which arose, and the defiance of
Papal authority, which is the distinguishing charac-
teristic of European annals during the first half of
the thirteenth century. The doctrines taught at Cor-
dova and Palermo inspired those audacious mediaeval
reformers, far in advance of their age, whose aspira-
tions for intellectual and religious liberty were
promptly and mercilessly extinguished at the stake
and on the scaffold. The spirit of resistance to Papal
aggression, corruption, and tyranny, temporarily
checked, in time revived, and foimd permanent ex-
pression in the bold and revolutionary theories of the
Reformation. These great and radical changes were
not spontaneously effected; the causes of their de-
velopment had been in silent operation for many
centuries.
The schools of Moslem Spain and Sicily had long
been the resort of students, ambitious of literary
attainments and distinction, from every country in
Europe. Princes of Castile and France had for
generations enjoyed the benefits of the educational
Advantages tp be obtained in the Spanish Peninsula.
MooEiSH Empibe in Eubope 8
The proximity of the polished and luxurious towns
of Sicily to the ancient seat of Roman greatness
and power had produced a corresponding effect, less
evident and less durable, it is true, but still most civil-
izing and beneficial, upon the ferocious barbarism
which had succeeded the cruel and shameless vices
of the Caesars. The sacerdotal order had profited
more largely than all others by the learning of the
Mohammedans. Pope Sylvester II., the most ac-
complished ecclesiastic of his time, whose prodigious
acquirements caused him to be accused of sorcery
and led to his assassination by poison, was educated
at the University of Cordova. Roger Bacon, another
reputed wizard, had deeply imbibed the heretical but
fascinating opinions of the sages of the Tagus and
the Guadalquivir. In almost every Eiu'opean monas-
tery, whose inmates, corrupted by wealth and de-
praved by sensual indulgence, had abandoned the
ascetic habits of the cloister, the infidel works of the
Arabian philosophers were studied with curiosity and
deUght by jovial monks, long strangers to the vows
inculcated as cardinal precepts by the regulations of
their order.
With the secular clergy, whose ostentatious luxury
was proverbial, the case was even worse. While con-
siderations of policy and self-interest prevented the
avowal of principles totally at variance with the tenets
of their profession, the fact that those principles were
entertained was far from being a secret. The influ-
ential prelates of the Church, ignorant or heedless of
the prejudicial effects which must inevitably ensue
from familiarity with the works of the Moslem phi-
losophers, did not vigorously attempt to suppress them
until the mischief they had produced was almost
irreparable. The unbelief and moral obliquity of
the clergy reacted upon their flocks. The latter saw
— ^first with surprise, then with indifference — ^the ill-
4 History of the
concealed skepticism and open immorality of their
spiritual comisellors. As a result of this lax and in-
consistent behavior, society became permeated with
hjrpocrisy. The popular tales of the Middle Ages,
many of them imdoubtedly founded on fact, indicate
only too plainly the estimation in which the clergy
were held by the people. That such pictures of eccle-
siastical life could be drawn and published without
interference or pimishment shows not only the extent
of the evil, but the recognition of its existence by every
class of the community. The licentious stories of the
mediaeval writers were read or repeated with delight
both in the palace of the noble and the hovel of the
serf. One of the most remarkable of these collections
owes its origin to the patronage of Louis XI., the
Most Christian King of France.
Although the clergy, and especially the members
of the monastic orders, were, in these facetious pro-
ductions, uniformly represented as objects of hatred
and contempt, the practice of the vices and weak-
nesses imputed to them was evidently so common to
their calling as not even to arouse those feelings of
resentment which would naturally arise from accusa-
tions so nearly affecting their piety and virtue. So
little attention, indeed, was paid to these disclosures
of the habits of ecclesiastics, that their recital formed
one of the ordinary diversions of conventual life,
and the Gesta Romanorum, which long maintained
a questionable celebrity, is a monkish compilation.
When the spiritual guides of a community are
deliberately held up to ridicule as the incarnation of
all that is vile, rapacious, and bestial, their usefulness
as directors of the public conscience and arbiters of
private morals is at an end. Their pernicious example
was not lost upon the people, although their influence
for good declined. Universal corruption became the
most prominent trait of every rank of society. The
MooEiSH Empibe in Eueope 5
most glaring acts of impiety remained imrebuked.
National faith, and personal obligations were alike
miblushingly violated. Every revolting crime was
committed by those whose means were sufficient to
appease sacerdotal venality and purchase temporary
absolution. No epoch in European history presents
a more distressii^g picture of social demoraliza-
tion, of royal perfidy, of priestly hypocrisy, of uni-
versal wickedness, than the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries. But while this condition of affairs was
productive of widespread moral debasement, it was
not wholly an unmixed evil. The weakening of the
sentiments of fatuous reverence with which things
denominated sacred had for ages been regarded,
awakened among the masses a spirit of intellectual
independence. The right of the exercise of private
judgment began to be first tolerated, and afterwards
tacitly recognized. Then originated the great moral
revolution which, subsequently checked and almost
overwhelmed by the power of the Papacy and dis-
graced by scenes of horror to which history affords
no parallel, ended in the momentous struggle of the
sixteenth century, and the permanent triumph of
reason over dogma, of intelligence over ecclesiastical
authority.
But it was not only by the removal of superstitious
prejudice, through the comparison of creeds, the ju-
dicious employment of the principles of philosophical
criticism, and the public exposure of the lives of the
clergy, that this great and beneficial change was ac-
complished. The commerce of the European Mos-
lems was almost coextensive with the world at that
time familiar to mariners. The excellence and beauty
of their wares, unequalled by those of any other
nation, were eagerly sought after by the wealthy and
luxurious inhabitants of Christian countries. Mer-
chants, traders, and students had spread far and wide
6 History of the
accounts of the marvels to be seen beyond the Pjrr-
enees, — opulent and flourishing communities, where
the meanest citizen was in the daily enjoyment of
comforts imattainable as luxuries by the greatest
potentates of Christendom ; edifices whose decorations
surpassed in richness the wildest conceptions of Ori-
ental fiction; vast plantations, where fruits, unknown
to colder climes, grew in prodigal abundance; cara-
vansaries and markets crowded with a profusion of
costly fabrics, and resoimding with a Babel of strange
and guttural tongues; institutions of learning fre-
quented by tens of thousands of students, whose at-
tainments— extraordinary in a world of ignorance —
were beUeved to have been secured by an unholy com-
pact with the infernal powers.
The existence of this civilization in close proximity
to the semi-barbarous Mediterranean nations and the
salutary experience of its benefits could not fail to
produce upon the latter a deep and lasting impres-
sion. The Crusades, also, to some extent had enlarged
the minds of the fierce warriors of the West. Their
respect had been inspired by the equal valor and supe-
rior intelligence of their Mohanmiedan adversaries;
and a Saracen was no longer, as formerly, considered
a demon incarnate, destitute of honor, insatiable of
blood, incapable of compassion, ignorant alike of the
courtesies of war and the suggestions of humanity.
These various moral and physical agencies, acting
through the maintenance of maritime intercourse and
the promiscuous association with travellers of every
description, gradually produced effects long unper-
ceived and unappreciated by the class whose material
interests were most vitally endangered.
The dawn of the thirteenth century witnessed the
outbreak and the arrest of two most significant move-
ments of the human mind, destined to exercise im-
MooEiSH Empibe in Eueope 7
mense influence on the intellectual character and po-
litical destiny of Europe, The one appeared in Sicily;
arose under the auspices and was supported by the
power of the Emperor Frederick II., — ^that prodigy
of mediaeval learning and diplomacy, great by birth,
and, through the hereditary traditions of his line, stiD
greater through the talents with which he was en-
dowed and the accomplishments that adorned his
character; a colossal figure among the pygmy soldiers
and churchmen of his time; a combination of oppo-
site and eccentric qualities; brave but treacherous,
impetuous but crafty; a skeptic, and an imrelenting
persecutor of heretics; at one time heading a crusade
for the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre; at another
marshalling Saracen armies against the partisans of
the Pope; a vassal of the Holy See, and an open ally
and friend of the infidel; a professed champion of
Christianity, while endeavoring to wrest from its
acknowledged head that spiritual dominion which
invested him with unlimited power over the lives, the
fortunes, and the ultimate destiny of men; legislator,
troubadour, author, naturalist; " a poet in an age of
schoolmen, a philosopher in an age of monks, a states-
man in an age of crusaders."
The other intellectual revolution against ecclesiasti-
cal traditions and Papal despotism originated in the
sunny lands of Provence and Languedoc, between the
Mediterranean and the Pyrenees. That regiftn, early
overrun and colonized by the Saracen, had long re-
mained subject to the Mohammedan princes of Spain.
Although nominally Christian, its population was
deeply infected with heterodox and atheistical opin-
ions. The coimtry had never lost the characteristics
peculiar to the Moslem conqueror, — ^the intelligent
and persevering cultivation of the soil, the venture-
some spirit of commercial enterprise, the development
and profitable adaptation of every natural resource.
8 History op the
the pride of ostentatious luxury, the profound distrust
of the female sex, which condemns its members to
the seclusion of the harem. Amidst the freedom and
gayety of its semi-Oriental cities, sectaries of every
creed lived imquestioned and undisturbed. Polygamy
was practised without concealment or reproach;
scarcely a castle of count or baron was without
its ntmierous seraglio. Education was general, and
remarkable in its scope and efficiency when contrasted
with the ignorance of contemporaneous societies. The
famous University of Montpellier, a manifestation of
the intellectual ideas and spirit which pervaded the
South of France, was for generations a monimient of
the progress and erudition of the inhabitants of Lan-
guedoc. Among the public teachers were many Jews
and Mohammedans, who, in addition to the profound
and varied learning of the schools of Cordova,
brought to the notice of a curious and speculative
race theories that boded ill to the ecclesiastical estab-
lishment, which, stained with every hideous and dis-
gusting vice, was fast sinking into universal and
deserved contempt. The practice of improvisation,
— ^the composition of extemporaneous poetry, — de-
rived from the imaginative but unlettered tribes of
the Arabian Desert, and for generations the delight
of the capitals of Moorish Spain, f oimd here its most
fascinating expression and its highest development.
Next to* the prince himself, the troubadour was the
most important personage of the Proven9al court.
His accomplishments, often acquired by association
with the Moslem, were the envy of the cavalier and
the horror of the priest. His elegant manners and
poetical talents gained for him the passionate adora-
tion of high-bom ladies, whose beauty he celebrated
in florid and licentious verse. His satires were often
directed against the clergy, whose lives too readily
furnished cause for ridicule and censure. With him
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 9
occasionally travelled the jongleur, who, to the reci-
tation of amorous chants, added the charm of har-
monious minstrelsy. The ditties of the troubadours,
like the coarse and facetious tales of this and subse-
quent periods, afforded an imf ailing index of popu-
lar taste and prevalent opinions. In their lays the
ecclesiastic is almost invariably an object of derision.
His hyi)ocrisy, his licentiousness, his greed, are de-
picted in language which admits of no palliating or
ambiguous interpretation. He is constantly repre-
sented as the proverbial embodiment of all that is
execrable and repulsive. If a butt for ridicule was
needed, to give an appropriate climax to a story com-
posed for the amusement of the court, the monastery
could be relied upon to furnish an inexhaustible num-
ber of subjects, whose foibles were at once recognized
by the delighted and scoflSng auditors. The sacred
calling of the ministers of religion was constantly,
made the occasion of ribald pleasantry; the tricks of
practical jokers were played with impunity upon
every incumbent of the sacerdotal dignity, from the
haughty bishop to the cowled and barefooted friar.
Even the populace, in whom the spirit of superstitious
reverence is always the first to be awakened and the
last to be destroyed, shared in an equal degree the
feelings of their superiors. The vagrant rhymer, de-
claiming his sarcastic verses in the streets or by the
wayside, was always sure of a liberal and appreciative
audience. Such a condition of society indicates a cer-
tain degree of intellectual progress which can only
result from independence of thought and moral irre-
sponsibility of action. The extraordinary opinion
began to be advanced and largely accepted that the
investiture of the priesthood, of itself, conveyed no
special virtue which dispensed with the rules of social
morality or conferred immunity from public criti-
cism. This idea, at variance with all the traditions
10 History of the
of a Church which attached the highest importance to
the rigid observance of mere formalities, was followed
by others of even more novel and startling character.
The mibroken intercourse with the Moslem princi-
palities of the Peninsula had introduced into a coim-
try, whose people might, in some degree, justly claim
consanguinity with the Saracens of Andalusia, the
arts, the philosophy, and the erudition which had long
embellished the accomplished courts of the Western
Khalif ate. Hence arose the popularity of the works
of Averroes, and the general familiarity with the pan-
theistic ideas of Indian origin, subsequently adopted
by the heretical sects which, from time to time, sprang
up to vex the Papal orthodoxy of Europe, With their
importation into France, the doctrines of the Arab
philosophers were invested with a far broader signifi-
cance than had ever been claimed by those who first
inculcated their truths. The gay ballads of the South
assimied a greater license of sentiment and language
than their prototypes, whose freedom had provoked
the censure of the Mohammedan society of the Gua-
dalquivir, little inclined to displays of prudish moral-
ity. It was from such beginnings that were derived
the suggestions of those memorable religious revolu-
tions which, headed by Wyclif in England, Huss in
Bohemia, and Luther in Germany, in defiance of the
tremendous power of the Vatican, impressed an in-
delible seal upon the character and belief of so large
a portion of the inhabitants of the civilized globe.
The influence that Troubadour and Trouvere — poets
and minstrels — during their incessant wanderings
exerted upon the provincial dialects in which their
productions were composed, and the extensive dis-
tribution of the latter, did more than all else to form
and perfect the language of France. It was the same
in Italy. That country also indirectly owes the sweet
and musical accents of its graceful idiom, equally
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 11
adapted to the descriptions of the historian, the rep-
resentations of the dramatist, and the melodious ver-
sification of the poet, to a race foreign in all its char-
acteristics and traditions to that quarter of the world
where it exercised its greatest power. As with poetry,
so it was with other manifestations of genius. Much
of the architecture of Southern Europe, and espe-
cially those buildings devoted to religious worship,
present unmistakable evidences of their Moorish
origin; and thus the law of Mohammed, while it
failed to retain its dominion over the minds of men,
was enabled to perpetuate the memory of the arts,
which it promotS iS the construction of magnificent
and imposing edifices raised for the celebration of the
rites of another and an inimical religion. In a thou-
sand ways, the march of intellectual improvement,
suggested by the presence and example of Moslem
skill and learning, was accelerated in the provinces
of the South of France. The active minds of the
inhabitants of the valley of the Rhone devoured with
eagerness the extravagant tales of Moorish fiction,
and their curiosity was stimulated by the study of the
maxims of Plato and Aristotle contained in Arabic
versions of those writers. Their manners insensibly
became softened, their ideas were enlarged, their tastes
were cultivated; they no longer regarded the torture
of heretics and the massacre of infidels as conform-
able to the precepts of a religion based upon " peace
and good-wiU to men." With deep disgust they threw
off their allegiance to the Church of Rome. Woman,
hitherto a slave, subjected to the caprice of an im-
perious and irresponsible master, was raised by the
hand of chivalry and made the cherished companion, if
not the equal, of her lord. Semi-barbarous Europe
looked with wonder upon a land so blessed by nature
and adorned by art; where the remains of classic an-
tiquity were taught in the same schools with the botany
12 HiSTOEY OF THE
of Syria and the chemistry of Spain; where a philo-
sophic spirit of inquiry had awakened the noblest
aspirations of the human intellect, and where knightly
courtesy had replaced the rudeness of the sword.
This advanced civilization had, imf ortunately, come
four centuries too soon. The fears of the Papacy
were excited, and a ferocious crusade, which spared
neither rank, age, sex, nor infirmity, was published
against the unfortunate Albigenses. Upon the ruins
of one of the most refined societies that had arisen
to instruct mankind since the days of Athenian great-
ness, a society which embodied all that was interesting,
learned, profitable, or entertaining in himian life, was
erected the Inquisition, the bane of science, and the
implacable foe of civil and religious liberty.
The great contest of the thirteenth century between
the Empire and the Holy See for the mastery of the
world derived its origin from the barbarian occupation
of Italy. The imperial dignity of the Cassars em-
bodied, as is well known, not only its supreme exer-
cise, but the prestige and the mysterious power which
attached to the place of Pontif ex Maximus, the proto-
type of the Papacy. That power had been solemnly
confirmed, and materially enlarged, by the ambition
and politic measures of Constantine. The occasional
employment of the Bishop of Rome as arbiter of the
differences between the Sees of Constantinople and
Alexandria had magnified the importance and insen-
sibly extended the jurisdiction of his ofiice. Aspiring
prelates, who held their court on the banks of the
classic Tiber, in sight of the stupendous memorials
of ancient civilization, soon began to arrogate to them-
selves a preponderance in the determination of secular
matters to which their comparatively obscure prede-
cessors had advanced no claim. The texts of Scrip-
ture were invoked and interpreted to confirm their
pretensions. In addition to the alleged vicarious sov-
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 18
ereignty vested in them by the traditional choice of
the Saviour, they asserted that the privileges and
authority enjoyed by the Pontifex Maximus were
theirs by the right of inheritance. They insisted,
moreover, that as celestial matters were of far greater
importance to mankind than any connected with the
affairs of a transitory life, the sacredness of their
exalted position conferred extraordinary prerogatives,
and that the imperial power was subordinate to, and,
under some circumstances, actually merged into, the
pontifical dignity. By thus shrewdly taking advan-
tage of every circumstance which could either
strengthen its influence or extend its jurisdiction,
the Holy See subjected to its tyrannical and irrespon-
sible sway a far more extensive and populous terri-
tory than had ever paid reluctant tribute to the masters
of imperial Rome. Excommunication, anathema, and
interdict, the means by which this tremendous au-
thority was enforced, were moral instruments which
appealed with irresistible force to the fears of a
superstitious age.
The barbarian invasions, which swept away the last
vestige of imperial greatness, introduced the heretical
doctrines of Arius into Southern Europe. The re-
ligious antagonism resulting from the incessant clash
of adverse opinions was perpetuated by the mutual
jealousies of king and bishop, until the accession of
Charlemagne practically united in the hands of that
emperor the temporal and sacerdotal powers, — ^the
dominion of the earth, and the control of an order
whose members were universally regarded as media-
tors with heaven. With his death the exercise of the
exalted prerogative of spiritual jurisdiction reverted
to the Papacy. The claim to its enjoyment was never
afterwards successfully urged by any monarch who
was entitled, by right of inheritance, to the dignities
and privileges of the Carlovingian empire. By de-
14 HiSTOEY OF THE
grees, the resistless influence of intellectual supe-
riority, quietly, but none the less powerfully exerted,
began to manifest itself. It was to the fact that the
Church monopolized all the learning of early mediaeval
times, even more than to the reverence that attached
to the holy calling of its ministers, that its boundless
power over the most truculent and merciless bar-
barians is to be attributed. A mysterious and exag-
gerated importance was ascribed to that profession
whose members held communion with past ages; who
called down the blessings or the maledictions of
celestial beings in a tongue unknown to the vulgar;
who conmiimicated, in unintelligible characters, with
the learned and the wise of distant nations; and who,
in the seclusion of the laboratory, indulged in pursuits
condemned by the canons of their faith, but occasion-
ally productive of results whose character, remarkable
for that epoch, not infrequently acquired for tlie
monkish chemist the imenviable and perilous title of
conjuror. The literary and scientific attainments
acquired in the cloister bore, however, no comparison
to the erudition of those coimtries where Saracen
energy and munificence had long promoted the exer-
cise and expansion of the highest faculties of the
human intellect. The knowledge possessed by the
clergy was only extensive by contrast with the impene-
trable ignorance by which they were siurounded, and
which it was their interest to diligently propagate and
maintain.
The era which witnessed the climax of Papal su-
premacy was coincident with the most thoroughly
concerted and menacing attempt at its overthrow
ever directed by any secular potentate. The birth of
Frederick II. preceded the election of Innocent III.
to the Holy See only three years. In the deadly
struggle that arose between these two mighty antago-
nists,— ^a struggle whidi was far more political than
MooEiSH Empiee in Eukope 15
religious, and whose tempting prize was the dominion
of the earth, — ^the influence of the Saracen was a
powerful, and, in many instances, a predominant
factor. Moslem laws, institutions, and customs had
for centuries, amidst communities hostile in origin and
belief, survived alike the existence of their own dy-
nasties and the domination of their conquerors. Tribal
dissensions and hereditary enmity had prompted and
facilitated the destruction of the splendid Moham-
medan empire in Sicily. In its turn, the Norman
kingdom, after a prolonged and stormy existence, in
which the Moorish tributaries played no inconsiderable
part, lost its identity; and, by the marriage of Con-
stance, the mother of Frederick II., with Henry VI.,
was merged into the German Empire. Dtuing the
great poUtical and moral revolutions which disposed
of crowns and repeatedly changed the destinies of the
island, the Arab element of the population maintained
an undisputed superiority in arts, in conmierce, in
literature, — ^in short, in all professions and employ-
ments save that of war alone. The semi-barbarian
conqueror, whose only passports to distinction were
the dexterity with which he wielded lance and sword
and the undaunted courage with which he faced ten-
fold odds, early recognized the advantages of that in-
tellectual power which enabled his Moorish vassals to
cope with, and overreach, in both trade and diplo-
macy, the astute politicians of Christian Italy. This
exotic population, notwithstanding the successive ca-
lamities which had afflicted it, exhibited through long
periods of time no extraordinary diminution of num-
bers, a fact no doubt largely attributable to the preva-
lence of polygamous customs. In the centre of the
island many Moorish settlements, defended by im-
pregnable fortresses, subsisting by pastoral occupa-
tions, and whose comparative poverty offered little
inducement to invasion, remained in tranquillity and
16 HiSTOEY OF THE
in the enjoyment of a rustic independence. In the
great seaports, on the other hand, the Moslem tribu-
taries retained under foreign domination all of the
refinement and much of the splendor which had distin-
guished the luxurious court of the emirs. In these
vast emporiimis, where were constantly assembled
the merchants of every Christian and of every Mo-
hammedan state, a numerous, motley, and industrious
people pursued, without oppression or hinderance, all
the avocations of thriving mercantile conmiunities.
The peculiar adaptability of the genius of the Nor-
man to novel social and political conditions, a quality
which was the main soinrce of his prosperity and great-
ness, was never more prominently displayed than after
the conquest which transferred the sceptre of Sicily
from one race of foreign adventurers to another.
No more striking antagonism of national customs,
religious prejudices, habits, and traditions could be
conceived than that existing between the victor and
the vanquished. One came from the borders of the
Arctic Circle; the original home of the other was in
the Torrid Zone. Both traced their lineage to tribes
steeped in barbarism and idolatry; but the Norman,
though he had changed his system of worship, stiU
retained many of its objectionable and degrading
features, while the Arab professed a creed that re-
garded with undisguised abhorrence the adoration of
images and the invocation of saints. In the arts of
civilization, there was no corresponding advance which
could suggest resemblance or justify comparison.
Poverty, ignorance, ferocity, still remained the char-
acteristics of the Norman, as when, with a handful
of resolute companions, he scattered to the winds the
armies of the Sicilian Mussulman. The latter, how-
ever, if inferior in endurance and martial energy to
his conqueror, was possessed of accomplishments
which justly entitled him to a prominent rank in the
winmee on the Harv?rri College
MooMSH Empibe in Eueope 17
community of nations. No circmnstance of honor, of
distinction, of inventive genius, was wanting to exalt
his character or magnify his reputation. The fame
of his military achievements had filled the world. His
commercial relations had made his name familiar to
and respected hy remote and jealous races, to whom
the Christian kingdoms of Europe were unknown.
His civil polity was admirably adapted to the character
and necessities of the people its laws were intended to
govern. Under those laws, administered by a succes-
sion of great princes, Moslem society had become opu-
lent, polished, and dissolute beyond all example, but
eventually and inevitably enervated and decadent.
Political and social disorganization had not, however,
entirely destroyed the prestige earned by ages of
military glory and intellectual pre-eminence. The
schools of Cordova had been swept away by hordes
of African fanatics. Her libraries had been scattered
or destroyed. Her incomparable palaces had been
levelled with the ground or had succumbed to the
gradual decay to which they had been abandoned by
ferocious chieftains, alike ignorant of the arts and
indifferent to the claims of civilization. But the glory
of the fallen metropolis had been reflected upon the
provincial capitals of a distracted and dismembered
monarchy. Malaga, Granada, Toledo, Seville, were
still celebrated as seats of learning; civil war had in-
terrupted but not extinguished the pursuit of science;
a taste for letters counteracted in some degree the
thirst for blood which prompted the atrocities of tribal
hale and hostile faction; and the chivalrous inter-
course established at intervals between the two races
contending for national superiority afforded a happy
if a deceptive image of affluence and security. The
Sicilian Mohammedans, while the vicissitudes and
calamities of their history presented in miniatiu*e a
general resemblance to those experienced by their
Vol. IIL-«
18 HiSTOBY OF THE
brethren of the Spanish Peninsula, were never sub-
jected to such repeated and overwhekning disasters
as fell to the lot of the subjects of the Onuneyade
dynasty and of the principalities which inherited its
enmities, and the shattered fragments of its once vast
and populous but cumbersome empire. The Norman
acquisition of Sicily, unlike the Spanish Reconquest,
was accomplished with surprising ease and rapidity.
In the former instance there was but little of that in-
discriminate ferocity which was characteristic of the
conflicts of the Middle Ages, and especially of these
where religious interests were directly involved. The
experience of the conquerors — obtained in many lands
— enabled them to appreciate the value of the monu-
ments of a highly developed civilization, whose pro-
moters were soon to pass under their sceptre. For
this reason there was no ruthless spoliation of cities,
no indiscriminate devastation of a fertile coimtry
which had been reclaimed by infinite toil and perse-
verance from an unpromising prospect of marsh,
ravine, and precipice. The tangible results of three
hundred years of national progress and culture were
transmitted, with but little impairment, to the victori-
ous foreigner. These advantages were at once grasped
and appropriated with an avidity absolutely phenome-
nal in a people whose career had been dictated by the
predatory instincts of the bandit, and whose manners
had been formed amidst the license of the camp, the
superstition of the cloister, and the carnage of the
field.
Norman Sicily exhibited, to all intents and pur-
poses, a prolongation, under happier auspices, of that
dominion to which the island owed its prosperity and
its fame. The influence of Moorish thrift, capacity,
and skill was everywhere manifest and acknowledged-
Its silent operation facilitated its progress and in-
creased its power. The maritime interests of the
MooBisH Emfibe in Eubofe 19
island were in the hands of the Moslems; they con-
trolled the finances; they negotiated treaties; to them
was largely confided the administration of justice and
the education of youth. Their integrity was acknowl-
edged even by those whose practices appeared most
unfavorable by contrast; their versatile talents not in-
frequently raised them to the highest and most respon-
sible posts of the Norman court. That court is de-
clared by contemporary historians to have equalled in
splendor and culture those of Cairo and Bagdad. This
comparison, while the highest encomium that could be
pronounced upon its grandeur and brilliancy, also de-
noted unmistakably the Oriental influence which per-
vaded it. Great dignitaries, with pompous titles and
retinues imposing in numbers and magnificence, exer-
cised the principal employments of the crown. A rigid
system of subordination and accountability was estab-
lished, governing the conduct of the minor officials
in their relations to their superiors and to the sover-
eign. The gradations in rank of these civil magistrates
were numerous, and their respective duties plainly and
accurately defined. The system of fiefs had never
obtained in Northern Italy, owing to the extraordi-
nary growth of maritime enterprise, the mutual jeal-
ousies engendered by conunercial rivalry, the preju-
dices of the Lombard population, hostile to the
restraints and abuses which the adoption of that
system implied, the foundation of many independent
and wealthy communities, — conditions naturally in-
compatible with the maintenance of an establishment
based upon obligations of military service and baronial
protection. In Apulia and Nortiiem Sicily, however,
Norman domination transplanted, to some extent, the
laws and customs of Western Europe, which f oimd a
congenial soil in provinces already familiar with the
exactions of Saracen despotism. But the feudal sys-
tem of Norman rule had lost much of its original
20 HiSTOEY OF THE
severity, and had been curtailed of those oppressive
privileges with difficulty endured even in countries for
centuries accustomed to the suffering and degradation
they entailed. These modifications were so extensive
and radical as to be almost revolutionary in their na-
ture. The disputes of lord and vassal, of noble and
suzerain, were decided by a court of judicature. Vil-
leinage, as recognized elsewhere in Europe, was practi-
cally unknown. While the villein was attached to the
glebe and passed with its transfer, he could not be
persecuted with impunity; he could own property and
alienate it, make wills, ransom his services, and, in
many other respects, exercise the rights of a freeman,
while still subject to the disabilities of a serf. The
days of compulsory labor enjoined upon him were
prescribed by law. His testimony was admissible in
the trial of causes; he could not be illegally deprived
of the results of his industry when his duties to his
lord had been faithfully discharged; and, imder cer-
tain circumstances, he was permitted to enter the cleri-
cal profession, whose opportunities might open to an
aspiring zealot a career of the highest distinction.
The barbarian prejudices of the Norman conqueror
survived in many institutions inherited from ages of
gross superstition and ignorance. Among these were
the absmxl and iniquitous trials by fire, water, and
judicial combat, prevalent in societies dominated
partly by priestcraft and partly by the sword. But
more correct ideas of the true character of evidence
and its application, acquired from association with a
people familiar with the codes of Justinian and Mo-
hammed, eventually mitigated the evils produced by
such irrational procedure; and, while not entirely
abandoned, its most offensive features were gradually
suffered to become obsolete. In other respects, the
admiinistration of justice — for the excellence of its
system, for the rapidity with which trials were con-
MoosiSH £mpib£ in Eubofe 21
ducted, for the opportunity afforded the litigant for
appeal and reversal of judgment — was remarkable.
Invested with a sacred character, the judge, in the
honor of his official position, was inferior to the king
alone. His person was inviolable. No one might
question his motives or dispute his authority under
penalty of sacrilege. The head of the supreme court
of the kingdom, by which all questions taken on appeal
from the inferior tribunals were finally adjudicated,
was called the Grand Justiciary. His powers and
dignity claimed and received the highest consideration.
None but men conspicuously eminent for learning and
integrity were raised to this exalted office. The Grand
Justiciary, although frequently of plebeian extrac-
tion, took precedence of the proud nobility, whose
titles, centuries old and gained in Egypt and Pales-
tine, had already become historic. A silken banner,
the emblem of his office, was carried before him. In
public assemblies and royal audiences he sat at the
left hand of the sovereign. Only the constable, of all
the officials of the crown, approached him in rank.
These unusual honors paid to a dignitary whose title
to respect was due, not to personal prowess or to
hereditary distinction, but to the reverence attaching
to his emplojnnent, indicate a great advance in the
character of a people which, but a few years before,
acknowledged no law but that of physical superiority,
no tribunal but that of arms. In the other depart-
ments of government — ^in finance, in legislation, in
the regulations of comimerce, in the protection and
encouragement of agriculture, in the maintenance of
order — ^the Norman domination in Sicily presented an
example of advanced civilization to be seen nowhere
else in Europe, except in the Moorish principalities
of Spain. The system of taxation not only embraced
regular assessments, but authorized such extraordinary
contributions as might be required for the construction
22 HiSTOEY OF THE
of great public works or demanded by the exigencies
of war. A powerful and well-equipped navy en-
forced the authority and protected the rights of the
Norman kings in the Mediterranean. In the classi-
fication of orders, ecclesiastics were not, as elsewhere,
granted extraordinary privileges by reason of their
sacred profession. Those of rank were enrolled
among the feudatories; the inferior clergy were rele-
gated to the intermediate grade of subjects placed
between the noble and the serf; all were, equally with
the laity, responsible for infractions of the laws. The
monarch was the head of the Church under the Pope;
the ofiice of Papal legate, which he usurped, was as-
simied, by a convenient fiction, to have been trans-
mitted by inheritance; he exercised the rights of the
erection of bishoprics, the presentation of benefices,
the translation of prelates, the exemption of abbeys;
he imposed taxes on the priesthood, and, when occa-
sion demanded, did not hesitate to seize and appro-
priate property set aside for the uses of public wor-
ship. In his dominions, the Pope, while the nominal
head of Christendom, was merely a personage of sec-
ondary importance, with little real influence and with
no prestige save that derived from his venerated title
and from his residence in that city which had once
given laws to the world. The Papacy, it is true, had
not yet fully established those portentous claims to
empire which subsequently brought the most remote
countries imder its jurisdiction; but its aspiring pon-
tifi^s had already laid the foundations of their despo-
tism; and this defiance of their authority, at the very
gates of the capital of Christendom, was fraught with
the most vital consequences to the future peace and
welfare of Europe.
No people presented greater variety in manners,
language, habits, and religion than that of Norman
Sicily. The mingling of strange tongues, the constant
Moorish Empire in Europe 28
recurrence of picturesque costumes, denoted the pres-
ence of many distinct nationalities. In general, al-
though close relations were maintained and intermar-
riages were common, the different races were distrib-
uted in separate quarters and districts, and existed as
castes. Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Arabic, as well as the
harsh and barbaric dialects of Germany and France,
were spoken; the laws of each nation were suffered
to prevail, except when they conflicted with the su-
preme authority; enforced proselytism and religious
persecution were unknown; and, in a society of such
a diversified character, it was impossible that national
prejudice could obtain a permanent foothold. The
tendency of public opinion, as well as the policy of
the government, was towards the indulgence of re-
ligious and intellectual freedom. In no respect was
this liberality so apparent as in the treatment of the
Jews. Elsewhere in Europe they were considered the
legitimate prey of every oppressor; liable to be trans-
ferred by entire communities, like so many cattle,
from one petty tyrant to another ; robbed and tortured
with impunity; incapacitated from invoking the pro-
tection of the laws; rendered powerless by centuries
of systematic oppression to exert the right of self-
defence or to successfully appeal to arms in an age of
anarchy and violence. In Sicily, under the Normans,
an enlightened public sentiment dictated the measures
pursued in the treatment of an enterprising but im-
fortunate people. Their usefulness to the state was
recognized by the iimmmities they enjoyed. For
generations, no badge of infamy or servitude made
them conspicuous in the crowded streets; no onerous
taxes were laid upon them as a class; they shared, in
large measure, the rights and privileges of other citi-
zens ; no tribunal was permitted to discriminate against
them in the dispensation of justice; they were not
prohibited from exercising the profession of bankers.
24 History of the
but the rate of interest they might exact was limited
to ten per cent.
The lustre of Saracen civilization was rather height-
ened than tarnished by the Norman conquest. The
stability and confidence which the rule of the victors
produced more than compensated for the damage in-
evitably resulting from their military operations. The
supremacy of law was everywhere established. Tribal
animosity, which had been the curse of Moslem so-
ciety, was suppressed, if not entirely eradicated. The
seaports increased rapidly in extent and opulence.
Palaces of equal dimensions and beauty, but more
substantial in their construction, replaced the airy and
picturesque villas which had displayed the taste of the
Moorish princes. Massive stairways afforded access
to the broad stone quays encimibered with the mer-
chandise of the Mediterranean. The narrow and tor-
tuous thoroughfares of the Orient gave way to wide
and well-paved avenues adapted to the commercial
necessities of a numerous trading population. As
formerly, under Greek and Moslem, Palermo ex-
hibited, in the highest degree, the influence and prog-
ress of the arts of civilization. Its citadel, defended
by every resource of military science, was of such
extent as to merit of itself the appellation of a dty.
Here were situated the warehouses, the bazaars, the
baths, the markets, the churches, and the mosques.
Above it rose the castle reared by the Normans, the
solid blocks which composed its walls being covered
with arabesques and inscriptions. The residences of
the merchants and the nobility were conspicuous for
their number and elegance; the royal palace was in
itself a marvel of architectural grandeur and sybaritic
luxury. But the edifices which struck the imagina-
tion of the stranger most forcibly were the two great
shrines respectively allotted to Christian and to Mos-
lem worship. Sectarian rivalry had exhausted itself
MoosiSH Empibe in Eubofe 25
in their construction and adornment. The mosque was
one of the most superb in all Islam. Its beauty was
enhanced by its rich tapestries, and by the exquisite
coloring and gilding it exhibited in the delicate carv-
ings which embellished its interior. But grand and
beautiful as it was, the Christian cathedral was gen-
eraDy conceded to surpass it in those material attrac-
tions which appeal most strongly to the senses of the
enthusiastic and the devout. Arab writers have vied
with each other in celebrating the majesty and splen-
dor of this famous temple. The combined skill of
the Moorish and the Byzantine artist had been laid
under contribution in its embellishment. The walls
were incrusted with gold, whose dazzling brilliancy
was relieved by panels of precious marble of various
colors bordered with foliage of green mosaic. The
columns were sculptured with floral ornaments, inter-
spersed with inscriptions in Cufic characters. The
lofty cupola, covered with glistening tiles, was one of
the landmarks of the capital, and, projected against
the cloudless sky, was the most prominent object which
caught the eye of the expectant mariner. Aroimd the
city, rising in terraces, like the seats of an amphi-
theatre, were the suburbs, verdant with the luxuriant
vegetation of every country that could be reached by
the enterprise of man, through whose leafy screen
appeared at intervals the gayly painted villas of the
merchant princes or the simiptuous and imposing
palaces of the Norman aristocracy.
Amidst the numerous measures originated and
brought to maturity by the new domination, it is
remarkable that no especial encouragement was
afforded to institutions of learning. A tradition
exists of the academy of the great Count Roger,
but it is only a tradition. No national university
was f oimded to perpetuate the fame or to exalt the
benefits of regal patronage. No general plan of pro-
26 HiSTOEY OF THE
moting the education of the masses was inaugurated.
The Jewish and Saracen schools, however, still sur-
vived; they were often the recipients of royal gener-
osity, and were resorted to by such Christians as were
desirous of profiting by the valuable instruction they
afforded. As elsewhere in Christendom, the clergy
were the general depositaries of knowledge, — ^an ad-
vantage which they thoroughly understood, and were
by no means willing to voluntarily relinquish. In one
respect alone their power was seriously curtailed.
The spurious medicine of the time, as practised under
the sanction of the Holy See, had raised up a herd
of ignorant and mercenary ecclesiastical charlatans.
These operated by means of chants, rehcs, and incense ;
and their enormous gains were one of the chief sources
of revenue to the parish and the monastery, and a
corresponding burden on the people. King Roger
abolished this abuse, and required an examination, by
experienced physicians, of all candidates for the pro-
fession of medicine and surgery, restricting those
whose superstition was ineradicable or whose learning
was deficient to the clandestine ministrations of the
shrine and the confessional.
In the subjugated race, which had inherited the
wisdom and experience of many ages and peoples, is
to be discerned the principal, and indeed the indispen-
sable, factor of Norman prosperity and civilization.
Its characteristics had been deeply impressed upon the
various regulations which controlled the destinies of
the island; they reappeared in the military organiza-
tion, in the civil pohty, in the social customs, in the
architectural designs, even in the religious ceremonial,
of the conquerors. The invaders were but a handful
in number; but the moral influence they wielded,
through invincible valor, prodigious personal strength,
and inflexible tenacity of purpose, at once gave them
almost undisputed ascendency. These qualities, how-
MooBisH Empibe in Europe 27
ever, could not, unaided, found or maintain a flourish-
ing state eminent in those arts which contribute to the
welfare and opulence of nations. Oriental craft,
refinement, and learning were able, however, to supply
the deficiencies of whose existence the rude and un-
polished Western adventurers were thoroughly cog-
nizant. The Moslem stood high in the confidence and
favor of the Norman princes. Quick to appreciate
and meet the exigencies of every occasion, his prowess
was invaluable in the suppression of anarchy and the
establishment of order. Saracen cavalry were enrolled
by thousands in the Norman armies. Saracen coun-
cillors stood in the shadow of the throne. Saracens
collected taxes and administered the public revenues.
They conducted, with the artful diplomacy character-
istic of their race, important negotiations with foreign
powers. Their religious assemblies were protected
from intrusion and insult with the same solicitude
which assured the inviolability of Christian worship.
The unobstructed enjoyment and disposal of real and
personal property was accorded to them by the laws.
Their impress on the customs of social and domestic
life was deep and permanent. The prevailing lan-
guage of coiui; and city alike was Arabic. Eunuchs,
in flowing robes and snowy turbans, swarmed in the
palaces of king, noble, and bishop. Dark-eyed
beauties of Moorish lineage filled the harems of the
martial and licentious aristocracy. The kadi, retain-
ing the insignia and authority of his original official
employment, was an important member of the Sicilian
judiciary. He not only determined the causes of his
countrymen, but was frequently the trusted adviser
of the monarch. From the summits of a hundred
minarets which seemed to pierce the skies, the muezzin,
shrilly intoning the prescribed verses of the Koran,
summoned the followers of Mohanmied to prayer. As
28 HiSTOEY OF THE
was Palermo, such were the other Sicilian cities, —
Messina, S3rracuse, Enna, Agrigentum.
Moslem institutions, with the powerful influences
resulting from their universal adoption, thus main-
tained an overwhelming preponderance throughout
the provinces of the Norman kingdom. Even in
Apulia and Calabria, the original seat of the new
dynasty, the same conditions prevailed. The centre
of the Papal power and of the various states subject
to its immediate jurisdiction — ^a jurisdiction already
important, but not as yet exercised with undisputed
authority — could not fail to be profoundly impressed
by the proximity of this anomalous empire; where
Christian symbols and Koranic legends were blended
in the embellishment of cathedrals; where the cruci-
fixion and the mottoes of Mohammedan rulers were
impressed together upon the coinage of the realm;
where eminent prelates owed investiture, rendered
homage, and paid tribute to the secular power; where
Moslem dignitaries not infrequently took precedence
of Papal envoys; and the hereditary enemies of
Christendom fought valiantly imder the standard of
the Cross. Nor was the eff^ect of this ominous ex-
ample confined to localities where daily familiarity
had caused it to lose its novelty. The traders who
visited the remote and semi-barbarous courts of Eu-
rope, the Crusaders who from time to time enjoyed
the hospitality of the Sicilian cities, the returned ad-
venturers who had served in the armies of the princely
House of De Hauteville, all spread, far and wide, ex-
aggerated and romantic accounts of the strange and
sacrilegious customs of the Norman monarchy. Ec-
clesiastics crossed themselves with dismay when they
heard of the honors lavished upon infidels, whose co-
religionists had profaned the Holy Sepulchre, evoking
gigantic expeditions which had depopulated entire
provinces and drained the wealth of credulous and
Moorish Empire in Exjbofe 29
fanatic Europe. Others, whom study and reflection
had made wise beyond the age in which they lived,
saw, with open indifference and concealed deUght, in
this defiance and contempt of Popish tjnranny, the
dawn of a brighter era, the prospect of the ultimate
emancipation of the human mind. The progress of
the mental and moral changes which affected Eu-
ropean society, acting through the intervention of
Norman influence in the political and religious life
of the continent, was gradual, indeterminate, and long
imperceptible, but incessant and powerful. The uni-
versal deflciency of the means of information, the
dearth of educational facilities, which promoted the
dependence of the masses upon the only class capable
of instructing and improving them, the terrible pen-
alties visited upon heresy, deferred for nearly three
hundred years the inevitable outbreak of an intellec-
tual revolution. The principles on which that revolu-
tion was based, although at first discussed furtively
and in secret, in time became so popular as to endanger
the empire of the Church and to seriously impair its
prestige.
The influence of the royal House of De Hauteville
was extended, magnified, perpetuated, by the imperial
House of Hohenstauf en. The traditions of the Arab,
inherited by the Norman, were transmitted to and be-
came the inspiration of the German. The genius of
Frederick II. impressed itself indelibly upon the en-
tire Teutonic race. It must not be forgotten that the
most formidable revolt against Papal tyranny and
corruption broke out in Saxony. The new German
Empire owes largely its conmianding position in Eu-
rope and its exalted rank in the scale of civilization
to the talents, the energy, and the transcendent wisdom
of the greatest monarch of mediaeval times.
The fierce struggle between the Papacy and the
Empire for universal rule began with the ascendency
80 History of the
of the House of Hohenstauf en, in the beginning of
the twelfth century. The princes of that House, emi-
nent for valor and diplomacy, early displayed a spirit
of insubordination towards the Holy See which au-
gured ill for the political supremacy which had begun
to be the leading object of its ambition. The Papal
power, not yet consolidated, nor even fully defined,
was unable to successfully oppose to the encroadi-
ments of the haughty German sovereigns those meas-
ures which afterwards proved so effective against the
recalcitrant monarchs of Europe in the settlement of
disputes involving its doctrines and its authority.
The chaotic state of European politics made it impos-
sible for the Pope to enlist the aid of any potentate
able to withstand the tyrants of the North, whose am-
bition aimed at the absorption of St. Peter's patri-
mony, as their insolence had already menaced the in-
dependence of his throne. Diplomatic negotiation had
proved of no avail. The once formidable weapon of
exconununication was treated with contempt. No
other resource remained. The influence of the Empire
attained its maximum during the reign of Henry
VI.; and the Pope, surrounded on every side by
powerful and determined enemies, seemed about to
be degraded to the rank of an imperial vassal, when
the sudden death of the Emperor, and the election of
one of the greatest of the Supreme Pontiffs ever
raised to the chair of the Holy See, reversed the po-
litical and ecclesiastical conditions, to all appearances
firmly established, and upon whose maintenance so
much depended, and opened the way for a train of
calamities unequalled in their atrocious character by
any acts of tyranny that have ever stifled independent
thought or retarded the progress of human civiliza-
tion.
Innocent III., when elected to the Papal dignity,
was already a man of mature years, wide experience.
MooBiSH Empibe in Eueofe 81
and established reputation. His abilities as a scholar
and a diplomatist, his familiarity with the principles
of theology and law, had made his name known and
respected throughout Europe, while the influence he
exerted in the councils of the Chiu-ch, long before his
exaltation to its highest oflSce, rendered him eminently
conspicuous in the ecclesiastical affairs of Italy. With
his extensive erudition and versatility of character
were united talents for intrigue and administration
equal to the most exacting requirements of statesman-
ship and command. Insinuating in address, jovial in
conversation, by turns haughty and affable in manner,
his unrivalled acquaintance with human nature, and
his delicacy of tact, enabled him to regulate his con-
duct and Ids demeanor according to the circumstances
of his political or religious environment. Conscious
of his commanding genius, his insatiable ambition was
not content with the enjoyment of the traditional
honors and material advantages of Papal sovereignty;
it aimed at the establishment of an autocracy, free
from the interference of earthly potentates, nominally
subject to celestial power alone, but, in fact, absolutely
irresponsible and despotic.
Such was the formidable antagonist who, at the
close of the twelfth century, confronted the majesty
of the German Empire, represented by an infant less
than four years of age. The minority of that infant,
afterwards Frederick II., was one of degrading de-
pendence and constant humiliation. His mother was
compelled to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Pope
in order to retain even nominal authority in her own
hereditary dominions. Her death left her child the
ward of the Holy See, in addition to being its vassal,
and, in consequence, the entire ecclesiastic^ polity of
his kingdom was changed; the clergy were declared
independent of the secular power; grants of real
property, confiscated by preceding emperors and
82 History of the
confirmed by long prescription, were revoked, and
the lands restored to the Chtirch; quarrels among the
turbulent nobles were industriously fomented, to
afford a pretext for Papal interference and an ex-
tension of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, for the nominal
purpose of reconciling enmities and preserving order;
the Jews and Moslems, left without a protector and
subjected to horrible persecution, were driven to the
desperate alternative of exile or brigandage. As a
result of these impolitic measures, SicUy became op-
pressed by anarchy far more deplorable and vexatious
than that product by the crimes and follies of Sara-
cen misgovemment. Its population diminished; its
prosperity declined; its commerce almost disappeared.
With the returning ascendency of the priesthood, the
evils inseparable from that condition — ^ignorance, in-
tolerance, private corruption, organized hypocrisy —
once more became predominant. The irruption of a
horde of greedy and insatiable ecclesiastics into the
rich Sicilian benefices brought with it all the abuses
of Papal Italy. Simony was openly practised. Some
priests lent money at ruinous rates of interest; some
kept taverns; others derived enormous incomes from
even more questionable places of public entertainment
The impurity of their lives and the blasphemies in
which they often indulged soon caused fhem to for-
feit the respect of their parishioners, as had long been
the case at Rome. They were so careless of the out-
ward observances and duties enjoined by their profes-
sion as to neglect the service of the altar until their
conduct became a scandal. It was a matter of com-
mon complaint that the sacred vestments were ragged
and filthy; the chalices unpolished; the sacramental
wine sour; the Host, the visible symbol of God, un-
protected from insects and covered with dust. The
habits of the clergy were incredibly vile. The more
exalted the rank and the more conspicuous the prelate,
Moorish Empibe in Europe 88
the greater was the example of pecuniary corruption
and social depravity. The revenues of the Church,
extorted from a reluctant and impoverished people,
were squandered in the purchase of fine equipages, in
sumptuous banquets, and upon rapacious courtesans.
The duties of religion were forgotten in the general
scramble for power. The palace of Palermo was the
rallying point of these ecclesiastical politicians, whose
broils and intrigues, so inconsistent with their calling,
frequently disturbed the peace of the city, and whose
vices were the reproach of a population which had
never been able to boast of a high standard of personal
morality.
The imperious spirit of Frederick, unwilling to
brook interference in the affairs of his kingdom even
from his feudal superior, first disclosed itself when
he was but fourteen years old in a dispute with the
clergy of Palermo, who appealed from his decision to
the Pope. His defiance of the Pontiff was subse-
quently of such frequent occurrence as to be regarded
as one of the leading principles of his administration.
Innocent seems to have viewed with almost paternal
indulgence the disobedience of a youth of excellent
parts and undaimted resolution, who was subject to
his authority not only as a member of the Christian
communion, but in the double capacity of ward and
vassal. His inability to appreciate the true character
of Frederick was never so apparent as when he com-
mitted the fatal error which raised that prince to the
greatest throne in Christendom. The paltry conces-
sions extorted as the price of this great dignity were
an indifferent compensation for the series of mis-
fortunes its bestowal entailed upon Europe, — ^the ran-
corous hostility of faction; the perpetuation of in-
testine conflict, with its inseparable evils, widespread
anarchy, the destruction of cities, the waste of prov-
inces, the massacre of non-combatants, the obstruction
Vol. III.— 3
84 HlSTOEY OF THE
of national progress; and the partial return to the
barbarous conditions of former ages induced by the
relentless strife of Guelf and GhibeUine. It is not the
object of this work to minutely set forth the events
of that mighty struggle. The relations of the Holy
See and the Empire are only important as they may
have affected indirectly the influence of the reforms
instituted by the great Emperor; reforms whose
foundation had been laid by two preceding dynasties
of widely different character, and whose principles de-
rived their origin from the colonization of Sicily by a
nation utterly foreign to the laws and traditions of
contemporaneous Europe.
Born under a southern sky, accustomed from child-
hood to daily intercourse with the most intellectual
society of the age, Frederick II. retained to the last
a decided predilection for Sicily, the land of his birth.
The classic memories and romantic history of that
famous island exerted over his active mind a most
potent and lasting influence. He had no sjntnpathy
with, and less inclination for, the rude and barbarous
customs, the coarse festivities, the ferocity, drunken-
ness, and bestiality of that country which was the
original seat of his royal House, tiie realm whence
he derived the proudest and most grandiloquent of
his numerous titles. Educated by two Moorish pre-
ceptors, under the superintendence of a cardinal, — ^a
curious circimistance which indicates that infidel learn-
ing had not yet entirely succumbed to ecclesiastical
prejudice, — ^he in time became proficient in all the arts
and accomplishments possessed by that remarkable
people whose erudition and industry were admired
and feared by the dominant race whose members the
fortune of arms had made the depositaries of power
and the interpreters of orthodoxy. This early, inti-
mate, and constant association with Mohammedans
and Greeks, in each of whose systems of government
Moorish Empire in Europe 85
the temporal and spiritual functions were vested in
one individual, undoubtedly suggested to the mind of
the Emperor the stupendous project of merging the
Papal oflSce in the imperial dignity, — a combination of
two despotisms under a single head, whose powers, of
uncertain and indefinable extent, could not be ques-
tioned without incurring the penalties of both treason
and sacrilege, and whose jurisdiction would eventually
embrace the habitable world. The political and ju-
dicial systems instituted and perfected by Frederick
II., remarkable in themselves, become almost marvel-
lous when considered in relation to the era of their
establishment, the difficulties encoimtered in their
application, and the antagonism of the privileged
classes whose designs they interfered with and whose
abuses they were intended to correct and restrain.
Two questions of paramoimt importance engaged
the attention of this enlightened prince, questions
containing in themselves the solution of every admin-
istrative and every social problem, — ^the promulga-
tion of law and implicit obedience to its mandates, and
the adoption of measures which might secure the
greatest attainable happiness of the people. To the
accomplishment of these noble and praiseworthy ends
the talents and energy of the great ruler were con-
stantly devoted, — ^in hours of triumph and in hours of
humiliation; when engrossed with the cares of a vast
and seditious empire; in the deserts of Syria; in the
very face of death; in the bitterness of spirit induced
by shattered dreams of long-nourished ambition.
The evils incident to a protracted minority had
manifested themselves with more than ordinary promi-
nence in the Kingdom of Sicily. The supervision of
the Pope had, as usual, been imif ormly exercised for
the benefit of the ecclesiastical order and the aggran-
dizement of the Holy See. A fierce and rapacious
aristocracy, impatient of restraint and eager for inno-
86 HiSTOEY OF THE
vation, defied the laws, and wreaked their hereditary
vengeance upon each other with every circumstance of
merciless atrocity. The mass of the poptdation, prob-
ably composed of more diversified elements and na-
tionalities than any commxmity of equal numbers in
the world, unable to prosper and scarcely able to live,
endeavored to obtain, by different methods, exemption
from the intolerable persecution of their enemies.
The Greek, with the craft of his race, attached him-
self to the faction which, for the time being, enjoyed
the best prospect of success. The Jew purchased a
temporary inmiimity by the volxmtary surrender of
the greater part of his possessions. Alone among his
companions, the Saracen took up arms. His martial
spirit and the numbers of his countrymen obtained
from his turbulent and disorganized adversaries a tacit
recognition of independence, which the rugged nature
of the country that contained his strongholds did not
a little to confirm. In the effort to re-establish the
royal authority, the Saracens rendered invaluable as-
sistance ; they were among the first to assemble around
the imperial standard; without their co-operation the
result would have been imcertain; and their valor and
fidelity preserved the empire of Frederick, as that of
their fathers had consolidated the power of the Nor-
man domination.
The jurisprudence of the Emperor was based upon
and included the system established by the Normans.
Its rules were modified and improved as experience
had suggested would be expedient and profitable. The
main objects of the laws were the extinction of feudal
tyranny, and the enjoyment of private liberty so far
as it was not inconsistent with the prerogatives of the
crown. No monarch of ancient or modem times was
more solicitous for the happiness of his subjects, and
none ever more fully appreciated the fact that the test
of a nation's greatness is the benefit derived by man-
MooBisH Empire in Europe 87
kind from its works, its history, its example. The
difficulties encoimtered in the formation of a imif orm
code which could be enforced in such a cosmopolitan
society as that of Sicily seemed insuperable. Feudal
rights and ecclesiastical exemptions; the privileges of
the Jews and Saracens, founded on prescription and
confirmed by tribute; the jealous contentions of many
forms of religious belief; the perpetual encroach-
ments and usurpations of pontifical authority; the
skepticism of Moslem philosophers, and the fanatical
rage of persecuting zealots, — ^all of these antagonistic
rights, claims, prejudices, and prerogatives it was
necessary to correct, rearrange, amend, and embody
in one practical, efficient, and harmonious system.
The task, though stupendous, was not beyond the
abilities and constructive genius of the great law-
giver. The turbidence of the nobles was firmly re-
strained. All members of the clerical order were
rendered amenable to the laws of the reahn in cases
which concerned the dignity and traditions of the em-
pire. In matters relating to marriage alone they were
permitted to exercise jurisdiction over those who had
not taken the tonsure; the assent of the Emperor was
necessary to the validity of an election; the prelate as
well as tibe layman was compelled to assist in defray-
ing the expenses of the government; nor, in any way,
could he escape the discharge of duties enjoined by the
Imperial Code or plead immunity from burdens neces-
sary to the security of the state or the enforcement of
order. The law of mortmain, framed imder the direc-
tion of the Emperor, preceded the famous statute of
Edward I., of which it was the prototype, nearly a
century. Upon every individual the maxim was con-
tinually impressed that the sovereign was the fountain
of justice, authority, and mercy. The criminal pro-
cedure, foimded on Norman precedents, was singu-
larly free from the legal atrocities generally prescribed
88 History of the
by feudal regulations; the penalty of death was only
inflicted for the most heinous offences ; mutilation was
seldom permitted except in the cases of incorrigible
criminals; torture, while recognized, was one of the
rarest of punishments. The courts were invested with
every outward circumstance of ofiicial pomp and dig-
nity. From the decision of the supreme tribimal there
was no appeal; even in the monarch vexatious litiga-
tion was systematically discouraged; judicial bribery
was considered a crime of peculiar infamy; and the
practice of holding the magistrate responsible for the
maintenance of peace in his district was a most efiicient
check upon the violence and depredations of profes-
sional malefactors.
In the statutes relating to the detection and punish-
ment of heresy, the character of Frederick appears to
singular and manifest disadvantage. His long wars
with the Pope, his close intimacy with infidels, his op-
pression of ecclesiastics, the repeated acts of sacrilege
of which he was guilty, the blasphemous speeches con-
stantly upon his tongue, the profane and mysterious
studies in whidi he delighted, his employment of and
confidence in wizards and astrologers, demonstrate
beyond contradiction the weakness of his faith or the
prof oxmdness of his hypocrisy. But the latitude of
opinion and conduct which he allowed himself was in
an inverse ratio to that which he vouchsafed to others.
No familiar of the Inquisition ever pursued heretics
with greater zeal or pertinacity than the famous mon-
arch whose name is constantly associated with all that
is liberal, enlightened, and profitable in the annals of
human progress, an inconsistency all the more glaring
in a prince whose favorite sentiment was, " The glory
of a ruler is the safe and comfortable condition of the
subject." History has never been able to advance a
satisfactory or even a plausible explanation of this
anomaly; its cause, at this distance of time, must re-
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 89
main forever unknown, and may be ascribed, for want
of a better solution, to the innate perversity of the
human mind, which often by a single glaring defect
obscures the brilliant lustre of a character eminently
conspicuous for every princely quality, for every gen-
erous impulse, and for every literary and artistic
excellence.
His commercial regulations were among the princi-
pal sources of Frederick's power and greatness. His
genius perceived at a glance the vast advantages which
must result from an interchange of commodities with
maritime nations; and, in the application of this prin-
ciple, every facility was afforded those bold spirits
whose energy the expectation of gain or the love of
adventure directed into the channels of trade. Treaties
more liberal in their provisions and more profitable in
their effects than any which had heretofore been
adopted by the powers of the Mediterranean were con-
cluded with the greatest mercantile commxmities of
Europe, — Constantinople, Venice, Genoa, — as well as
with Damascus and Alexandria and the Moorish
principalities of Africa and Spain.
The intimacy maintained by Frederick with Mo-
hammedan sovereigns contributed greatly to the pros-
perity of his dominions. The Sultan of Egypt was
his friend. The Emir of Tunis was his tributary.
With the other Moslem princes he was on the best
of terms. Treaties of commerce, framed for mu-
tual advantage, were frequently negotiated with these
potentates, who were only too willing to discriminate
against other European monarchs in favor of the
Emperor of Germany. In 1241, on the arrival of the
Imperial ambassadors, Cairo was illuminated in their
honor. The trade of Sicily extended to India. The
luxuries of the Orient were brought to the ports of
Palermo and Messina. In their markets the arms, the
jewels, the stuffs, the porcelain, of coimtries remote
40 History of the
from civilization found a ready sale. In return, im-
mense quantities of grain and manufactured articles
were exported. It has been established upon un-
doubted authority that white female slaves of Chris-
tian birth formed no inconsiderable portion of the
commodities dealt in by the subjects of Frederick II.
The fortunate geographical situation of Sicily, her
magnificent harbors, the productiveness of her soil, the
excellence and variety of her manufactures, had, in
all ages, been factors of paramount importance in her
commercial development. That development was now
materially aided by the reciprocal observance of hu-
mane and courteous regulations, hitherto unrecognized
in the intercourse of nations during the Middle Ages.
Merchants in foreign ports were received with lavish
hospitality; distrust of strangers gradually subsided;
and imf ortunates, cast away at sea, were no longer
compelled to endure both the violence of the elements
and the heartless rapacity of ferocious outlaws or
amateur freebooters. In the widely distributed com-
merce of the monarchy the crown enjoyed no insig-
nificant share. The ships of Frederick were anchored
in every harbor; his warehouses were filled with the
choicest and most costly fabrics of every country ; and
his agents, conspicuous for their enterprise and daring,
collected, in the distant and almost unknown regions
of the Orient, articles whose sale would most contribute
to the benefit of the royal treasury. The principles of
free trade seem to have been first promulgated in the
maritime code of Sicily. The Emperor, however, in
the application of those principles, evinced no reluc-
tance in discriminating against his own subjects, whose
vessels were not permitted to clear for foreign ports
until those of the crown had been a certain time at sea.
Every branch of conunerce paid tribute to the im-
perial merchant. His ships carried pilgrims to the
Holy Land. The grain he annually sent to Africa
MooBiSH Empike m Eubofe 41
returned an enormous and certain profit. His trade
with India brought into European markets objects of
unfamiliar uses and elaborate workmanship, whose
rarity often increased their great intrinsic value. His
friendly relations with Mohanunedan princes, begun
during the Crusade and terminated only by his death,
made him frequently the recipient of magnificent
presents. We read that on one occasion an eastern
potentate sent him a dozen camels laden with silver
and gold. All ships trading to Palestine were required
to bring back a cross-bow for each of their cables, a
measure which, while it replenished the royal arsenals
with the most effective weapons of the age, was
free from the dangers of official incapacity or cor-
ruption, and entailed no expense on the government.
A great fleet of galleys, commanded by the Grcnoese
admiral Spinola, maintained the naval power of the
kingdom and protected the coasts from the depreda-
tions of pirates.
In the internal administration of the kingdom, the
most progressive and equitable ideas of commercial
honor and common advantage prevailed. No duty
could be levied on articles of necessity transported
from one province to another. While monopolies were
not forbidden, they were restricted to the crown, and
the oppression resulting from this measure in other
countries was not felt by the subjects of Frederick.
Annual fairs were held in all the principal cities;
markets existed everywhere. Taxes were apportioned
according to the wealth of the district where they were
to be collected. Constant war made these impositions
onerous at times, but there was some relief in the
knowledge that the clergy were forced to contribute
their share to the public burdens, an inconvenience
from which they were elsewhere exempt. The coinage
was one of the purest, the most convenient, the most
beautifully executed lliat had ever been put in drcu-
42 History of the
lation by any government. Agriculture, still largely
in the hands of the Arabs, was carried to the highest
perfection. Every plant or tree, whose culture was
known to be profitable and which could adapt itself
to a soil of phenomenal fertility, was to be found in
the gardens and plantations of Sicily. The regula-
tions of the kingdom concerning the rural economy of
its people were minute and specific, even paternal, in
their character. They were especially exact in details
when directing how ttie royal demesnes should be ad-
ministered. Records were kept of the crops produced
in each district. Inventories of all the stock, poultry,
grain, and fruit were made each year; the methods of
their disposition and the prices they brought were
noted on the public registers. The very uses to which
even the feathers of the domestic fowls were destined
was a matter of ofiicial inquiry. The breeds of horses,
asses, and cattle were improved ; the greatest care was
taken of these animals. Food, which after experiment
was found to be the most nutritious, was adopted ; and
the Emperor, whose interest in these matters was stim-
ulated by the profit he derived from his stables, per-
sonally scrutinized their management with the most
assiduous care. The supervision exercised by govern-
ment ojBBicials over all occupations was most precise,
and must have often proved vexatious. Weights and
measures were prescribed by law, and any departure
from honest dealing in this respect was visited with
the severest penalties. OflScers were appointed in
every town for the detection of false weights and
the sale of spurious merchandise. The laws of hy-
giene were imderstood and enforced with a degree of
intelligence luiknown to many European communities
even at the present day. Unwholesome provisions
could not be exposed for sale in the markets. Trades
offensive to the senses or injurious to public health
were prohibited within the walls of cities. A depth
MooBiSH Empire in Eueope 48
was prescribed for graves, that the exhalations pro-
ceedmg from them might not contaminate the air. No
carrion was permitted to be left on the highways.
In questions of legislation, as well as in those re-
lating to political economy, the kingdom of Sicily
was far in advance of its contemporaries. The con-
stitution of England, and especially the organization
of the House of Conmions, owe much to the Sicilian
Parliament. While the duties of its members were
ordinarily confined to the registering of royal edicts
and the imposition of taxes, it presents the first ex-
ample of a truly elective, representative assembly that
is mentioned in history. From the institutions of
Frederick, his relative, Alfonso X. of Castile, appro-
priated many of the legislative and judicial provisions
of Las Siete Partidas, — a compilation for which that
monarch is principally entitled for his fame. France
and Germany also ultimately experienced the imper-
ceptible but potent impulse conununicated to society
by the supremacy of law over theology, which had its
beginning in Sicily during the thu^eenth century.
Extensive and important as were the reforms of
Frederick, it was from the munificent and discerning
patronage extended to science and literature that is
derived his most enduring claim to the gratitude and
conmiendation of posterity. The impressions im-
parted by Moslem taste, in the prosecution of early
studies, during the formation of his character, never
lost their power. His court was frequented by the
most accomplished Jews and Arabs of the age. They
were the favorite instructors of youth. Their opin-
ions, drawn from the sources of classic and Oriental
learning, were heard with respect and awe, even by
those who dissented from their creeds and deprecated
their influence. They filled the most responsible and
lucrative offices of the government. Admitted to
friendly and confidential audiences with the sover-
4i4 HiSTOEY OF THE
eign, who, himself an excellent mathematician, de-
lighted to pose them with abstruse problems in
geometry and algebra, their philosophy was regarded
with signal disfavor by distinguished prelates that
daily, in halls and antediambers, impatiently awaited
the pleasure of the Emperor. So fond was Frederick
of these intellectual diversions, that he sent certain
questions for solution to the Mohammedan coimtries
of Africa and the East; but no one was found com-
petent to answer them until they reached the court of
one of the princes of Moorish Spain. One of the most
accomplished of linguists, Frederick sedulously en-
couraged the study of languages throughout his do-
minions. Arabic, Hebrew, and Greek were imder-
stood and spoken by all who made any pretensions
to thorough education. Naples and Salerno were the
most famous seats of learning in that epoch, — at the
former was the University established by the Em-
peror; the Medical College of Salerno is justly cele-
brated as one of the most extraordinary academical
institutions that has ever existed. The Faculty of
the University was composed of the most eminent
scholars who could be attracted by ample salaries, the
prospect of literary distinction, and the certain favor
of an enlightened monarch. The resources of all
countries were diligently laid imder contribution to
insure the success of this noble foxmdation. The
popularity of Frederick with the Moslem princes of
the East gave him exceptional facilities for the ac-
quirement of literary treasures. The collections of
Egypt and Syria and of the monasteries of Europe
were ransacked for rare and curious volumes with
which to furnish the library of the great Neapolitan
college. No city was better adapted to the necessities
of a large scholastic institution than Naples. Its situ-
ation in the centre of the Mediterranean, the salu-
brity of the climate, the cheapness and variety of its
Moorish Empibe in Eusofe 45
markets, offered unusual inducements to poor and
ambitious students desirous of an education. Their
interests were protected and their security assured by
special and rigorous laws. Extraordinary precautions
were taken to prevent their being molested during
their journeys to and fro. The prices which might
be charged for lodging were clearly and definitely
established. Provision was made for loans, at a
nominal interest, to such scholars as did not have the
funds requisite to successfully prosecute their studies.
The preparatory schools of the kingdom were con-
ducted with equal care and prudence, and nowhere
else in the world, in that age, could educational ad-
vantages of a similar character be enjoyed as in the
Sicilian dominions of the Emperor.
Great as it was, the reputation of the University
of Naples has been eclipsed by the superior renown
of the Medical College of Salerno. There the study
of surgery and medicine was pursued under the eyes
of the most learned and distinguished practitioners
of every nation familiar with the healing art. Igno-
rance of any language could scarcely be an impedi-
ment to the student, for instruction was given in
Latin, Greek, German, Hebrew, Arabic. Scientific
methods were invariably observed in its curriculum.
The prevalent superstitions, which, encouraged by the
clergy, appealed to the credulous fears of the vulgar,
were contemptuously banished from its halls. While
the School of Salerno had existed since the eighth
century, and, from its origin, chiefly owed its fame
and success to Arabic and Jewish influence, it attained
its greatest prosperity xmder the fostering care of
Frederick II. The writers principally relied on by
its professors were Hippocrates and Galen, whose
works had been preserved from barbarian destruction
or oblivion by the Saracens of Egypt and Spain. But
while these venerable authorities were always quoted
46 HiSTOEY OF THE
with reverence, no obstinate adherence to tradition, no
devotion to errors consecrated by the usages of cen-
turies, characterized the College of Salerno. Its
spirit was eminently progressive, inquisitive, liberal.
The monk, the rabbi, the imam, the atheist, were nimi-
bered among its teachers, and each maintained a posi-
tion among his fellows in a direct ratio to his intellec-
tual attainments. This anomalous condition, the more
conspicuous in an era of general ignorance, and flour-
ishing under the very shadow of the Papacy, itself
inimical to all pursuits which tended to mental prog-
ress and interference with its spiritual emoluments,
rendered the existence of such an institution all the
more remarkable. To its researches are to be attrib-
uted many maxims, theories, and methods of practice
still recognized as correct by modem physicians. Its
investigations were thoroughly philosophical and
based largely upon experiment. Information was
communicated by lectures; anatomical demonstra-
tions, as in modem times, were considered among the
most useful and valuable means of instruction. Medi-
aeval prejudice still opposed the mutilation of the
himian form, which, with the sectarian prohibition
of ceremonial uncleanness, had long before been over-
come by the Moorish surgeons of Cordova; and, in
the Salemitan chnic, anatomists were forced to be
apparently content with the dissection of hogs and
monkeys. In secret, however, human bodies were not
infrequently delivered to the scalpel, and the ofiices of
many internal organs were observed and determined
by the aid of vivisection, — a practice indispensable to
a proper understanding of surgery, yet reprobated,
even in our age of scientific inquiry, by a class of
noisy, but well-meaning, fanatics. The imsatisfac-
tory memorials of the School of Salerno which have
descended to us^ — ^some of doubtful authenticity,
others of unknown derivation — nevertheless disclose
MooBiSH Empibe IK EuBOFE 47
the extraordinary discoveries its professors had made
in anatomy; among them those of the f mictions of
the chyle ducts» of the lymphatic system, of the capil-
laries, which then received their name ; of the different
coats and humors of the eye; of the phenomena of
digestion, together with detailed descriptions of the
office of the ovaries and their tubes, whidi anticipated
the researches of Falloppio by more than four himdred
years. Specialists then, as now, devoted their talents
to the improvement and perfection of certain branches
of medical science. There were many celebrated ocu-
lists and lithotomists, and practitioners who were
highly successful in the treabnent of hernia, of me-
chanical injuries of every kind, and of the diseases of
women. The rules of hygiene, the properties of the
various substances of the Materia Medica, the prin-
ciples of pathology and therapeutics, as laid down by
the faculty of Salerno, have been transmitted to us
in a lengthy and curious poem entitled, " Flos Medi-
dnae Scholse Salerni," popularly known as Regimen
Sanitatis.
This extraordinary production, none of which is
probably later than the twelfth century, and whose
origin is unknown, has been ascribed by Sprengel to
Isaac ben Solomon, a famous Jewish practitioner of
Cordova, who died in 950. Careful examination, how-
ever, discloses the fact that it is not the work of a
single hand, but a compilation of various medical pre-
cepts and opinions belonging to different epochs. In
its prologue, the pre-eminent value of temperance in
all things is diligently inculcated:
" Si vis incolmnem, si vis te vivere sanum:
Curas linque graves, irasci crede prof anum.
Parce mero, coenato parmn; non sit tibi vanum
Snrgere post epnlas; somimm fnge meridianum.
Si tibi deficiant Medici, medici tibi fiant
Hec tria; mens laeta, requies^ moderata dieta."
48 HiSTOBY OF THE
It also contains hints on diagnosis and prognosis; in-
formation indicating no small degree of anatomical
and physiological knowledge; formulas for antidotes
of poisons; advice for the care of the body dming
every month in the year; and astrological indications
of the favorable or malign influence of the signs of
the zodiac and the stars. From the following couplet,
designating the Seven Ages of Man,
" Infans, inde puer, adolescens, jnvenis^ vir,
Dicitur inde senex, postea decrepitus/'
seems to have been derived the inspiration of the
familiar lines of Shakspeare.
The vitiated taste of an age not yet fully acquamted
with the properties of correct literary composition
caused the incorporation of verses into many of its
most serious and dignified productions. These di-
dactic poems seem singularly out of place in a medi-
cal treatise, and especially so where, as is usually the
case, the poetry is, in both matter and harmony of
numbers, below mediocrity.
Apothecaries and chemists, of whom a competent
knowledge of drugs was required, were subject to the
corps of physicians who were forbidden to join in
their enterprises or share their profits; they were
sworn to obey the Code; the number of pharmacies
was limited; and they were liable to the visitation of
imperial inspectors responsible for the purity of their
merchandise and the observance of the law. The pre-
cautions required in the sale of poisons; the directions
for compounding electuaries and syrups; the most
approved methods for the preparation of the love-
potions believed to be so efiicacious by mediseval cre-
dulity; the fabrication of charms for the prevention
of disease, are all set forth in the Salernitan Code with
minute and tedious exactness.
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe 49
In the city were many hospitals, the oldest of which
was established in the ninth century, and was con-
temporaneous with similar institutions founded by the
Ommeyade dynasty of Cordova. Some of them were
richly endowed, others were entirely supported by
charitable donations. The strict requirements of
medical police were recognized in the isolation of
patients suffering from contagious diseases. A sys-
tematic distinction was observed in the purposes of
these beneficent foimdations; they were of various
classes and devoted to the care of the poor and the
homeless, to the protection of invalid females of rank
and fortune, to the support of foundlings; and the
most intelligent treatment of every malady was
gratuitously afforded. The members of monastic
orders, for the most part, had charge of the hospitals,
and acted in the capacity of nurses and attendants.
The regulations of Frederick, who imited the vari-
ous schools of Salerno into one vast institution of
medical learning, exacted the possession of the high-
est abilities, dexterity, and experience by the expectant
practitioner. A preparatory course of three years in
the general branches of literature and philosophy was
required of him. Five years at least were to be de-
voted to study in the colleges, and one year was then
to be passed under the eye of an experienced physician
before the aspirant for professional distinction was
pronounced competent to prescribe for the suffering.
The remarkable attainments and skill of Roger of
Parma, the great surgeon, who was famous for the
treatment of wounds and fractures and the extirpa-
tion of tumors and polypi; of Maurus, Gaulterius,
and Matthew Silvaticus, who published treatises on
phlebotomy, general practice, and the Materia
Medica; of Garipontus, an expert in operations
for calculus and other diseases of the pelvic organs;
of Giovanni da Frodda, the accomplished court
Vol. IIL-4
50 HiSTOEY OF THE
physician of Frederick II., all graduates of the
School of Salerno, are conspicuous in the annals of
mediasval surgery and medicine. Then first appeared
the patronymic of Farragut — ^afterwards destined to
such renown in the naval history of the New World
— borne by a Jew of Messina, who was educated at
Salerno and MontpeUier, and whose translation of the
" Continent" of Rhazes, made in the latter part of the
thirteenth century, was dedicated to Charles of Anjou,
brother of Louis IX., King of France.
Students of both sexes were permitted to enjoy the
rare advantages afforded by the School of Salerno;
no prejudice hampered the acquisition by woman of
medical knowledge, in whose application her natural
acuteness and sympathy rendered her remarkably pro-
ficient and successful. Many female physicians rose
to great eminence in the different departments of their
profession as lecturers, chemists, operators: among
them the names of Rebecca, who wrote on fevers and
the embryo; Abella, on generation and prenatal life;
Trotula, on the Materia Medica, hernia, and obstet-
rics; Mercuriade, on general surgery; and Costanza
Colenda, whose scientific accompUshments, as well as
her beauty, made her famous in Europe, have de-
scended to our time. A college of midwifery existed
at Salerno, whose graduates were subjected to exami-
nations fully as strict as those required of candidates
for medical honors, and who, sworn to fidelity, en-
joyed a lucrative practice in the opulent families of
Naples and Messina. Although a lofty sense of pro-
fessional etiquette distinguished the faculty of Sa-
lerno, imperial supervision, which, under Frederick,
found nothing too minute for its attention, carefully
protected the public from extortion. Fees were fixed
by law; their amounts were regulated by circum-
stances. Even the ordinary number of visits required
in a given time was defined; and attendance was
MooBisH Empibe in Eubofe 51
accorded without charge to the poor. In our age,
so prolific of professional incompetence, the exalted
rank and profound attainments of the graduates of
the Salemitan school may well excite astonishment;
amidst the darkness of mediaeval ignorance it was the
educational and literary phenomenon of Europe.
A generous patron of every art and occupation
which could embellish his domains, benefit his subjects,
or enrich his treasury, the Emperor gave also much
attention to great public works, — ^the fortification of
cities, the improvement of harbors, the construction
of highways. His palaces disclosed a marked parti-
ality for Moorish customs and Moorish architecture.
Some of these beautiful edifices had come down from
the Saracen domination, but many were constructed
after the plans of the royal architect, who personally
superintended their erection. They were finished with
costly marbles and adorned with bas-reliefs, statues,
and paintings. The eagles of Germany were sculp-
tured over their portals. Outworks of vast extent
defended their approaches. In all were courts and
gardens odorous with the blossoms of jasmine and
orange and surroimded by secluded apartments des-
tined for the occupants of the imperial seraglio. At-
tached to some of these delightful retreats were exten-
sive menageries, aviaries, and miniature lakes filled
with gold and silver fish. There was no appliance of
Oriental luxury, no means which could contribute to
the gratification of the senses, that was not to be found
in the Sicilian palaces of Frederick II. In the foun-
dation of new cities, extensive districts were depopu-
lated to provide them with inhabitants. This arbitrary
proceeding was often a measure of profound policy,
which insured the good behavior of a turbulent popu-
lation that, removed from the influence of former
associations, transplanted among strangers, and re-
garded by their new neighbors with suspicion and hos-
}
52 HiSTOEY OF THE
tility, were rendered incapable of serious mischief. In
this manner was established the Saracen colony of
Lucera, whose members, composed of rebellious Mus-
sulmans of Sicily, became, soon after their settlement,
the most faithfiil subjects of Frederick and the chief
support of the imperial throne.
That city was built on the slope of the Apennines,
in a location most advantageous for both the purposes
of commerce and defence. Its citadel was a mile in
circuit and protected by fortifications of enormous
strength. In the centre stood a lofty tower, at once
the palace and the treasury of the Emperor. Fred-
erick neglected no opportunity of gratifying the pride
and confirming the attachment of his Saracen sub-
jects. The spoils of the Papal states were lavished
upon them. The trade of the colony was encouraged
by every available means. Armorers and workers in
the precious metals were imported from Syria. From
Egypt came laborers highly skilled in horticulture.
Great orchards were planted in the environs. The
soldiers of the imperial body-guard were Moslems of
Lucera. Splendidly uniformed and mounted, they
were constantly on duty at the palace, on the march,
in the camp. Conspicuous in the funeral escort of the
deceased monarch, their duties were only relinquished
at the grave.
The maintenance of this infidel stronghold in the
heart of Christian Europe was a standing reproach to
the Papacy; and the horror of the clergy was aggra-
vated by the knowledge that churches had been de-
molished to supply it with building materials; that
the revenues of rich and populous districts were di-
verted through its agency from the coffers of the
cathedral and the monastery; that it enjoyed exclu-
sive and valuable commercial privileges; and that,
worst of all, it was able at a moment's notice to furnish
more than twenty thousand well-equipped, valiant.
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 58
and incorruptible soldiers to the armies of the Em-
peror,
The patronage of letters, which distinguished this
accomplished sovereign, is not the least of his titles to
renown. No prince ever sought out books and manu-
scripts with greater assiduity, or more strenuously
endeavored, by the bestowal of scholastic honors and
pecuniary emoluments, to attract the learned to his
court. Nationality, creed, partisanship, feudal en-
mity, private grudges, were alike forgotten in the
friendly contest for literary pre-eminence. In the
royal antechambers, in the halls of the University, no
student was entitled to precedence, save only through
his established claim to mental superiority. The in-
cessant rivalry of many acute and highly cultivated
intellects, stimulated by rewards and unhampered by
restrictions, was productive of results most important
for the revival of letters and the future benefit of
humanity. Great advances were made in all depart-
ments of knowledge, — chemistry, natural history,
botany, poetry, mathematics. The famous scholar,
Michael Scott, whose rare attainments contemporane-
ous ignorance attributed to magic, and whose simple
tomb in Melrose Abbey awakens to-day the veneration
of every educated and appreciative traveller, was em-
ployed by the Emperor as a translator of the classics,
and carried to Palermo vast stores of learning ac-
quired in the schools of the Spanish Moslems. Theo-
dore, called " The Philosopher," published treatises on
geometry and astrology; John of Palermo wrote on
arithmetical problems; Leonardo Fibonacci brought
to the general notice of Europe the science of algebra
as known and used in modem schools; the versatile
Pietro de Vinea, statesman, jurist, orator, amused his
leisure in the composition of the first Italian lyric
poetry, and of epistolary correspondence unsurpassed,
in any age, for perspicuity, ease, and elegance of
54 HiSTOEY OF THE
diction. Frederick himself wrote amorous somiets,
and published in Latin a work on hawking and birds
of prey, which is even now an authority on the sub-
ject. The apocryphal book, De Tribus Impostoribus,
an alleged compendium of blasphemy and vileness,
attributed to him by the clergy of the Middle Ages,
is now known to have been an invention of ecclesiasti-
cal malice to blacken a character only too vulnerable
to such attacks. At the Sicilian court was formed that
melodious and graceful idiom afterwards employed
with such success by Petrarch, Dante, and Boccaccio.
The political, social, and literary revolutions of seven
centuries have not materially altered the grammatical
construction or orthography of the beautiful language
spoken and sung by the knights and ladies of Pa-
lermo. The enduring fame of such an achievement
far exceeds in value and utiUty the temporary and
barren distinctions obtained by tiie gaining of battles,
the sack of cities, the plunder of baronial strongholds,
and the humiliation of popes.
Such was the Emperor Frederick II., and such the
civilization which, inspired by Moslem precept, tradi-
tion, and example, his commanding genius established
in Southern Europe. Not only was he the most intel-
ligent, but he was the most powerful and illustrious
sovereign of his age. In addition to the imperial dig-
nity, he possessed the titles of King of Naples and
Sicily, of Lombardy, of Poland, of Bohemia, of Hun-
gary, of Denmark, of Sardinia, of Aries, and of
Jerusalem. In birth and afSnity he was first among
the great potentates of the earth. He was the grand-
son of the famous Barbarossa and of King Roger of
Sicily. He was the uncle of Jaime I. of Aragon, Lo
Conquerador. He was the father-in-law of the Greek
Emperor of Nicea. He was the son-in-law of the
Latin Emperor of Constantinople. He was the
brother-in-law of the King of England. His rela-
MooBiSH Empibe in ExmoFE 55
tions with the Sultan of Egypt, dictated, in a meas-
ure, by state policy, but for the most part prompted
by personal admiration, were of the most social and
friendly character. He exchanged gifts with the
chief of the execrated Ismailian sect known as the
" Old Man of the Mountain." Community of ideas,
tastes, languages, and mercantile interests, which he
shared with Mohammedan rulers, confirmed the inti-
macy already long existing between the Kingdom of
Sicily and ihe fragments of the Hispano-Arab em-
pire. His authority was respected from the Mediter-
ranean to the Baltic; his matrimonial connections
made his influence felt from the banks of the Nile to
the Pillars of Hercules. It was this power, exercised
over a territory of vast extent and imlimited resources,
added to a consciousness of pre-eminent ability, that
suggested to Frederick a renewal of the ancient Car-
lovingian jurisdiction, and the daring but imprudent
attempt, by usurping the prerogatives of the Papacy,
to realize a dream of more than imperial ambition.
That dream contemplated the foundation of a na-
tional, schismatical church, of which he was to be the
head and Pietro de Vinea the vicar. The Pope was
to be restricted to the exercise of spiritual functions,
and finally deposed. In the Emperor were to be
centred all the glory, the majesty, the sanctity, of an
omnipotent ruler, presumably responsible only to the
Almighty; really the sole arbiter of the religious
professions and the actions of mankind. How the
demands of such a system, which must necessarily
be maintained, to a certain extent, by intellectual
coercion, could be reconciled with the broad and
eqiiitable tolerance which was for the most part the
distinguishing characteristic of the policy of Fred-
erick, does not appear. The claim was, as has already
been mentioned, that ecclesiastical supremacy was
vested in the secular power of the empire, and dated
56 History of the
from the time of the Roman emperors. They were
the Supreme Pontiffs from whom the Pope derived
his title, but not his authority. That oflSce was merged
into, and was inferior to, the imperial dignity. Its
inheritance by the monarch of Italy rested upon a
more secure basis than the ambiguous and disputed
commission alleged to have been conferred upon the
fisherman of Galilee. Its validity had been strength-
ened by centuries of prescription. It had been exer-
cised by many generations of sovereigns. The minis-
trations of the chief priest of a sect embracing millions
of worshippers, the revered intermediary between the
devotee and Heaven, are only too easily conf oimded
with the attributes of divinity. These advantages
were early recognized and dQigently improved by
Constantine. The Byzantine emperor was the head
of the Greek Church. In Mohanmied temporal and
spiritual functions were united. Such examples, con-
stantly present to the mind of Frederick, exerted no
small influence in determining his course. In the eyes
of his Sicilian subjects, the claim of the Imperial
Crown to religious supremacy was regarded as a royal
prerogative, which had been suspended but never re-
linquished. The usurpation of the Papal power was
a favorite project of European monarchs in succeed-
ing ages. It was seriously meditated by Philippe le
Bel in France diuring the fourteenth century. It
was effected by Henry VIII. in England during the
sixteenth century. The defiance of the Pope by the
great German Emperor was, even at the distance of
three hundred years, one of the inspiring causes of
the Reformation. The spirit of intellectual liberty,
oppressed at first, was victorious in the end.
The genius of Frederick II. was five centuries in
advance of his time. His most intelligent contempo-
raries were incapable of understanding his motives
or of appreciating his efforts for the regeneration of
MooBisH Empire in Europe 57
humanity. No individual of that age accomplished
so much for civilization. He improved the condition
of every class of society in his dominions. He dif-
fused the learning of the Arabs throughout Europe.
He imparted a new impulse to the cause of education
in distant countries not subject to his sway; an im-
pulse which, while it was often impeded, was never
whoDy suppressed. His liberal ideas excited the ab-
horrence of the devout. His superstitions evoked the
anathemas of the clergy. In his expedition for the
recovery of the Holy Sepulchre, his guards and coim-
dllors were Mohammedans. He attended service in
the mosques. He knighted the Emir Fakr-al-Din at
Acre. He feasted the envoy of the Sheik of the As-
sassins at Amalfi. At his court the astrologer was a
more important personage than the logothete.
Under the administration of this great prince per-
sonal merit was the best title to official promotion.
His most eminent ministers were of plebeian origin.
From them he exacted unremitting attention to their
duties. His suggestions to his ambassadors recall the
maxims of Machiavelli. As a negotiator, he had no
rivals in an age of shrewd and crafty politicians. His
erudition was vast, varied, and profound. To aid the
study of natural history he collected extensive menag-
eries. He read medical works and prescribed rules of
hygiene for his family and household. With his own
hands he drew the plans for his palace at Capua.
Magnificent hospitals, aqueducts, bridges, castles,
arsenals, arose in the imperial domains of Sicily
and Italy.
With all his accomplishments, Frederick was singu-
larly deficient in military ability and generalship. He
cared more for the pomp than for the victories of
war. His crusade was a campaign of diplomacy.
The defeat he sustained at the hands of the Parme-
sans, and which shook the foundations of his throne.
68 HiSTOEY OF THE
was effected by a rabble of peasants and women who
attacked his camp while he was absent on a himting
excursion.
The gorgeous court of Palermo, with its stately
ceremonial, its heterodox opinions, its intellectual at-
mosphere, and the predominant Moslem influence
which controlled its policy, prescribed its customs, and
contributed largely to its importance, was at once the
envy and the scandal of Christendom. The bulk
of the imperial armies was composed of Saracens.
Philosophers and statesmen of the latter nationahty
often engrossed, to the exclusion of all others, the
confidence and intimacy of the Emperor. His dif-
ferent consorts, in turn, subjected to Oriental restric-
tions, were attended by guards of African eunuchs,
colossal in stature, hideous in feature, splendidly
apparelled. His harems, luxuriant establishments,
not confined to Palermo, but scattered through the
cities of Southern Italy, were filled with Moorish
beauties from Syria, Egypt, Morocco, and Spain. A
number of their occupants always formed part of his
retinue in both peace and war. They journeyed after
the fashion of the East, in closed litters borne by
gayly caparisoned camels. Arab ladies, as remarkable
for wit and learning as for their personal charms,
mingled freely with the brilliant society of the capital.
Among the diversions of the court were the dances
of the East, feats of jugglers and buffoons, amatory
improvisations of minnesinger and troubadour, games,
falconry, literary contests, magnificent banquets. In
these merry assemblies, where pleasiu-e reigned su-
preme, the sensual was, however, never permitted to
prevail over the intellectual; they were enlivened by
philosophical discussions, by the application of prov-
erbs, by the stories of travellers, by the recitation of
ballads.
The personal aspect of Frederick did not corre-
Moorish Empike in Eueope 59
spend to the expectations of those who had formed
an ideal from the fame of his talents and the extent
of his erudition. His stature was short, his shoulders
bent, his form ungainly and corpulent. He was bald
and near-sighted. His reddish beard indicated the
lineage of the Hohenstaufens. So insignificant was
his appearance, that an Arab writer, who saw him
at Jerusalem, asserts, with astonishment and contempt,
that if he had been exposed for sale as a slave he
would not have brought two hundred drachms of
silver. The general lustre of his character was marred
by many serious and fatal defects. He was tyranni-
cal, perfidious, hypocritical, superstitious, and inordi-
nately dissolute, even in a licentious age. The domestic
relations of the greatest of mediaeval emperors were
the reproach of the Papacy and the horror of Chris-
tian Europe. Like the infamous Marquis de Sade,
he considered tears and sufi^ering the most desirable
prelude to hbidinous pleasures. The festivals of the
imperial palace of Palermo were enlivened by the
performances of the singing- and dancing-girls of the
East. European females of the same profession,
during the Crusade, travelled in the royal train to
Acre, where the novelty of their appearance and cos-
tume amused the idle moments of tiie Moslem princes
of Egjrpt and Syria. Nothing in the career of Fred-
erick provoked the ire of the clergy more than this
concession to infidel curiosity. The gigantic Nubians
who watched over the Empress, and whose faces were
compared to " ancient masks," awakened the amaze-
ment of foreign travellers at the Sicilian court.
The most frightful torments, whose ingenious
cruelty was long remembered with fear and hatred,
were inflicted on his victims. Many were dismem-
bered by wild horses; some were crushed by ponder-
ous cloi^s of lead; others were slowly roasted by fire
applied to brazen helmets in which their heads had
60 HiSTOEY OF THE
been encased. The special objects of these punish-
ments were the partisans of the Pope, who were
charged with the offences of both heresy and rebellion.
In the orders issued to his agents, he showed that he
was an adept in the arts of deception. Devoted to
the forbidden science of astrology, he became the
dupe of charlatans; and even the consimtmiation of
his marriage with the Princess of England was de-
ferred until the position of the planets was declared
to be favorable. His genius was essentially Italian.
From eariy childhood he had been familiar with the
arts, the schemes, the casuistry, of unprincipled priests
and politicians. In the formation of his character
these associations had exercised a most pernicious in-
fluence. His education and experience had led him
to doubt the existence of the virtues of truth, patriot-
ism, integrity. He never forgave an injury to him-
self or an insult to his dignity. He sacrificed, without
compunction, ministers who had long served him in
the most responsible employments, who had profited
by his generosity, who had shared his confidence. His
utter want of feeling is revealed by a saying attrib-
uted to him which is more remarkable for its energy
than its elegance, " I have never fattened a hog
except to obtain its lard."
His philosophical indifference to religion did not
prevent him from posing as the representative of the
orthodox faith and the restorer of primitive Chris-
tianity. He compared himself to Elias and to Christ.
He humbly solicited enrolment among the monks of
Casamara. In a communication to the successor of
St. Francis of Assis, he declared his belief in the
Scriptures and his hope of eternal salvation. He
presided over important religious festivals and as-
sumed the most prominent part in the celebration of
their ceremonies. On his death-bed, he wished, in
token of his pretended reverence for the humblest
Moorish Emfibe in Eubope 61
ministers of the Gospel, to be clothed with the cowl
of a Cistercian friar. Policy caused him to thus pro-
fess allegiance to the Church, but there is little doubt
that he was an unbeliever, perhaps an atheist. In
unguarded moments he scoffed at all religion. One
of his favorite jests was in ridicule of the Eucharist.
He criticised Divine Wisdom for the selection of the
barren land of Palestine, instead of the rich and fer-
tile Sicily, as the abode of the chosen people. In the
very cradle of Christianity, at the spot once sanctified
by the presence of the Saviour, he edified his Moslem
hosts by comparing the throngs of pilgrims who
crowded to the shrine to droves of the most stupid and
unclean of animals. His unflinching antagonism to
the Papacy caused the clergy and the rabble to regard
him as Antichrist. He was deposed by the Coimdl
of Lyons; was four times excommunicated by the
Pope; and was repeatedly disciplined by inferior
prelates. In the implacable contest which broke his
power and destroyed his house, the ecclesiastical au-
tocracy of Rome, for the moment, triumphed. The
civilization he had fostered was checked and ob-
scured. His treasures were scattered. His libraries
disappeared. The last of his race perished ignomini-
ously on the scaffold. But the spirit of independent
thought which he promoted, and whose exercise he
bequeathed to posterity, survived the attack of intoler-
ance and tyranny, to be revived in a better and a more
auspicious age.
The South of France, not as yet incorporated into
the monarchy, but existing as a semi-independent
state, and governed by the Count of Toulouse, one
of the most powerful feudatories in Europe, was the
scene of another great mediaeval revolt of the human
mind against Papal despotism and intellectual servi-
tude. From a period so remote that its beginning is
lost in tradition, that region had been the seat of a
62 History of the
splendid civilization^ at once the exemplar and the
pride of antiquity. The Phoenicians had early estab-
lished trading-posts on its shores, and had introduced,
with the commercial policy and enterprise of their
race, the arts, the learning, and the culture which had
laid the foundation of the wealth and renown of
Carthage. To the Phoenicians succeeded the Greeks
of Phocaea, that flourishing Ionian seaport which, for
dignity, elegance of manners, and erudition, ranked
among the most famous cities of the Grecian name.
Its principal colony, MassiUa, exercised dominion over
nearly all of the territory south of the Loire; a ter-
ritory already rich and populous, and containing,
among the twenty-five important cities subject to its
jurisdiction, such great and opulent conununities as
Monaco, Nice, Aries, Nimes, Beziers, Avignon. Un-
aided by extraneous support, the people of Massilia,
in spite of the efforts of barbarian neighbors and
jealous rivals, preserved their poUtical and mercantile
importance until their conquest by Cssar degraded
their conunonwealth to a subordinate rank among the
provinces composing the gigantic fabric of the Ro-
man Empire. The policy of that great soldier de-
spoiled them of their dependencies, crippled their
resources, and turned to letters and the arts the restless
spirit which had formerly been engrossed by the pur-
suits of commerce and the exercise of arms. Before
its i)olitical annihilation, the colony of Massilia, in
extent, in population, in wealth, and in intelligence,
ranked higher than any Grecian republic that had ever
existed, save Athens alone. Its possessions were not
acquired by conquest. They were gradually absorbed
through the imperceptible influence of superior knowl-
edge, the example of prosperity and luxury, the
acuteness of sagacious and aggressive rulers, the ex-
hibition of magnificent monuments of artistic genius.
Under the Romans, this region, designated as Narbon-
Moorish Empire in tluBOPE 68
nese Gaul, was one of the most flourishing provinces
of the empire. Its literary culture was proverbial. Its
schools were famous. It is mentioned by Livy as
having preserved without contamination the arts, the
manners, and the laws of Greece. The ancient polity
of Massilia is eulogized by Cicero as a scheme of
almost ideal perfection. The philosophers of that city
enjoyed such a reputation for learning, that the pa-
tronage of such of the Roman youth as were ambitious
of the most finished education was equally divided
between it and Athens. The first three professors of
Latin rhetoric at Rome were Gauls educated at Mas-
silia. Its intellectual progress was greatly assisted
by the mercantile spirit of its citizens, whose faculties
were developed and enlarged by constant and familiar
intercourse with other nations. Its navigators pos-
sessed all the skill and activity of their Phoenician
ancestors. Their vessels were seen on the western
coast of Africa, in the Euxine, in the Baltic, in the
distant fjords of Norway. Their factories and their
agents were established in Germany and Britain.
Their internal trade was most extensive and impor-
tant. They traversed the course of the Rhone and
the Loire from their sources to the sea. Every tribe
in communication with those waterways paid tribute
to their shrewdness and shared the benefits of their
experience. The Greek language was familiar to the
inhabitants of Gaul; it was even adopted and used
by the Druidical priesthood, and eventually became
the general medium of commercial and social inter-
course. The dark and cruel superstitions and legends
of the country were supplanted by the elegant and
graceful fictions of Paganism; by the songs, the
dances, the floral games, the pomp of sacrifice, the
joyous festivals, which characterized the religious
ceremonials of Greece and Italy. The existence of
sudi conditions could not fail to exert a marked
64 HiSTOEY OF THE
effect upon the minds of a people, barbarous indeed,
yet highly susceptible to impressions which appealed
equally to its imagination and its interest. Narbon-
nese Gaul, under the emperors, maintained the literary
and artistic pre-eminence which had, from time im-
memorial, distinguished it among the provinces of
Western Europe. The most copious, elegant, and
euphonic of languages was still spoken throughout
the various mimicipalities that formerly acknowledged
the jurisdiction of the Massilian Republic. The capi-
tal was especially renowned for its philosophers and
physicians; for its patronage of letters; for the re-
finement of its society; and for the number and
excellence of its educational institutions, which, in the
estimation of many distinguished Romans, took pre-
cedence of the schools of Greece. Imperial favor
bestowed upon the Narbonnese province monuments
whose perfection was eminently worthy of the taste
and splendor of the Augustan age. Its cities were
adorned with beautiful temples, porticos, and theatres.
In the gardens were peristyles of precious marble,
mosaic pavements, superb f oimtains, vases filled with
flowers, and statues of gilded bronze. Sumptuous
baths administered to the luxury of the populace. In
the circus, the chariot race displayed a pomp but little
inferior to that exhibited by the imperial spectacles of
Rome. Aqueducts of colossal dimensions brought,
for a distance of many leagues, the water demanded
by the requirements of an inunense population. In
no portion of the Roman world have such a variety
of the architectural memorials of classic elegance
survived as in the district of Provence and Langue-
doc. From the magnificent ruins that still remain,
we are enabled to form a grand but inadequate idea
of the structures created by imperial munificence and
Grecian taste which have perished by the neglect and
the violence of thirteen centuries. After the Roman
Moorish Empire in Europe 66
came the Goth, and then the Arab, himself at first
but a marauder. By degrees, however, his nobler in-
stincts obtained the mastery over his love of rapine;
his predatory strongholds were transformed into
centres of trade; and with the habits and religion of
the Orient were introduced all the benefits and all
the vices of its voluptuous existence. The Moorish
principality of Narbonne was subject to the Western
Emirate only forty years; yet, during that short
period, the impressions produced by Moorish occu-
pancy were so deeply stamped upon the mental and
physical characteristics of the population that no sub-
sequent revolutions have ever been able to entirely
efface them. The practical genius of the Arab, whidi
considered utility as the first and most valuable of
all the objects of civilization, was again exhibited in
the improvements applied to all the arts and avoca-
tions of life which sprang up in the track of his vic-
torious armies. The Oriental principles of agricul-
ture, with its painstaking tillage of the soil, its perfect
irrigating system, its introduction of foreign plants,
were applied with wonderful success to the delightful
region watered by the Bhone and the Garonne. Many
varieties of grain, including the buckwheat, originally
brought from Persia, and which at that time obtained
its significant name of sarrasin, were imported from
Spain. The bark of the cork-tree, still one of the
greatest sources of wealth to Catalonia and Provence,
was then first made known to Europe. The boundless
evergreen forests on the slopes of the Pyrenees were
utilized for the manufacture of pitch and rosin. In
every district, the breed of horses was improved by
crosses with the best blood of Arabia. Innumerable
articles of luxury preserved in museums and private
collections — ^beautiful objects of silver, ivory, and
crystal, damascened armor, and silken robes — attest
the variety and excellence of the Moorish manuf ac-
VoL. III.— 6
66 HiSTOEY OF THE
tures. The popular dances and other amusements of
Southern France are also striking reminiscences of
the Moslem ascendency. While Arabic literature
must have exercised an important influence upon the
public mind of Provence and Languedoc, no histori-
cal information has been transmitted to us relative to
its character, and even its existence during this period
is largely a matter of conjecture. There is no doubt,
however, concerning the effects subsequently pro-
duced by familiarity with Moorish civilization, estab-
lished by conquest and perpetuated by the aid of mer-
chants and travellers. The learning, the elegance, the
refinement, and the infidelity of the court of Cordova
were carried beyond the Pyrenees. The writings of
Averroes and other Arabian philosophers were studied
with pleasure by the scholars of Southern France.
That entire region was more Mohammedan than
Christian and more infidel than either. The nobles
adopted polygamous habits and maintained harems
filled with concubines. A thriving trade in eunuchs
was carried on with the Spanish Arabs, whose profits,
it was notorious, were principally engrossed by eccle-
siastics. A passionate love of poetry developed the
troubadour, a most important factor of European in-
tellectual progress, and the counterpart and repre-
sentative of the Arab bard, whose improvisations had,
from time immemorial, been the delight of the emo-
tional tribes of the Desert. A language infinitely
sweeter and more melodious than modem French, and
exhibiting a strong similarity to the Italian formed
at the court of Frederick II., became the vehicle of
charming poetical compositions, which satirized the
lives of the priesthood, recounted the achievements
of the tournament and the foray, and celebrated, in
graceful and rhythmic hyperbole, the beauty and
fascinations of woman. This tongue, known as the
Langue d'Oc, while indirectly derived from the Latin,
Moorish Empibe in Europe 67
owed, in fact, nothing to classic associations or influ-
ence. It was the first of the numerous family of
l&i^guages and dialects of Roman origin which, during
mediaeval times, attained to any marked degree of
perfection in grammatical construction or in elegance
of expression. It is a significant fact that it only
obtained a permanent foothold in countries once sub-
ject to Arab domination. It spread eventually all
over the South of Europe. It was spoken in Valencia,
Barcelona, and the Balearic Isles, whose dialects are
now corrupted forms of the ancient Limousin. The
productions of which it formed the medium were read
in Italy, Germany, Sicily, and England. It adapted
itself with such ease to the purposes of the poet that
it almost seemed constructed especially for that va-
riety of composition. It early incurred the hostility
of ihe Church on account of the Albigensian heresy;
and in 1248, Innocent IV., by a special bull, forbade
its study to all good Catholics. The rapidity with
which it was perfected, the extent of its distribution,
the number of provincial dialects to which it gave rise,
the richness of the literature which adopted it, and
the suddenness and completeness of its extinction con-
stitute one of the most interesting and extraordinary
phenomena in the annals of linguistics.
The literary and social' condition of Southern
France was, with the single exception of Sicily, which
bore to it a remarkable resemblance, anomalous among
the countries of civilized Europe. Its population was
singularly cosmopolitan; half a score of races had
contributed to its formation; it had inherited the cult-
ure of the Greek, the Roman, the Arab; mixture of
Uood and comparison of creeds had produced uni-
versal toleration of belief and widespread and un-
compromising skepticism. In its courts, its schools,
its learned professions, Semitic ideas, traditions, and
influence preponderated. Not a few Moslems had
68 HiSTOEY OF THE
established themselves in the cities of Nimes, Nar-
bonne, and Toulouse, and the Jews abounded in every
community which afforded encouragement to scien-
tific attainments or f aciUties for traffic. The system
of public instruction was essentially Hebrew; the
faculty of the famous medical school of Montpellier,
the successful competitor of that of Salerno, was at
first principally composed of Jews and Mohamme-
dans, and retained for centiuies, amidst foreign con-
quest and domestic convulsion, the impress derived
from the character of its founders. The closest rela-
tions were maintained between the academies of
Languedoc and those of imperial Sicily and Moorish
Spain. This intimacy was strengthened by the multi-
plicity of mercantile transactions arising from a con-
stant interchange of commodities dependent upon a
vast and profitable trade. The capitals of Cordova,
Seville, and Palermo were better known to the people
of Provence than any of the Mediterranean cities to
the inland towns of continental Europe; now, great
centres of wealth, conmierce, and civilization; then,
despised as semi-barbarous and rarely visited. The
continuance of this friendly intercourse with Moham-
medan countries, confirmed at once by congenial pur-
suits and by the powerful influence of pecuniary
advantage, was portentous in its efi^ects, and boded
ill to the propagation of Christianity and the main-
tenance of ecclesiastical discipline. The succession of
numerous forms of worship, distinct in their origin,
unlike in their ceremonial, irreconcilably hostile in
their polity, each asserting divine infallibility, yet
each, in turn, overthrown by a new and more popular
belief, was not favorable to the existence of any
religion. Strongly attached to the cheerful festivals
of Paganism, the inhabitants of Southern France had
embraced the precepts of the Gospel with insincerity
and reluctance. Their disposition, their traditions, the
MooBi8H Empibe in Eubofe 69
souvenirs of classic magnificence and beauty which
surrounded them, all contributed to confirm the deeply
grounded affection they entertained for the creed of
their fathers. Nowhere else in Christendom was such
a spectacle presented of all that is attractive to the
luxurious, and all that is admired by the intellectual,
as that disclosed by the life of the polished and cor-
rupt society of Southern France. That entire region
was subjected to the highest cultivation of which the
soil, naturally fertile and improved by every resource
of scientific agriculture, was susceptible. The cities,
large and populous, enjoyed every advantage of
wealth which could be derived from an extensive
traffic. Beziers had sixty thousand inhabitants, a
larger number than any town in England. Nimes,
Aries, Carcassonne, were but little inferior in size and
grandeur. Every commercial device was familiar to
the people. Their shrewdness was proverbial. Their
trade was enormous. A knowledge of banking and
bills of exchange, with many important fiscal regu-
lations, had been introduced by the Jews of Barce-
lona.
Toulouse, one of the most beautiful and licentious
of mediaeval capitals, was the focus of this splendid
civilization. It was the seat of the Muses, the home
of chivalry, the goal of every devotee of love and
of ambition. There the knightly adventurer sought
distinction in the tournament and the tilt of reeds,
martial amusements borrowed from the Moor.
Thither journeyed the troubadour and the jongleur,
sure of hospitality and reward in palace and castle,
in the comfortable home of the merchant, in the
humble dwelling of the laborer. There was crowned
the poet, successful in the literary contest, two hun-
dred years before the laurel was placed upon the brow
of Petrarch in the Capitol at Rome. There were held
the Courts of Love, where women argued and deter-
70 HiSTOEY OF THE
mined, with all the grave impartiality of a judicial
tribmial, questions involving the laws of gallantry,
their observance and their violation. The potentate,
who, imder the modest title of count, governed this
great and opulent realm, enjoyed a larger measure
of authority than most representatives of the royal
houses of Europe. His family was of high antiquity,
and its rank dated back for many centuries. The rich
fiefs of Beziers, Foix, Quercy, Montpellier, and Nar-
bonne, with their numerous important dependencies,
acknowledged his authority as suzerain. Wealthier
than any of his Christian contemporaries, he was more
powerful in all the attributes of monarchical dignity
than the King of France. His dominions included the
greater part of the territory south of the Loire, ami
embraced the fertile and flourishing districts bounded
by the Garonne, the Isere, the Mediterranean, and the
Alps. He had achieved renown in the Crusades. His
sword had won for him the principality of Tripoli.
He had been an unsuccessful but prominent competi-
tor for the throne of Jerusalem. In his public rela-
tions he was the soul of chivalric courtesy; in his
personal habits a fastidious voluptuary; in belief a
skeptic; in tastes a Mohammedan. The conspicuous
valor he displayed on the fields of Palestine was, in
some degree, neutralized by a moral cowardice which
instinctively shrank from a conflict involving the
dearest privileges for which humanity can contend,
— ^the preservation of political integrity and the exer-
cise of the right of intellectual freedom. Brave, im-
petuous, sensual, vacillating, and insincere, such was
Raymond VI., Count of Toulouse, the representative
of the most polished and dissolute state in Europe.
The political organization of the various cities and
provinces composing the County of Toulouse pre-
sented a strange anomaly. Some were, in all but
name, republican; their magistrates, under the title
Moorish Emfibe in Exjeope 71
of consuls, administered the affairs of government,
and were elected by the public voice of the people.
The civil regulations of others partook rather of the
nature of feudal tenures in which the most oppressive
privileges had been relaxed or entirely disdiarged.
But neither the feeble copy of the institutions of
ancient Rome nor the barbarous laws of mediaeval
tyranny were sufficient to compel the obedience of
such a heterogeneous population. The authority of
the elective magistracy was frequently defied. The
fealty of the great vassals was but nominal. The
jurisdiction of the suzerain was, under various, and
sometimes under frivolous, pretexts, questioned or ig-
n(»-ed. There was no organized military power to
enforce the mandates of the ruling authority. Ener-
vated by pleasure, the people of Languedoc and
Provence passed their existence in a constant round
of intellectual diversions and refined sensuality. The
martial sports of the chase and the tourney did little
but recall the profession of arms, once the only occu-
pation worthy of the dignity of the mediaeval cava-
lier. Thus, broken up into semi-independent com-
munities, destitute of military resources, and incapable
of systematic defence or united action, the power of
the Count of Toulouse was ready to crumble at the
approach of the first resolute aggressor. The civili-
zation represented by that power lacked the indispen-
sable essentials of every permanent government, —
loyalty and religion. Want of centralization, and a
multiplicity of rulers, weakened the patriotic attach-
ment of the people, and discouraged the growth of an
enlightened and healthy public sentiment. National
pride could not exist when there was no royal per-
sonage to whom all could appeal, no conmion country
to exalt and defend. In addition to these serious im-
pediments to durability and progress was added an
absolute want of religious feeling. Numerous causes
72 HiSTOEY OF THE
had combined to produce this condition. Comparisons
of many forms of faith had exposed their defects and
inconsistencies, and led to a general rejection of them
all. The Crusaders had familiarized all Europe, and
especially France, with the manners and religion of
the Mussulmans. Hundreds of enterprising mer-
chants had assumed the cross, much less for the piety
it was presumed to indicate and the sacred privileges
it conferred, than for the worldly advantages to be
procured by traffic with distant, and otherwise in-
accessible, regions. Their glowing reports of Oriental
civilization had dissipated the remaining prejudices of
a people whose intercourse with the Moslem kingdoms
beyond the Pyrenees had long predisposed them in
favor of a race held in peculiar abhorrence by the See
of Rome. The silks and gold of Syria and Egypt
appealed far more eloquently to the passions of the
multitude than the genuflexions of the priest or the
rosary and cowl of the friar. Even the sacred pro-
fession was invaded by the prevailing spirit of tolera-
tion, itself dependent on material interests; the in-
ferior clergy dealt as brokers in the money gf the
East, and from the mints of bishops and metropolitans
were issued coins impressed with Mohammedan texts
and symbols. In addition to this* extraordinary parti-
ality for infidel customs, and the practical renunciation
of tiie vow of poverty, which were calculated to arouse,
especialy among the vulgar, a suspicion of heterodoxy,
the entire body of the Proven9al clergy had become
thoroughly debased and profligate. Those of high
rank vied with the nobles in prodigal and ostentatious
luxury. Prelates constantly abandoned the duties of
their office for the fascinations of the chase and the
licentious pleasures of intrigue. They travelled in
state with numerous trains of ladies and attendants,
the richness of whose appointments rivalled that of a
royal equipage. The Archbishop of Narbonne kept
Moorish Empibe in Eubope 78
in his pay a band of foreign outlaws who levied black-
mail on opulent citizens, and who, protected by their
ecclesiastical patron, defied the weak and disorganized
civil power of the land. In every gay assembly where
the song of the troubadour recoimted the triumphs
of love and gallantry, or aimed its satirical shafts at
the failings of the priesthood, the bishop was fore-
most in laughter and applause. It was a common
saying among the people that while the apostles were
poor, their successors, plunged in luxury, " loved fine
horses and splendid garments, white women and red
wine." The vices of the higher class, confirmed by the
possession of great wealth and secure from the censure
of ecclesiastical tribunals, surpassed, in turpitude and
effrontery, the excesses of any other society then exist-
ing in Christendom.
The episcopal dignitaries were usually of noble
blood and connected with the most ancient and distin-
guished families of France. Not so, however, with the
inferior members of the hierarchy. The avarice, the
extortion, the hypocrisy, the drunkenness, and the de-
bauchery universally imputed to all included in that
sacred profession had made it infamous. The prel-
ates, indeed, enjoyed all that could be purchased or
exacted by eminent birth, boundless opulence, and
irresistible power. The priests, however, were nearer
the people, and were taken from the lowest ranks of
society. Such was their degradation, that it had
passed into a proverb. The populace, by way of im-
precation, were accustomed to say, " May I become a
priest before I do such a thing I" Livings were filled
exclusively from the ranks of the coarse and brutal
peasantry, for no citizen of the middle class would
permit his son to be disgraced by the assumption of
the tonsure. Even respectable vassals recoiled from
the equivocal honors of the Church, and the lords, who
regarded the tithes as a portion of their legal per-
74 History of the
quisites, were forced to select as candidates for holy
orders the most ignorant and degraded of their de-
pendents and slaves. The rude manners and vicious
tastes engendered by a debased and plebeian origin
increased the hatred and contempt of the scoffing
multitude. In some parts of Languedoc public feel-
ing ran so high against the clergy, that priests, to avoid
personal violence, were forced to conceal from the
passers-by all outward evidences of their calling.
The Pope, long aware of the insults offered to his
dignity and of the evils which threatened the faith
of Rome, had frequently condemned m xmmeasured
terms the conditions which imperilled the existence of
all religion in the South of France. Ecclesiastical
fulminations, however, possessed no terrors for the
blithe and careless inhabitants of Provence and Lan-
guedoc The Papal bulls only furnished another
amusing theme for the sarcasm of the poet. Inter-
dicts, elsewhere so potent, in that land, alone of all
those subject to Christian authority, were treated with
derision. The pretensions of the legate of the Apos-
toUc See were ridiculed in his very presence, and even
the Holy Father himself was not able to escape the
raillery and censure of those whom experience had
made acquainted with the shocking venality and license
of the Roman court. Every vestige of moral influence
upon which rested public consideration for the clergy
had disappeared. The churches were all but deserted.
Latin, the language of the altar, had been discarded
for the Langue d'Oc, the idiom of the skeptical and
the dissolute. In many parishes bells had ceased to
announce the hour of worship, for no one heeded
them. The priest, intent on his pleasures, was only
too ready to abandon the duties enjoined by his call-
ing, especially when there were few to Usten and still
fewer to contribute. The revenues of the Church,
greatly diminished, were diverted into channels en-
Moorish Empibe in Exjeofe 75
tirely foreign to the purpose for which they had nomi-
nally been collected. Some were appropriated by the
nobles, whose vassals had been presented to livings.
Vast sums were squandered by licentious prelates in
vices whose enormity appalled every sincere Christian.
The greatest profite which enured to the benefit of
the clergy were derived from the uncanonical and pro-
hibited practices of simony and usury. No efi^ort was
made to conceal the existence of these abuses, and the
ecclesiastical residence was generally recognized as the
head-quarters of brokerage in bills and benefices.
Thus had the Roman Catholic Church, by the cor-
ruption and effrontery of its ministers, forfeited the
respect of mankind. Its edicts were disregarded. Its
lessons were unheard. The pious turned with loathing
from the hypocritical exhortations of religious teach-
ers whose lives were stained with every crime, and
whose conduct presented examples of flagrant in-
iquity, which fortunately had few parallels outside
of their profession. The reverence once attaching to
the Vatican was sensibly impaired. While its policy
encouraged the promotion of the humble, its authority
necessarily suffered through the enrolment into the
priesthood of men without education, refinement,
honor, decency, or independence. Public respect
could not be retained by a class degraded by servile
associations and still subject to the arbitrary caprices
of a secular lord. As in every community are to be
found many individuals to whom religion is a neces-
sity, so in the Proven9al cities and villages devout
persons turned from the ancient and discredited
hierarchy to other quarters for the inestimable con-
solations of forgiveness and hope. Such conditions
infallibly generate heresy, and the eagerness and
unanimity with which heterodox opinions were
adopted in that populous region demonstrated at
once the extent of the evil and the necessity for the
76 HiSTOEY OF THE
radical measures by which its removal was acccom-
plished.
The centre of intellectual culture in Southern
France was the UAiversity of Montpellier. It has
been well said that the history of the faculty of that
famous institution is to a great extent the history of
medicine in Europe. During the early part of the
twelfth century, MontpeUier was the most important
emporium of France, The trade of the entire country
converged to that point. Its commercial establish-
ments were upon a colossal scale. Its population was
cosmopolitan. The conquests of Ferdinand and
Jaime, the occupation of Cordova, Seville, Majorca,
and Valencia had attracted to Languedoc, and espe-
cially to its most thriving city, tens of thousands of
Mohammedan refugees. The Jews had long been
numerous in that region, and were already conspicu-
ous for wealth, intelligence, and power.
From that epoch dates, in reaUty, the f oimdation
of the University. A school of medicine had existed
there for nearly a century, but to the influx of Moorish
and Hebrew learning must be attributed the reputa-
tion soon obtained by that institution throughout Eu-
rope. The majority of its professors belonged to
those two nationalities. They brought with them the
experience, the methods, the remedies, and the instru-
ments of the most eminent and successful practitioners
of the Peninsula. Many of them from time to time
visited the colleges of Granada and Toledo for the
purpose of adding to their stock of information, and
of profiting by the superior facilities those schools
afforded. A broad and catholic spirit controlled the
organization and the policy of the University. Sec-
tarian prejudice was unknown. Teacher and scholar
were free to worship according to their belief, or to
entertain and express the most radical philosophical
opinions. Intellectual attainments and marked ability
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 77
were the principal qualifications for admission to the
Faculty.
The Lords of Montpellier, and subsequently the
Kings of France, were the patrons of the school.
They conferred upon it at different times great and
extraordinary privileges. The rights it had enjoyed
under the Count were confirmed by the sovereign.
Philip of Valois, in 1881, by a special edict placed
its doctors under the royal protection. Charles VI.,
in 1850, granted its beadles permission to carry silver
maces as symbols of its dignity. The Duke of Ara-
gon, in 1864, exempted it from taxation. The patents
of Charles VIII., in 1484, transferred all causes in
which the professors and students were interested to
the jurisdiction of the Governor of Montpellier. The
execution of legal process could only be made in the
presence of the Chancellor. To the officers of the
Faculty were committed the supervision and inspec-
tion of the apothecary shops of the city, in order to
insure the purity of the medicines dispensed.
At Montpellier were performed the first public ana-
tomical demonstrations of Christian Europe. The
surgical investigations of the School of Salerno had
been principally confined to the lower animals. Moor-
ish and Hebrew operators carried into France the
advanced ideas of Mohammedan Spain, which, in
defiance of ancient prejudice and mediaeval supersti-
tion, sought for the knowledge of the location and
functions of the human organs in the intelligent and
systematic dissection of the human body. In the
thirteenth century, the corpse of a criminal was every
year given to the Faculty of Montpellier for this
purpose. Two hundred years elapsed before sinular
demonstrations were authorized by the University of
Paris.
The Medical Academy of Montpellier inherited the
energetic and progressive spirit of its prototype, the
78 HiSTORT OP THE
University of Cordova, It absorbed all the available
learning of antiquity. It adopted the maxims and the
methods of the great Arab surgeons and physicians of
the Peninsula. Among its most celebrated professors
were graduates of the School of Salerno. It utilized
the talents and experience of famous practitioners of
every country and of every creed. There the works
of Hippocrates and Galen were translated from tiie
Arabic, in which idiom they had been preserved, into
the Latin, by which they were to be transmitted to
posterity. There the learned disquisitions of Aver-
roes, Avicenna, Rhazes, and Abulcasis were enriched
with volimmious and invaluable commentaries.
A long and thorough course of study was required
to obtain the title of Doctor. The office of Chancellor
was one of great dignity, and carried with it many
privileges. It may well be imagined that ecclesiastical
imposture could not flourish in the shadow of such an
institution. Such was its influence, even with a class
naturally hostile, that as early as the last half of the
twelfth century the First and Second Councils of
Montpellier prohibited all members of the clergy from
teaching medicine, under severe penalties. The scien-
tific character of the studies piursued in that city, and
the success of those who profited by them, discredited
the practice of shrine-cure and the imposition of relics.
The theological odium attaching to the University was
not less than that which had stigmatized kindred seats
of learning among the Arabian infidels. Many works
of its professors were publicly burned by the Inquisi-
tion.
And yet no class of men was more highly esteemed
by the orthodox sovereigns of Christendom than the
graduates of the University of Montpellier. They
were the friends and confidants of popes and kings.
Their heretical principles were forgotten at the bed-
side of the sick and the afflicted. Arnold de Villanova
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 79
was the physician of Clement V., of Peter III., King
of Aragon, of Frederick II., Emperor of Germany.
Guy de Chauliac was the regular medical adviser of
Clement VI., of Innocent VI., of Urban V. While
its greatest reputation is derived from its influence on
medicine, the labors of the School of Montpellier
were not confined to that science. They gave rise to
many valuable contributions to various branches of
literature. The astronomical researches of the Span-
ish Jew, Profatius, in 1800, — ^his tables of longitude;
his calculations, which established the declination of
the sun and the inclination of the earth's axis, by
means of which terrestrial motion was conclusively
demonstrated, have not lost their authority in our
time.
The treatises of Gordonius on Diseases of the Kid-
neys, of Gerard de Solo on Hygiene, of Raymond
de Vinario on the Plague, indicate to the medical
scholar the extraordinary accomplishments of the
members of the Faculty of Montpellier. The great
work of Guy de Chauliac on General Surgery was the
main reliance of European operators for two hundred
and fifty years.
The mad extravagance of the Provencjal nobility,
their lavish expenditures, the pomp of their retinues,
their efforts to surpass in prodigality and luxury the
splendid festivals of imperial Rome, aroused the
wonder of Europe. Their chargers were shod with
silver. Their dogs wore collars set with precious
jewels. It was an ordinary occurrence for a wealthy
lord to scatter great sums to be scrambled for by the
populace. One sowed like seed thirty thousand gold
crowns in the neighborhood of his castle. Another
enriched his poble guests by the bestowal of gifts of
incalculable value. A third sacrificed upon a funeral
pyre, in the presence of an immense assemblage, thirty
of his finest horses. There was apparently no limit to
80 HiSTOEY OF THE
the intoxication produced by the pride, the opulence,
and the voluptuousness of Proven9al society. In that
society differences in rank were not so sharply defined
as in those of other countries. The serf, indeed, re-
tained his degradation; but the ordinarily intermedi-
ate class of burghers were practically the equals of the
feudal aristocracy. Many of them boasted a purer
and a more distinguished lineage. They used coats
of arms. They had their mansions, their embattled
castles, their bodies of organized retainers. They
excelled in martial exercises, and it was no unusual
occurrence for knights who had crossed swords witih
the infidels of Palestine to be worsted by them in the
tournament. The title to noble rank was thus to a con-
siderable extent connected with municipal residence.
In the cities all was splendor, gayety, courtesy. Out-
side of them, the inhabitants were for the most part
condemned to villeinage. In the Courts of Love,
whose absurdity has caused them to be regarded as
mythical by many subsequent writers, judicial deci-
sions were rendered on every point of amorous casu-
istry. The mock solemnity with which such matters
were propounded and determined was only exceeded
by the dissolute tendency of the customs that governed
the proceedings of these extraordinary tribunals. No
greater proof of the prevalent laxity of morals could
be desired than that furnished by their canons. They
encouraged the violation of the marriage vow. They
defined with minute and curious particularity the rules
of intrigue. The nature of the questions debated by
high-bom ladies in the presence of a numerous audi-
tory was such as cannot be even designated, still less
described, in a modem book. The brazen coarseness
which characterized these ridiculous . controversies
afforded a remarkable contrast to the refinement of
manners otherwise displayed by those who partici-
pated in them. The popularity of this imique system
Moorish Emfike in Europe 81
of jurisprudence was so great, that, at the time of the
Albigensian crusade, it was on the point of being gen-
erally established in every part of France. No insti-
tution, even in those times of heresy and unbelief, was
so fatal to religion. It undermined the vital princi-
ples by which society is held together. It defied the
injunctions and ridiculed the dogmas of the Church.
The Virgin, as the object of adoration, was sup-
planted by the mistress of the cavalier, often a woman
of dissolute character and the recipient of the adula-
tion of a score of favored lovers.
A charming picture of mediseval society is pre-
sented by the life of the educated classes of Lan-
guedoc and Provence. Everywhere was dispensed
the most elegant and lavish hospitality. The table was
spread before the open door of the castle. Marked
attention was shown to the guest, whether merchant,
knight, pilgrim, minstrel, or troubadour. He was
welcomed with unaffected cordiality. He was ten-
dered the use of the hot-air bath. A wreath of flowers
was placed upon his brow. The ladies themselves
ministered to his necessities. In accordance with a
custom borrowed from the Arabs, the choicest mor-
sels were placed in his mouth by dainty white and
jewelled fingers perfumed with lavender and rose.
The diversions of the day were feats of strength and
displays of horsemanship, the game of chess, the chase
with the falcon, the contest for the prize of knightly
dexterity in the lists of the tournament. In winter,
the company gathered about the huge fireplace of the
banqueting hall; in sunmier, under the rustling fo-
liage of the park. The evening was spent with song
and dance, with the recital of the story-teller, with the
improvisations of the poet. The feast was enlivened
by wit, by jest, by sparkling repartee. The returned
crusader related his adventures in the Holy Land,
— ^the bloody encounters of the siege of Acre; the
Vol. III.— «
82 HlSTOEY OF THE
quarrels of the Christian chieftains; the events in
which were displayed the dignity, the valor, the noble
generosity of Saladin. The trader, just from the
Moorish cities of Spain, — ^then, indeed, sadly fallen
from their first estate, but still exhibiting in their
fading splendor no unworthy image of their former
grandeur and power, — described in glowing language
the beauties of Cordova, Valencia, and Seville. Be-
tween cavalier and mistress conmiunication was con-
stantly maintained unobserved, through the silent and
pantomimic medium of the language of flowers.
In this brilliant company the troubadour was pre-
eminently conspicuous. iUthough often the butt of
the equivocal speeches and practical jokes of his com-
panions of both sexes, — ^attentions which he did not
fail to repay with interest in the cutting satire of
his verse, — ^his opinions, generally authoritative, were
always heard with respect. He determined points of
precedence and etiquette. He gave wholesome advice
to young ladies on the care of their persons, on their
behavior at table, on their treatment of lovers. His
principal duties were, however, the glorification of the
family of his patron and the celebration of the charms
of his mistress. All courted his favor. Few were rash
enough to provoke his enmity. In the society of
Languedoc, whether the dependent of a noble house
or a careless wanderer from court to court, he was
always the central figure.
Among the inmates of the baronial palace, if an
intrigue existed, it was concealed by the mask of de-
cency. The poet, in the burning verses which enumer-
ated the charms of his lady-love, never mentioned her
name, or betrayed the slightest indication of her iden-
tity. His attachment he regarded in the same light as
the tribute paid by a Pagan worshipper to his tutelary
goddess. The laws of his code demanded impene-
trably reserve, The object of his devotion was, to all
MooKiSH Empibe in Eueofe 88
appearances, an imaginary personage, an ideal of
feminine perfection.
The highest development of splendor, taste, intelli-
gence, and luxury was to be found in the feudal castle.
In the cities, it is true, great pomp and extravagance,
the results of the accumulation of incredible wealth,
were constantly displayed. The mansions of many
opulent merchants far surpassed in the magnificence
of their interiors the palaces of the King of France.
On occasions of festivity priceless hangings of bro-
cade and velvet, of silken tapestry and cloth of gold,
were suspended over the streets. The households of
these powerful citizens were on a scale conmiensiirate
with the dignity of their masters. Hundreds of
retainers obeyed their bidding. Their apartments
were fuD of singers, dancers, buffoons, and eunuchs.
There was no delicacy not to be found upon their
tables; no means of sensual enjoyment whidi did not
contribute to the stimulation of their blunted appe-
tites; no vice with which they were not familiar.
Thus in the courts of the numerous principalities
of Southern France, amidst the delights of a society
gay, skeptical, licentious, the troubadoiu* was the
arbiter of taste, the oracle of the populace, the idol
of women. Public opinion was far from discour-
aging the practice of gallantry in an age which scoffed
alike at the maxims of social morality and the cere-
monies of religion. The mistress of the vagrant bard
was always the wife of a noble, not infrequently a
princess of the highest dignity. To her was addressed
his passionate homage, often in strains whose expres-
sions are too bold and ardent for translation into a
modem language. The adoration they convey, unsur-
passed in fervency by any vows ever offered at the
shrine of a celestial divinity, affords a key to both the
influence of the poet and the relaxation of manners.
The life of the latter was passed in an intoxicating
84 HiSTOEY OF THE
atmosphere of music, flattery, and amorous intrigue.
His power over society was not less important than
that formerly exercised by the repudiated clergy, and
was, morally speaking, f iilly as pernicious. The adu-
lation he lavished upon the object of his affections,
represented as the personification of every physical
grace and every mental accomplishment, could not fail
to fire the romantic imagination of the goddess in
whose veins coursed the hot blood of the South, and
whose vanity caused her to recognize in this extrava-
gant flattery and devotion the highest tribute to her
charms. Aroimd the bard, in the brilliant circles of
Aries or Carcassonne, was grouped a mirthfvd and
appreciative auditory, — ^ladies in brocades and jewels,
Imights in burnished armor, pages in silk and gold.
In that animated assemblage the restraints of rank,
never rendered irksome by the exactions of pompous
ceremonial, were for the moment entirely suspended.
The conversation sparkled with epigram, equivocal
allusions, and good-humored satire. Its character,
formed by the dissolute customs of the age, often
transgressed the rules of propriety which govern
modem social intercourse. Inspired by such sur-
roundings, the troubadour arose and began the recital
of an impromptu amatory ode. Yoimg, slender, and
handsome, his physical appearance alone might well
elicit female admiration. His long, dark locks fell
in ringlets upon his shoulders. A golden chain hung
about his neck. His fingers glittered with gems.
From his belt an enamelled poniard was suspended.
His picturesque costume of brilliant colors, his silken
doublet, his velvet cloak, set off to the best advantage
the graces of his person, and revealed the popularity
which he enjoyed with his patrons. All eyes were
turned upon him, for his talents were of the highest
order, and the object of his admiration was present,
perchance in the person of the chatelaine herself. As
MooKiSH Empibe in Exjeope 85
he chanted his verses in accents, now ardent, now
pathetic, now humorous, the enraptured audience,
swayed by conflicting emotions, broke forth alter-
nately into tears and laughter. His ambiguous ex-
pressions, his licentious images, — ^whose boldness the
severity of modem criticism would reject as offensive
to decency, — ^were received with every manifestation
of approval by his delighted hearers. The nature of
the entertainment was often varied by the perform-
ances of the jongleur. That personage, who, as a
retainer of the troubadour, occupied a position analo-
gous to that of esquire to knight, united in his calling
the office of minstrel, juggler, story-teller, and buf-
foon. Sometimes he accompanied the song of the
poet upon the harp or the guitar; sometimes, with
expressive gesticulation, he recounted the legends, the
martial exploits, and the popular romances whose rela-
tion was a favorite diversion of mediaeval society. His
rank was ordinarily far beneath that of his compan-
ion; yet it was not unusual for the two professions
to be combined; and there were instances when theii*
positions were reversed through the vicissitudes of
success or misfortune.
The extraordinary privileges enjoyed by these va-
grant sonneteers were by no means entirely attribu-
table to the amusement which their talents afforded.
Their compositions were the sole medium by which
public opinion could be aroused and the abuse of
power and the excesses of social depravity restrained.
The influence of the pulpit, long omnipotent in the
regulation of morals, had declined; in some localities
it had wholly disappeared. Centuries were destined
to elapse before the press, the most formidable weapon
of political censure, could become available. The
satire of the poet, whose verses, carried from place
to place, in a fortnight became familiar to a hundred
communities, was recognized as the instrument of
86 HiSTOBY OF THE
moral correction, the dread of the tyrant, the scourge
of the shamelessly dissolute. Its potent effects were
feared by wrong-doers of every class, and by none so
much as by those of exalted position.
The fierceness and rancor displayed by the trouba-
dours in their attacks upon obnoxious personages, in
an age of irresponsible authority, can only be ex-
plained upon the hypothesis that they were encouraged
and protected by the force of overwhelming public
sentiment. Their poems were composed in the Lan-
gue d'Oc, the first perfected and the most important
of the Romance languages, — ^an idiom of great com-
pass and power, and beyond the Loire used by the
educated and polished members of society alone. The
finest of these productions frequently owed their
origin to authors destitute of literary culture; many
troubadours could not even read. They evinced no
admiration of the beauties of nature. The stanzas
were isolated, often absolutely without continuity. A
comimon similarity of type and resemblance of ideas
pervaded all. It is a singular circumstance, that in
form and metrical arrangement the last poem of a
troubadour was not, in any important particular, su-
perior to the oldest, at present, known; there was no
improvement in two hundred years. In delicacy of
sentiment, in vigor of expression, in sweetness of
melody, these compositions are not excelled by the
lyrics of any nation. Their analogy to those of the
Spanish Mohammedans is striking and self-evident.
There is the same play of words, the same predomi-
nating class of subjects, the same far-fetched and
extravagant similies, the same incessant obtrusion of
the author's personality. The Langue d'Oc contains
a greater nimiber of rhyming terminations than any
other language except Arabic; a coincidence to be
attributed to imitation or a common poetic taste, and
certainly not the result of accident. In the produc-
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe 87
tions of both idioms the prevailing rhyme is by dis-
tichs, and occurs throughout the entire poem, the sec-
ond verse of every distich always ending with the
same sound; and the meaning is often obscured or
sacrificed to preserve continuous harmony of versifi-
cation.
The taste for letters was introduced into France
partly as a consequence of the Moslem occupation,
but principally by the Jews, who remained after their
allies had been driven back over the Pyrenees. The
similarity of taste and expression existing between the
poets of these two branches of the Semitic race is
apparent to every one who has compared the Bible
and the Koran. Many of the Hebrew colonists of
Narbonne and Marseilles had been educated at Cor-
dova, and all spoke the Arabic language with fluency.
Not a few were scholars of marked ability, gifted with
poetic talents, the possessors of large libraries. These
superior advantages had great weight with a semi-
barbarous people steeped in ignorance, with no mental
resources except the interchange of gossip, and the
exhortations of a priest, who often could not imder-
stand his breviary. The ferocious and intolerant spirit
with which the Jew was generally regarded, counter-
acted, in a measure, the effect of his influence, but the
power of intellect and culture finally prevailed. The
Hebrews familiarized the population of Languedoc
and Provence with the art, the science, and the litera-
ture of the Arabs. Through their agency an acquaint-
ance with the Arabic language and literature became
in Southern France and in Sicily indispensable to the
education of a scholar. Another factor of great im-
portance in the intellectual development of Southern
Europe was the number of Moslem refugees who
sought safety in foreign lands from the influx of
African barbarism and from the perils incident to con-
stant revolution. A large proportion of these were
88 HiSTOEY OF THE
philosophers, whose high attainments had made them
dangerously conspicuous, and whose heretical doc-
trines were obnoxious to the stem fanaticism of the
Almoravides. Such an inmiigration could not fail to
produce a profound impression upon the mental char-
acteristics and literary habits of any people.
The intercourse of all classes of the population in
Southern France was distinguished by every manifes-
tation of courtesy. The degrees of precedence, the
style of dress, the order of amusements, the arrange-
ment of the banquet, were governed by established
rules of etiquette.
Nor was this life by any means devoted to frivolous
pursuits. The great hall of the castle was often the
scene of debate between famous scholars and eccle-
siastics. There, too, were performed the burlesque
miracle-plays of the age. An expensive library was
the pride of the count. The philosopher was fre-
quently, the astrologer ahnost invariably, a member
of his household. In the secret vaults of the labora-
tory, surrounded by crucibles and alembics, the adept
sought for the secret of potable gold; from the sum-
mit of the keep the astronomer held nightly com-
munion with the stars.
An inclination to dialectical controversy, inherited
from their Greek ancestry; the subtle arguments of
Arab metaphysicians and natural philosophers; com-
mercial intercourse with the Orient, which familiarized
them with the religious theories and principles of vari-
ous heretical beliefs; and the corrupt and debauched
lives of the clergy, which excited the imiversal abhor-
rence of all, predisposed the piously inclined to the
acceptance of new forms of faith. Among the heter-
odox sects which arose in the early ages of Chris-
tianity, that of the Faulicians was the most numerous,
the most popular, and the most enduring. Its tenets
were partly borrowed from those of the Gnostics, but
Moorish Empire in Europe 89
largely derived from the ancient Persian doctrine of
the two antagonistic Principles of Good and Evil,
ever contending for the mastery of the miiverse and
the empire of mankind. The peculiar ideas of this
Manichean sect had, from the first, awakened the ap-
prehensions and called forth the anathemas of the
Church. The mysticism which characterized them, the
ascetic life which they inculcated, appealed powerfully
to the superstitions and devout impulses which most
strongly influence the human mind. From Armenia
the belief of the Paulicians rapidly invaded every
province of the Byzantine Empire, and then, follow-
ing the lines of trade, made innumerable proselytes in
Grermany, Italy, Spain, and France. It gave rise to
the Waldenses and the Albigenses, names of sad and
ominous import in the religious annals of Europe.
In no country were these false doctrines embraced
with such enthusiasm as in Provence and Languedoc.
Their adoption was not confined to the ignorant and
the obscure, for many personages of the most exalted
rank openly avowed tiieir adherence to this danger-
ous heresy. Simplicity of creed and purity of man-
ners distinguished the new sectaries from the subjects
of the ancient hierarchy. They denied the real pres-
ence in the Eucharist; the value of baptism as a cere-
mony; the efficacy of absolution granted by a priest
whose calling was not imf requently dishonored by acts
of the most glaring profligacy. Their ministers dis-
carded the splendid vestments of the Roman Catholic
priesthood for simple robes of black. They rejected
the Old Testament, as inspired by the Spirit of Evil,
because of the sanguinary deeds authorized by a supe-
rior power, which, by the extermination of populous
communities, indicated irreconcilable enmity to the
human race. Bells and images of every kind alike
shared their animadversion. They advocated benevo-
lence, abstinence, chastity, celibacy. In self-abnega-
90 HiSTOEY OF THE
tion many of them exceeded the discipline of the most
exacting of the monastic orders. They denoimced as
one of the most grievous offences against morality the
practice of every form of lying and deceit. In their
creed the sacerdotal oflSce and the ceremonial of the
Chm'ch were invested with no sanctity, and could
confer no benefits, if not associated with honesty of
purpose and purity of life. Their very existence was
a protest against Papal infallibility and an assertion
of the right of individual judgment. Their liberal
opinions, their charity, the persuasive eloquence with
which they promulgated their doctrines, obtained for
them the respect of the nobiUty and the ardent devo-
tion of the multitude. The name of the obnoxious
sect was to every consistent member of the Catholic
conmiimion a term of peculiar infamy and reproach.
Throughout the region tainted with this heresy,
which derived its name from the diocese of Albi, where
its professors were most numerous, the authority of
the Vatican was undermined or entirely destroyed.
The habits of the clergy had prejudiced all classes
against them. The churches were empty. Payment
of tithes had ceased. Vassals subject to ecclesiastical
jurisdiction refused obedience and withheld their trib-
ute. In certain districts it was unsafe for a priest to
appear upon the highway. The public exhortations
of friars, whose extraordinary influence was now for
the first time disclosed, were interrupted by shouts of
derision and flying missiles. At Toulouse, the centre
of the Albigensian doctrines, a renegade prelate,
usurping the functions of the Pope, convoked at in-
tervals councils of heretic bishops. The recalcitrant
sectaries possessed houses of worship, ecclesiastical
residences, cemeteries. The piety or fears of the
devout bestowed upon their clergy valuable estates
and great stmis in legacies. That portion of the
community which did not accept the new belief —
Moorish Emfibe in Eubofe 91
which probably equalled the rest in numbers, and
certainly surpassed it in wealth and social importance,
infected with the theories of Arabic philosophy — ^was
thoroughly infidel. Against such rebels the thunders
of the Vatican availed nothing. Apostolic admoni-
tions were treated with ridicule. Interdicts had lost
their power. Even the Papal legate was treated with
scant courtesy. The missionary efforts of Dominic,
whose fiery zeal now began to raise him to eminence,
met with signal and ignominious failure. The Church
— ^menaced at the same time by this serious defection,
by rebellion in her own temporal dependencies, and
by the aspiring genius of the youthful emperor, Fred-
erick II. — ^was in great distress. At no time in her
history had she been confronted with such powerfvd
enemies or been exposed to more deadly perils. And
yet this beautiful land, now under the ban of the
Papal See, had scarcely a century before been re-
garded as one of the bulwarks of the Christian faith.
It was at Clermont that the first Crusade was pro-
claimed by the Languedocian Bishop of Puy, as the
representative of the Pope. A hundred thousand per-
sons from Southern France followed Peter the Her-
mit to Palestine. The famous Order of Hospitallers
was a Provencal institution. A large proportion of
its Grand Masters were natives of Languedoc. The
treasure contributed by its people to the prosecution
of these chimerical expeditions of Rome was far from
inconsiderable. Such a radical change had increased
intelligence and the untrammelled exercise of reason
wrought in the minds of the inhabitants of the most
civilized coimtry of Christian Europe.
The malignant genius of Innocent III. was, how-
ever, equal to the emergency. In spite of the fact
that ecclesiastical corruption was principally respon-
sible for the widespread revolt against Papal au-
thority, the Coimt of Toulouse and his feudatories
92 HiSTOEY OF THE
were, in exquisite irony, appointed the ministers of
apostolic vengeance. The mandate was issued by the
Vatican that the Proven9al nobility should become tiie
persecutors of their vassals and lay waste their own
possessions with fire and sword. No family ties, no
considerations of friendship or intimacy, no heredi-
tary connections, were exempted from the operation
of this atrocious decree. When it had failed, as it
was certain to do, as a last decisive expedient, a bull
was promulgated announcing a crusade against the
infidels of France. Their lands and their lives were
declared forfeited for the crime of heresy; all good
Catholics were called to arms; and the property of
the rebellious sectaries was promised as a reward to
the faithful champions of the Holy See. Every re-
source of Papal ingenuity and power was invoked.
From twelve hundred monasteries, bands of fanatics
issued to preach the crusade in all the states of Chris-
tendom. Plenary indulgence was granted to the
warrior who donned his armor in the cause of the
Church. Excommimication and the withdrawal of
ecclesiastical protection were denounced against any
guilty of hesitation or lukewarmness. In addition to
the general absolution authorized by the Pope, the
Crusaders were during the continuance of this Holy
War released from the payment of all pecuniary obli-
gations contracted prior to their enlistment, a conces-
sion which was practically equivalent to the repudia-
tion of their debts. The answer to the summons of
the Vatican was ready and unanimous. Every ab-
sorbing passion and every ignoble impulse — ^love.of
fame, religious zeal, national prejudice, desire of
novelty, insatiable cupidity, private malice — attracted
the roving, the licentious, and the unprincipled to the
standard of the Cross. At that time Europe swarmed
with mihtary adventurers, some of whom had served
in Palestine, in the trains of eminent personages;
Moorish Empire in Europe 98
others, the refuse of dishanded armies, were outlaws
and crimmals who subsisted by plunder and extortion.
To men like these, the aimoimcement of such an enter-
prise appeared a singular stroke of good fortune.
Provence and Languedoc embraced the richest terri-
tory, of its dimensions, west of Constantinople. Its
luxury and its opulence, its elegant civilization, the
magnificence of its cities, the vast treasures of its ware-
houses, the beauty of its women, were well known to
its envious and ambitious neighbors. It was also
known that no adequate means of defence existed, and
that the hands, which had in the midst of barbarism
evoked these marvels, lacked both the power and the
resolution to protect them. The frontier was exposed
to the invader. No efficient military force could be
assembled to successfully resist a hostile advance. The
stem qualifications of a soldier were not to be obtained
in the effeminate atmosphere of the Proven9al court,
devoted to dancing, poetry, and amorous indulgence.
Physically as well as morally the soft and idle popula-
tion of the South was not fitted to cope with hardy
adventurers accustomed to arms from childhood, tried
in a hundred battles, and exercised daily in the broils
and contests inseparable from the society of a turbu-
lent and lawless age.
No incentive was wanting to arouse the enthusiasm
of every rank, — from the king to the villain, from
the ardhbishop to the monk. The monarchy of
France, whose feudal obligations nominally included
the powerful states of the Pyrenees and the Mediter-
ranean, was, in fact, unable to enforce its mandates
beyond the Loire. The sovereignty of that rich coun-
try, now abandoned to conquest, could not fail to im-
measurably augment the power and consequence of
the crown. Ecclesiastical avarice and revenge looked
longingly upon the wealthy benefices usurped and
administered by heretics, the prospect of enormous
94 HiSTOEY OF THE
forfeitures, the certainty of a fearful retribution en-
tailed by religious errors and impious defiance of the
admonitions of the Pope. Hope of the unbridled
indulgence of every brutal passion appealed to the
baser and more selfish instincts of the rabble, — ^the
beggars, the robbers, the soldiers of fortune. The
popularity of the enterprise is shown by the numbers
who assumed the cross. It is estimated that from
three hundred thousand to half a million engaged in
the war, of whom nearly a himdred thousand were
fighting men who had seen military service. There
was not a government in Europe at that time able to
withstand the onslaught of such a force. Appalled
by the frightful prospect of impending destruction,
the Count of Toulouse consented to observe uncondi-
tionally the requirements of the Holy See, in the
delusive hope of averting from his dominions the tem-
pest which must involve all his subjects in one common
ruin. His punishment was inflicted with every cir-
cumstance of public ignominy and personal degrada-
tion. His exconununication, long since pronounced
for heretical opinions which he did not entertain, was
not revoked. Summoned before an ecclesiastical coun-
cil at Valence, he acknowledged his sins and promised
future obedience. Stripped naked to the girdle, he
was conducted, in the presence of a great multitude,
to the front of the principal church, where he abjured
his errors, and, his hands placed in those of the Legate,
he swore allegiance to the Pope. He conveyed to the
clergy, as security for his obligations, seven of the
strongest castles in his dominions, — ^a fatal step, which
rendered his downfall, hitherto scarcely doubtful, now
a matter of absolute certainty. Then, a rope having
been passed about his neck, he was dragged through
the aisle to the altar, where he was scourged like the
vilest criminal. His recantation wa^ repeated, and
absolution was finally pronounced xmder condition of
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubope 95
implicit submission, and with the promise that he
would assist in the prosecution of a war which in-
volved the devastation of his country and the exter-
mination of his subjects. These humiliating sacrifices,
made with the implied understanding that future im-
munity would be granted his vassals in case they sub-
mitted to pontifical authority, proved imavailing. The
clergy placed their own construction upon matters
in which they were at once prosecutors and judges.
Although the Count of Toulouse observed as far as
possible the degrading conditions through whose per-
formance he became reconciled to the Church, it was
not the policy of Innocent to deal leniently with those
who had disobeyed her canons, questioned her inspira-
tion, or intercepted her revenues. Pretexts were easily
found under which Raymond was accused of having
violated his covenants. His castles were declared
escheated to the Papacy. His actions were carefully
observed, and it became evident that his presence witii
the Crusaders was enforced rather than voluntary.
The great army which had assembled to vindicate the
outraged majesty of the Vicar of Christ now clam-
ored to be led to battle. Their irresistible numbers
darkened the plains of Lyons and spread consterna-
tion among the peasantry, whose women they insulted
and whose substance they consimied. The eminent
prelates of the French hierarchy sanctioned by their
presence and their example the most awful of out-
rages on human rights and intellectual liberty. The
religious character of the enterprise was indicated by
the predominance of the sacerdotal order; by the om-
nipresence of holy emblems, — crosiers, censers, ban-
ners, relics; by the mitre of the metropolitan; by the
scallop-shell of the pilgrim; by the cowl and the
knotted cord of the friar; by the tattered garb and
emaciated form of the hermit. The clergy were
headed by Arnold, Abbot of Citeaux, the Papal Leg-
96 HiSTOBY OF THE
ate. Four archbishops and ten bishops, in their official
vestments, were conspicuous in the van. Monkish
zealots, whose untaught eloquence had inflamed the
worst passions of the ignorant populace of Europe,
brandishing crucifix and sword, and calling for ven-
geance against the abhorred sectaries whom divine
justice had delivered as a prey to the elect, foaming
at the mouth, and uttering maledictions and inarticu-
late cries, rushed to and fro through the maddened
and tiunultuous throng. All wore the cross embroid-
ered upon the breast, in contradistinction to the Cru-
saders of Palestine, who wore it upon the shoulder.
In the train of the higher clergy were numerous
priests and thousands of dependents and retainers.
The Archdeacon of Paris, a distinguished member of
the church miUtant, was present in the capacity of
chief engineer. Despite his pacific calling, he proved
himself, in the discharge of the seemingly incongru-
ous duties of his new profession, one of the most
talented soldiers of the age. The shrewd and politic
Philip Augustus, while anxious to secure for the
Crown of France the substantial benefits certain to
result from the conquest and spoliation of the great
feudatories of the South, yet unwilling to share the
ignominy attaching to the undertaking, promoted it
in secret, but refused to openly employ the resources
of his kingdom in such a cause. The French nobility
also, for the most part, held aloof; but the names of
the Duke of Burgundy and the Counts of Nevers and
St. Pol have come down to us as instruments of the
apostolic wrath which extirpated the Albigensian
heresy.
Of all the leaders, spiritual or secular, Simon de
Montf ort. Earl of Leicester, was the most zealous and
distinguished. An English adventurer, of ancient and
illustrious lineage, he had long followed the exciting
career of a soldier of fortune, and had won a high
Moorish Empibe in Europe 97
reputation for courage and military capacity among
the Christian warriors who contended with the infidel
in the wars of the Holy Land. In his political and
social relations, De Montfort was a man of excep-
tional probity, courtesy, and honor; but in matters
that involved the maintenance of ecclesiastical suprem-
acy, he was a monster of savage brutality, a remorse-
less persecutor, an incarnate fiend. His bravery, his
fanaticism, and his talents for war early secured for
him the admiration of the clergy, whose influence
eventually raised him to the supreme command of
the motley host which their exhortations had as-
sembled. The infamy of the Albigensian crusade is
inseparably associated with his name, which has de-
scended to posterity as the synonym of all that is
merciless, base, and treacherous in the history of re-
ligious persecution. Attendant upon their feudal
lords were long retinues of vassals, resplendent in
sumptuous armor and gaudy liveries, and the sturdy
yeomanry, now beginning to assert their importance
in the mailed armies of Europe, The promise of
booty and glory, of pardon for past offences and of
immunity for future crimes, had, as in former Cru-
sades, drawn from every quarter the dregs of the city
and the camp, the footpad and the outlaw, the merci-
less slaves of rapine, lust, and superstition. This mob
was for the most part unarmed, but many were pro-
vided with scythes and other implements of husbandry,
impotent against the armor of the knight, but amply
sufficient for the destruction of those whom age, in-
firmity, or the disadvantages of sex rendered incapable
of defence. Confident in their immense superiority in
numbers, this fanatical and disorderly rabble sWept
like a tornado over the smiling and fertile territory
of the Rhone. The authority of the Coimt of Tou-
louse, who, incapacitated from hostile action by his
humiliating compact with the Pope, was forced to aid
Vol. in.— 7
98 HiSTOEY OF THE
the invaders, had been assumed by his nephew, Ray-
mond Roger. The latter, relying upon the strength
of his principal cities, B6ziers and Carcassonne, two
of the best-fortified fortresses in Europe, awaited
the approach of the enemy with the calm intrepidity
bom of the consciousness of right and the resolution
of despair. While the Crusaders were pitching their
camp, they were surprised by a sally of the besieged.
Overwhelmed by nimibers, the latter were driven
back; the gateways, choked by the fugitives, per-
mitted the ingress of the enemy, and almost in an
instant the fate of the populous and thriving city of
Beziers was decided. In the horrible butchery that
ensued no quarter was shown. The old and the young,
the strong and the weak, perished alike imder the
weapons of the infuriated assailants. Catholics ob-
tained no immunity by reason of their belief, but fell
by the side of their Albigensian neighbors. When the
soldiers, in the heat of the massacre, demanded of the
Papal Legate how they might distinguish the orthodox
believer from the heretic, that pious monster replied,
" Kill them all; God will know His ownl" In the
Roman Catholic cathedral seven thousand corpses
were counted after the assault. Priests, clad in their
sacred vestments, fell at the very foot of the altar.
The population of the city had been greatly increased
by the neighboring peasantry, who had sought pro-
tection behind its ramparts. Of all this multitude, not
a single person escaped alive. The estimates of those
thus devoted to slaughter are variously given by dif-
ferent writers at from twelve to sixty thousand. The
city was pillaged and set on fire, and even the churches
and monasteries belonging to the See of Rome dis-
appeared in the indiscriminate destruction. The in-
vading army, flushed with triimiph, and not yet sati-
ated with blood, next invested Carcassonne, whose
fortifications, still stronger than those of Beziers,
MOOBISH EMPnt£ IN EUBOPE 99
offered some hope of successful resistance. Its re-
sources, however, were seriously impaired by the nimi-
ber of refugees who had fled thither for safety. In
a few days the water gave out. Defective sanitary
conditions, increased by great masses of himian beings
crowded together in a limited space, produced a pesti-
lence. A surrender was agreed upon, by which the
inhabitants were permitted to depart, leaving behind
them all their effects. In consequence of these rigor-
ous measures, the entire coimtry was filled with
starving beggars, many of whom, but a week before,
had been living in affluence and luxury. The Vis-
count, Raymond Roger, whose safe-conduct had been
perfidiously violated, was imprisoned and died sud-
denly, probably of poison.
The examples of Beziers and Carcassonne were not
lost upon the terror-stricken people of Languedoc.
Strongholds and villages submitted by the himdred
without resistance ; the garrisons of those castles which
held out were massacred to a man; the lands of the
heretic were parcelled out among the crusaders, under
the suzerainty of that faithful and consistent servant
of the Papacy, the Earl of Leicester. The establish-
ment of the Inquisition, under the auspices of the
Dominican order of friars, completed the ruin of the
country, whose civilization had long been a shining
beacon amidst the intellectual darkness of Christen-
dom. The classic monuments which had escaped the
violence of former ages were broken to pieces or de-
faced. The destruction of great cities, the dread of
mysterious tribimals, whose victims, immured in filthy
dungeons or devoted, in the name of religion, to awful
tortures and a lingering death, never saw again the
light of day, the insatiable rapacity of the clergy, the
tyranny of alien masters, depopulated entire districts
and turned the commerce upon which the prosperity
of Southern France principally depended into foreign
100 HiSTOEY OF THE
channels, where the property and person of the mer-
chant could be reasonably secure. The beautiful and
melodious language of the troubadours, the parent of
the modem idioms of Latin derivation, which seemed
about to be adopted by all the people of French
extraction, was abandoned, and degraded to a patois
which, much corrupted, is still spoken by the Gascon
and Catalan peasantry. The gay diversions, the
dances, the literary contests, the musical chants of
the jongleur, the passionate and satirical verses of the
poet, the banquets, the Coiuls of Love, the hunting
parties, the totimaments, disappeared forever.
The Albigensian crusade is one of the darkest blots
upon the religious history of Rome. It gave rise to
the infamous maxim, then first oflScially promulgated
by Papal authority, that no contract made with here-
tics was binding upon a member of the Roman
Catholic faith. Then the civil power was for the first
time employed in the systematic and unrelenting sup-
pression of independent thought. Then was organ-
ized and set in motion the most gigantic and effective
engine of persecution that the world has ever known.
Then was perfected that grand and imposing fabric
of government which, begun and improved by the
genius of many successive pontiffs, rose to such a
towering height during the administration of Inno-
cent III., — a system in whose policy the religious and
the secular powers, while theoretically separate, were,
in fact, closely co-ordinated and combined; which,
while draining of its revenues every kingdom within
its grasp, extolled beyond all virtues the merit of evan-
gelical poverty; which, while discouraging philosophi-
cal studies, endeavored to secure a monopoly of learn-
ing, thus adding to the superiority attaching to a
sacred character and profession the influence derived
from mental attainments and unusual erudition; which
fastened upon Europe an intolerable despotism, under
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 101
which it was doomed to suffer for more than three
himdred years, and which brought to the prosecution
of its ambitious designs every device of intrigue and
every method of intimidation, enforced by the inflic-
tion of punishments whose ingenious and merciless
atrocity had been hitherto unknown to the political
oppression of ancient or of mediaeval times.
In this way was the absolute power of the Papal
system consolidated by one of the greatest of the
Supreme Pontiffs, through the extirpation of two
grand civilizations which for more than a century
had represented the intelligence, the culture, and the
science of Christian Europe.
I have thus related — ^not in their chronological
order, but in the order of their importance — ^the events
growing out of the rise, development, and suppres-
sion of the intellectual revolutions which, in the thir-
teenth century, appeared in Sicily and Southern
France, for the reason that they were the direct and
legitimate results of Arab conquest and the subsequent
promulgation of Arab philosophical opinions. A
striking analogy exists between the circumstances re-
spectively connected with these two great movements
of the himian mind. Both arose in regions which had
been subject to Moslem domination. In both, after
the extinction of Saracen rule, the customs of the
vanquished race long maintained their influence over
the ruder conquerors, who insensibly adopted and dili-
gently observed them. Commercial relations strength-
ened the bonds already existing between Christian
master and Moslem tributary. In the heyday of their
prosperity, the courts of Toulouse and Palermo were,
in all but name and costimie, Mohammedan. Indeed,
one of these exceptions scarcely applied to the Sicilian
capital, where the ample robes and spotless turbans,
of the Moorish philosophers suggested at every step
the habits and traditions of the Orient. In Sicily, the
102 HiSTOEY OF THE
Arabic language was almost universally used by the
nobility and the mercantile classes; in Provence and
Languedoc, intercourse with the Moorish principali-
ties of Spain rendered its adoption necessary to a large
portion of the community; in both countries its study
formed an essential part of a learned education. The
general trend of scientific thought, and its practical
adaptation to the intellectual requirements of the
people, is disclosed by the establishment of those two
great literary foundations, the medical colleges of
Salerno and Montpellier. In the curriculums of these
magnificent schools, which were by no means confined
to instruction in the art of healing, Arabic and
Hebrew literature, taught by professors of those
nationalities, predominated. The Romance idiom,
more widely difi^used than any other tongue spoken
in Europe since the dissolution of the Roman Em-
pire, has, in a measure, survived the calamities of con-
quest and revolution; still indicates its Arabic deriva-
tion by words daily heard upon the banks of the Seine
and the Danube; and forms no inconsiderable portion
of the language of the English-speaking world. In
Italy, it made greater progress than in any other
country, advancing simultaneously through the North
from France and through the South from Sicily, su-
perseding the unformed dialects of the Latin Penin-
sula, and, through its adoption by the potentates of
Ferrara and Montferrat, it reached even the Greek
principality of Thessalonica; its impress is to-day
apparent in Portuguese, in Castilian, and in the nu-
merous soft and guttural dialects of Spain.
From Moorish sources, through intercourse with the
Hispano-Arabs and the mediimi of French and
Sicilian conquest, were derived those maxims of
chivalry which modified the turbulent barbarism of
feudal Europe, the courteous gallantry of the tourna-
ment, idolatrous devotion to the female character, a
Moorish Empibe in Europe 108
high sense of honor and personal dignity, and the
refining amenities of social lif e-
From these originals sprang the germ of modem
literature and the earliest models of modem poetry.
The Arabs were muivalled masters of improvisation,
an art which attained an extraordinary degree of
popularity in the Middle Ages; and the employment
of rhyme, the most important and striking diarac-
teristic of modem versification, was f amiUar to the
Bedouin centuries before the appearance of Moham-
med. The vagrant bard of the Desert was the Uterary
progenitor of the troubadour, as was the Arabian
buffoon and story-teUer the prototype of his com-
panion the jongleur, whose broad pleasantry and sug-
gestive antics diverted the appreciative and not over-
delicate assemblies of the Proven9al and Sicilian
courts. Through the schools of MontpeUier and
Salerno, contemporaneous seats of learning and both
dominated by Arabian influence, the philosophy of
Averroes, the botany of Ibn-Beithar, the surgery of
Abulcasis, the agriculture of Ibn-al-Awam, the his-
tories of Ibn-al-Khatib, became f amihar to the be-
nighted and priest-ridden people of Europe.
It was, however, in the impetus it gave to the asser-
tion of the right of private interpretation in rehgious
matters that Moorish influence was most marked and
permanent. One of the principal tenets of the Mos-
lem creed was toleration. On the other hand, the first
duty of the Christian was unquestioning obedience to
his spiritual advisers. The rapid and almost miracu-
lous development of the human mind during the thir-
teenth century was the inevitable consequence of a
policy based upon those principles whose application
had promoted tiie wonderful progress of every nation
ruled by the enUghtened successors of Mohammed.
The parallel existing between the Sicilian and
Languedocian civilizations in origin, in progress, in
104 HiSTOEY OF THE
thought, in education, in skepticism, in the repudiation
of ecclesiastical interference, is continued even in the
date and the method of their extirpation. Botli
reached their climax during the pontificate of Inno-
cent III., the exemplar of Papal autocracy, the ruth-
less foe of religious freedom, the evil genius of the
thirteenth century. Each was destroyed by a crusade
which imder the mask of piety appealed to the most
sordid impulses and degrading instincts of humanity.
Both were followed by conflicts, seditions, and perse-
cutions which endured for centuries. But the fires,
while apparently quenched, still smouldered imder the
ashes of their victims. The principles advocated by
philosophical thinkers at the courts of Raymond and
Frederick formed the basis of the creeds of Lollard,
Huguenot, Puritan. All of the blessings of civil and
religious liberty now enjoyed by the enlightened na-
tions of the earth, all of the wonderful mechanical
contrivances which lighten toil, diminish suffering,
facilitate communication, encourage commerce, pro-
mote manufactures, and conduce to the general hap-
piness of the human race, are indirectly derived from
the impulse given to philosophical inquiry and scien-
tific progress by the Norman kings of Sicily, the Em-
peror Frederick II., and the Counts of Provence, ani-
mated by the spirit and emulous of the achievements
of Arab civilization. These inestimable benefits are
inseparable from the innate right of every individual
to freely exercise and profit by his mental faculties.
That right the Church has always denied as subversive
of her alleged prescriptive title to universal sover-
eignty over the opinions of mankind. In Europe it
was first publicly asserted upon the banks of the
Guadalquivir, and the advantages its untrammelled
practice affords the present generation are a priceless
legacy of the founders of the Moslem empire in Spain.
MooEisH Empire in Eubope 105
CHAPTER XXIV
THE SPANISH JEWS
711-1492
Influence of the Semitic Race on Civilization — Enterprise of the
Ancient Jews — Their Eminent Talents — Their Power dur-
ing the Middle Ages — ^Their Universal Proscription — ^Their
Condition under the Moors of Spain — Their Extraordinary
Attainments — ^Their Devotion to Letters — Their Academies
— Rabbis as Ambassadors of the Ehalifs — Learned Men —
Poets^ Physicians^ Statesmen^ Philosophers — Maimonides:
His Genius and His Works — His Character — Preponderating
Influence of the Spanish Jews in Government and Society —
Their Necessity to the Ruling Classes — They are driven to
Usury — Their Prosperity — They are favored by Alfonso X.
and Pedro el Cruel — ^Their Proficiency in Medicine — Obli-
gations of Mediaeval and Modem Science to the Jews — Their
Wonderful Survival under Oppression — Their Exile from
the Peninsula — Their Sufferings — The Taint of Hebrew
Blood in the Aristocracy of Spain and Portugal
The preponderance of Semitic influence is one of
the most remarkable phenomena in the annals of
hmnan civilization. The progress of those nations,
which in ancient times attained the highest rank of
intellectual culture, is directly traceable to that influ-
ence. The success of the Semitic element in modify-
ing the character of every people with which it had
been brought in intimate contact, either by conquest
or through commercial intercourse, is one of the most
striking and instructive incidents of history. From
the days when the Phoenicians controlled the trade of
antiquity, profiting by their thorough knowledge of
humanity, whose avarice they stimulated by the intro-
duction of unknown luxuries, and whose fears they
excited by the invention of portentous fables ; through
106 History of the
the Middle Ages, whose tyrants and inquisitors plun-
dered and oppressed the Hebrew bankers and mer-
chants of Europe, down to our time, when the Jew is
not only the possessor of a large proportion of the
wealth of the globe, but also a dominating force in
the business conmiunity of every city and village of
the Old and New Worlds, the enterprising genius of
the Semitic race has been paramount in its control over
the minds and the f ortimes of men. And not merely
in a mercantile but in a religious point of view is this
influence manifest. The Scriptures and the Koran
monopolize the pious reverence of the civilized world.
The successors of Mohammed in Hindustan alone
changed the faith of forty-one million souls. The
most important dogmas of the Church, the leading
maxims of kingly government, are of Semitic origin;
the majority of the popular legends and tales which
compose the folk-lore of France, Germany, Scan-
dinavia, and Britain are indigenous to the Valley of
the Nile or the plains of Arabia. Asiatic ideas, which
dominated the comparatively insignificant geographi-
cal area of the continent of Europe whose apprecia-
tion of the advantages of literary and scientific in-
vestigation made it so conspicuous amidst mediaeval
ignorance, have maintained their power unshaken
through many centuries. To the impulse thus im-
parted to letters, modem society owes a debt which it
long repudiated, and which it is even now loath to
acknowledge. Among those races which have exer-
cised the greatest influence on himian destiny that of
the Hebrews is pre-eminently distinguished. From
the earliest times of which history makes mention, the
Jews have occupied an exalted place among civilized
nations. They were among the first of traders, mer-
chants, navigators. Neighbors of the Phoenicians, they
imbibed the conmiercial spirit of that adventurous
people, accompanied their expeditions, participated in
I
Moorish Empibe in Europe 107
their enterprises, shared their profits, and with them
overcame tiie obstacles which invested the navigation
of miknown and mysterious seas. They were not slow
to recognize the immense conmiercial advantages to
be obtained from the development of the boundless
resources of the Spanish Peninsula, whence the Tyrian
and Sidonian mariners brought such quantities of
silver that their vessels could scarcely transport it,
notwithstanding that the anchors, the most common
utensils, and even the ballast, were composed of that
precious metal.
The accounts of the reign of Solomon afford abun-
dant evidence of the wealth and prosperity of the
Hebrews. Their abihties and services were highly
appreciated by the most enlightened governments of
antiquity. They were invited by the Ptolemies to
establish colonies on the banks of the Nile. They were
often intrusted by the Roman emperors with the col-
lection and disbursement of the imperial revenues.
The Emperor Hadrian declared that during his
travels in Egypt he had never met a Jew of that
country who was not an expert mathematician. In
the far Orient, where their ancestors had once been
detained in ignominious captivity, they rose to be the
confidential friends of powerful monarchs. They
were known and welcomed in every seaport of the
Mediterranean, and their thirst for gain even induced
them to boldly encoimter the perils of the barbarous
countries of Europe. In all their social and poUtical
relations, they maintained their reputation for that
mental superiority which is still one of the marked
characteristics of the Hebrew race. All of the knowl-
edge extant among contemporaneous nations — the
secret lore of the Egyptians, imparted in mysterious
temples imder the shadow of the Pyramids ; tiie hoary
traditions of the Magi; the rich inheritance of classic
antiquity; the argumentative skill acquired in the
108 HiSTOEY OF THE
Museum of Alexandria and the philosophical schools
of Athens — ^was the patrimony of the Jew. His cu-
riosity was awakened by travel and by contact with a
hundred different peoples included witiiin the sphere
of his commercial activity; his genius was developed
and matured by studious industry; and the affluence
resulting from his shrewdness enabled him to profit to
the utmost by his unrivalled opportunities. No fact
is better established tihan that the intellectual improve-
ment of a nation, its progress in the arts, its scientific
acquirements, its literary culture, have a direct and
absolute dependence upon its material prosperity and
the independent pecuniary circumstances of its schol-
ars and learned men. WhUe poverty is of ten an in-
centive to that perseverance which insures success, it
is a condition which only affects individual and not
national development. Without leisure, there can be
no studies; without studies, no advance. Another
factor of paramount importance in the evolution and
maintenance of civilization, and one to which the
Hebrew was deeply indebted, was the wide and varied
experience derived from cosmopolitan habits and asso-
ciations. This intercourse was facilitated by the easy
and rapid means of international communication at
the disposal of the Jewish trader. The Mediter-
ranean, which washed the shores of three great conti-
nents, presented no obstacles to the enterprise of the
Phcenidans, whose intimate connections with the Jews
gave the latter advantages enjoyed by no other people;
and the fabled monsters invented by those astute navi-
gators to damp the ardor of other maritime adventu-
rers, and which survive in the traditions of classic
mythology, possessed no terrors for the allies and
friends of the Tyrian merchants and sailors. No area
of equal extent in the world offered so diversified and
instructive a spectacle of human life and manners as
the winding coast of that great inland sea. With its
MooBiSH Empire in Europe 109
cities and its kingdoms, founded under different
political conditions, living under different systems,
governed by different laws, frequent and prolonged
visits had early made the Jew familiar. To the au-
dacious navigator who had sailed over the mysterious
Ocean, far beyond the Pillars of Hercules, the coast-
ing of the Mediterranean was a trifle. In subsequent
times the military highways of the Roman Empire —
whose construction, the first work after the invasion of
a country destined to subjection, indicated the fate of
its people, and insured their obedience with far more
certainty than the fortified camps of the legions —
afforded the Hebrew merchant easy access to the ut-
most limits of the vast region subject to imperial au-
thority. But it was not only in lands generally acces-
sible to commercial enterprise that the mercantile and
intellectual activity of the Jew was displayed. With
the periodical caravans he traversed the Arabian
Peninsula, and braving the perils of the Desert — ^the
stifling heat, the sand-storms, the robbers who thrived
amidst its desolation — collected and distributed the
precious commodities of Yemen. He penetrated to
the centre of Ethiopia; his costume and his wares were
known to the inhabitants of every city on the Red
Sea and the Persian Gulf. The coast of Britain was
visited by Jews long before the invasion of Csesar.
The restless, adventurous spirit, so universal that it
became a national characteristic fostered through un-
told generations, and the extensive and profoimd
acquaintance with the motives and the affairs of
humanity which resulted from its exercise, is the
principal secret of the prodigious and phenomenal
development of the Hebrew mind. Other considera-
tions of no less importance contributed largely to this
result. In the estimation of those who strictly ob-
served the precepts of the law, and to whom were
committed the instruction of youth and the guidance
110 History of the
of the community, idleness was considered one of the
most despicable of vices. " Whoever," say the learned
rabbis, " does not teach his son some trade, rears him
for a life of brigandage ;" and the sedulous inculcation
of this principle led to its universal adoption and prac-
tice, until its effects are to-day discernible in the habits
of every individual of Hebrew extraction. In ancient
times there was no industrial occupation whose require-
ments were unfamiliar to the Jewish artisan, no pro-
fession in which the scholars of that nation did not
excel. The talents of the latter were often unprofit-
ably employed in commentaries on the Talmud and
whimsical interpretations of the Scriptures, whose
texts were at times distorted to support some absurd
and extravagant conception which the fruitless in-
genuity of the doctors of the law, devoted to meta-
physical subtleties, had invented. The Talmud was
regarded with even greater reverence than the Penta-
teuch. Its diligent perusal was required as a duty;
children were familiar with its maxims long before
their minds were sufficiently developed to thoroughly
comprehend them; and the mastery of this volumi-
nous and incongruous compilation was regarded as
the rarest and most desu'able of mental accomplish-
ments. From the study of this work was derived the
partiality for mysticism, magic, and oneiromancy,
topics which formed so large a proportion of ancient
Hebrew literatxu'e, and which frequently dissipated
the efforts of genius which might have been exercised
in more practical and advantageous employments. In
the Talmud, however, are also to be found the germs
of medical science in which, from the remotest an-
tiquity, the Jews were distinguished, and whose pur-
suit, thus sanctioned by an authority regarded as
divine, became the favorite pursuit of that extraordi-
nary people. Some of its ideas and principles had
been learned from the Magi of Persia; others were
MooBiSH Empire in Eubofe 111
borrowed from the Egyptian priesthood. The more
numerous, and by far the most valuable, precepts
of that science, however, were a portion of the in-
heritance transmitted by the noble school of the
Ptolemies. With all were mingled not a few puerile
superstitions which exalted the virtues of charms and
amulets. The Bible gives many instances of diseases
and their treatment, which in that age was the pecu-
liar province of the Levites. The talents of the He-
brew thus early directed to medicine and botany
arrived eventually at an extraordinary degree of de-
velopment; and his adaptive ingenuity was revealed
in the discovery and application of many indispen-
sable drugs of the Materia Medica, and in the intelli-
gent use of the instruments and caustics of the sur-
geon. In ancient Chaldea and Babylonia there were
no physicians. The priesthood, as in the Middle Ages,
enjoyed a monopoly of learning, which, so far as the
practice of medicine was concerned, rested upon no
more substantial f oimdation than the imposture of the
charlatan. The cure of disease was effected by the
exorcism of evil spirits; and such is the tenacity of
venerable ideas and the lamentable credulity of the
human mind that, through the influence of a certain
class whose pecuniary interests are directly involved,
this superstitious belief, with others equally absurd,
still prevails among the members of educated commu-
nities even in our enlightened age. The difference
between the f etichism of the African savage, the med-
iaeval relic-cure, and the so-called Christian Science of
modem days is one of degree and not of kind. In
the infancy of civilization every malady was attrib-
uted to demoniacal possession. The Jews were the
first to detect the true nature of disease and to realize
the necessity for the employment of physical remedies,
where heretofore, through the medium of spells and
incantations, the aid of the supernatural alone had
112 HiSTOEY OF THE
been invoked. By the adoption and application of
rational principles, they revolutionized the theory and
practice of medicine. Their attempts to thus partially
emancipate the human mind from tibe degrading thral-
dom of superstition brought upon them the anathemas
of the priesthood wherever these innovations were
attempted. The wonder-workers of Pagan temples
and the monkish custodians of Christian shrines saw
with dismay their incomes decreasing as a consequence
of the successful ministrations of the Hebrew prac-
titioner. It was not without reason that the latter
became an object of clerical animadversion, for the
ojfferings annually bestowed by grateful credulity
upon the custodians of some apocryphal relic of im-
aginary virtues not infrequently exceeded in value the
revenues of a dty. Much of the prejudice everywhere
existing against the Jewish name is thus attributable to
sacerdotal malevolence, originally excited by interfer-
ence with material interests. But even in an age of
ignorance homage was paid, however reluctantly, to
the ascendency of intellectual power; and the Jews
flourished in coimtries where the laws did not tolerate
their presence and sovereigns were pledged by tiieir
coronation oaths to their destruction. Political neces-
sity proved stronger than popular odium; and the
strange anomaly of a proscribed race, whose existence
was condemned by the civil and ecclesiastical codes
alike, flourishing in the midst of implacable enemies
was exhibited in every coxmtry of mediaeval Europe.
This peculiar condition was due to the dominating
force of intellect alone. It is true that toleration was
frequently purchased with gold; but the Jews were
the sole depositaries of real knowledge, and without
their wise and practical counsels the wheels of gov-
ernment could not be kept in motion. This indispen-
sable necessity of maintaining in positions of honor
and power a class whose nominal disabilities degraded
Moorish Empibe in Europe 118
fhem below the legal status of cattle was a result of
the illiterate and priest-ridden state of the Dark Ages.
The cause of the universal prejudice existing
against the Jews from time immemorial has been the
subject of much speculation, but has never been defi-
nitely ascertained. That prejudice long antedates the
Christian era. They were banished by the Egyptians,
enslaved by the Persians, despised by the Greeks, per-
secuted by the Romans. So little were they esteemed
by the latter, that during the wars with Hadrian four
Jews were bartered for a modius of barley. A well-
founded tradition, repeated time and again by classic
historians, declared that they were expelled from
Egypt for fear that the plague might be communi-
cated by the loathsome diseases with which they were
afflicted. In that coxmtry, as elsewhere subsequently,
they were isolated from all other members of the
community. Moses is designated by ancient writers
as the " Chief of the Lepers." It is well known that
leprosy was first introduced into Italy by the soldiers
of Pompey, who contracted it in Palestine. This
awful malady was not only indigenous to the latter
coimtry, but was generally considered a morbid physi-
ological condition peculiar to the Hebrew people, with
whom, in fact, it was chronic and hereditary, and
among whom it assumed its most malignant and
appalling form.
The national customs of the Jews were regarded
with peculiar abhorrence by the polished nations of
antiquity. They practised human sacrifices. Tacitus
says that they rendered distinguished homage to the
ass, an animal sacred to the Phoenician goddess As-
tarte. A golden head of that animal was worshipped
in their temples. The Bible repeatedly mentions the
fact that they were debased and incorrigible idolaters.
In Pagan Arabia they conformed to the religious
Vol. ni.— 8
114 HiSTOEY OF THE
customs of the country, shaved their heads, venerated
the images of the Kaaba, and made the circuit of that
shrine upon their knees. The idea of the Resurrec-
tion, which, with that of the Trinity, formed no paxt
of the primitive belief of any Semitic race, but is a
purely Aryan conception, they learned during the
latter part of the Babylonian captivity. Its adoption
was far from unanimous, however, for it was always
repudiated by the Sadducees, reputed the most ortho-
dox and precisian sect of the Hebrew nation. They
sold their children into slavery. Their personal habits
were indescribably filthy. It was believed by the
African Christians that a peculiarly offensive odor,
an evidence of Divine wrath provoked by the tragedy
of the crucifixion, and which could only be removed
by baptism, emanated from them. Hatred of every-
thing non-Jewish was a ruling principle of their
nature and conduct, and every country in which they
were domiciled they betrayed, in turn, to the invader.
The moral and physical condition — ^that of a race
of pariahs infected with foul distempers — ^which char-
acterized them in ancient times presents a singular
contrast to that under which they actually existed
subsequently, and under which they exist to-day.
They were not affected by the great epidemics which
swept with devastating force over Europe during the
Middle Ages, although they were as fully exposed to
contagion as any of the nations which were decimated
by them. Their inmiunity to many of the most serious
ailments which afflict mankind is demonstrated by
every table of medical statistics. Their longevity, im-
questionably due to a strong constitution, is proverbial.
Their average annual death-rate, in both Europe and
America, is less than one-half that of persons of other
nationalities subjected to the influence of similar
conditions of climate, food, and occupation. Their
freedom from criminality and pauperism is one of
Moorish Empibe in Eubope 115
their most remarkable characteristics. Every lawyer
knows how rarely a Jew is seen in courts of justice,
either as a litigant, a malefactor, or a witness.
The propagation and improvement of a people
under circumstances which indicated their speedy and
inevitable extinction is one of the most ciu'ious prob-
lems in the annals of ethnology. Not only is it anom-
alous, but it is absolutely inexplicable under any scien-
tific and logical hypothesis which can now be advanced.
It would ordinarily be conceded that a race affected
with congenital leprosy, whose habits were uncleanly,
and whose members constantly intermarried, must
certainly perish in a few generations. It would also
not be denied that such a race would be especially
liable to visitations by epidemics, and that its reduced
capacity for resistance would induce an extraordinary
fatality. Not so, however, with the Jews. They grew
stronger by intermarriage. They threw off the disease
which had once made them odious in the sight of men.
The plague and the typhus which desolated the homes
of their neighbors passed them by. They not only
survived, but throve under persecution which would
have exterminated any other branch of the human
family. Their tenacity of life, the persistence of their
institutions, the boundless power they wield in the
commercial world, their versatility of character, their
success in the most difficult undertakings, their na-
tional and religious organization maintained in the
face of appalling obstacles, tend to confirm the an-
cient tradition that they are the Chosen People of
God.
The Hebrew, whatever his capacity or experience,
was in the eye of the law immeasurably inferior to the
most humble and ignorant of those who ruled him. He
paid higher taxes than any one else. His testimony
was not competent in a court of justice. He was ex-
cluded from the enjoyment of office. If, having be-
116 HiSTOEY OF THE
come an apostate through force or policy, he addressed
a word to one who was loyal to the faith and tradi-
tions of his people, even though of his own blood, he
was condemned to slavery. He was not permitted to
abstain from food which his ordinances declared un-
clean. The practice of the rite of circumcision, a rite
pronounced by the rabbi more meritorious than all
others, and enjoined by the Talmud, brought with it
confiscation and death. The ancient national records
—the books of the Law, the chronicles of bygone
dynasties, the treatises of Hebrew physicians already
prominent in the world of science — ^were diligently
sought for and destroyed. Every effort was made to
separate wives from their husbands and slaves from
their masters, by the edict that the ceremony of bap-
tism, when solicited by consort or bondsman, produced,
according to circumstances, ipso factOj divorce or
emancipation. All Jews were enrolled upon the
public registers, and at stated times were mustered
by the bishop. They were also required to report
to the magistrate at every town they visited, to be
examined as to their business and destination. The
Seventeenth Council of Toledo, by a sweeping decree,
seized the property of all the Jews in the kingdom and
sentenced its owners, without exception, to absolute
servitude. They were accused of practices alike re-
volting to humanity and subversive of morals, — of
poisoning the sacramental elements, of the torture of
children, of crimes against nature, of cannibalism.
The ecclesiastical denimciations of offences concern-
ing religion, such as the blasphemy of images and
relics, the ridicule of orthodox tenets, the promulga-
tion of the doctrines of the Talmud, and the soliciting
of proselytes, were not less violent than those which
reprobated the greatest enormities of which human
frailty is susceptible. Every rank of society vied with
the others in manifestations of hostility towards the
Moorish Emfibe in Eubope 117
despised race. The monarch, upon frivolous pretexts,
confiscated their property and abandoned them to the
violence of the populace. In the eyes of the ferocious
noble, who scarcely acknowledged the superior dig-
nity of his king, they were sources of wealth to be
utilized as occasion or inclination demanded; and the
levy of an excessive contribution was regarded as an
act of especial leniency, when the last ducat might
have been exacted with impunity. The Church never
failed to pour out upon these victims of prejudice
the full measure of ecclesiastical oppression and
hatred, and no deed was more meritorious than the
persecution of a Jew. But it was with the lower
orders that the unfortunate Children of Israel fared
the worst. Their wealth aroused the basest passions
of the ignorant and fanatical rabble. To the malice
incited by poverty and envy was added the animosity
engendered by religious prejudice, which found ex-
pression in every kind of maltreatment and outrage.
Although necessary to the state and indispensable to
its poHtical and financial prosperity, the Jew was pre-
cluded from claiming the protection of the very laws
he assisted to administer. Deprived of this unques-
tionable right, he was unfitted by his constitution, his
habits, and his traditions for armed resistance. Cen-
turies of oppression had taught him to rely on pacific
rather than on violent measures for the discomfiture
of his enemies. None understood more thoroughly
than he the secret springs of action which control the
movements of mankind; and with its worst and most
degrading characteristics, his experience, reaching
through many troubled generations, had rendered him
especially familiar. His practical and thorough ac-
quaintance with every foible of human nature thus
made him equal to the exigencies of every occasion.
He dispensed his gold with unstinted liberality. Pow-
erful nobles, everywhere, were in his pay. Ecclesi-
118 HiSTOEY OF THE
astics of eminent talents and reputed sanctity were
not ashamed to accept his gifts, and, in return, to
secretly and effectually protect his person and his in-
terests. No efforts were spared to impress the sover-
eign with the extent of his attainments and the value
of his services. The people, despite their prejudices,
looked with awe and respect upon the members of a
race who had visited lands whose very names were
imknown to them, who conversed fluently in strange
and guttural tongues, and who spread before their
wondering and deUghted eyes precious articles of
merchandise of whose existence they had hitherto re-
mained in ignorance.
Under such circumstances, however disadvanta-
geous, the Jews, scattei^d throughout the countries
of Europe, maintained from century to century the
integrity of their social and religious organization.
Their isolation was in many respects productive of
personal safety and financial benefit. Exempted by
their civil disabilities from exposure to the dangers of
revolution, they escaped the penalties of unsuccessful
treason and profited by the necessities of every fac-
tion. They alone of all classes flourished amidst the
perils of internal disorder. By the liberal and judi-
cious employment of money, they secured the favor
of the party for the moment in power. Meanwhile
the commerce of every country was almost exclu-
sively under their control. No competition, of any
importance, interposed to diminish their enormous
profits. There was not a city, scarcely a hamlet, where
the Hebrew was not sure of sympathy and assistance
from his countrymen. With them his goods were
isecure. They afforded him valuable information.
Their experience enabled him to obtain the highest
prices for his wares, and the secret intelligence at their
disposal gave him timely warning of the presence of
danger and facilitated his escape. His cosmopolitan
MooEiSH Empibe in Eubofe 119
habits prevented national affiliations, and pennitted
him to immediately change his residence whenever it
was required by personal considerations or conmiercial
interests. He bought amber on the Baltic. He sold
slaves in Constantinople. He exchanged the com-
modities of Spain for the furs of Russia and the
pearls and incense of Yemen. In France he found
a profitable market for jewels, spices, and cochineal.
His intimate and extensive relations with the great
emporiums of the Orient were one of the most im-
portant factors of his success. In that quarter of
the world, enjoying the protection and confidence of
the rulers of Persia, Babylonia, Sjnria, and Egypt,
were to be found the most powerful and wealthy com-
mimities of the Hebrew nation. The onmipresent
Jew had established a chain of trading stations across
every continent, and even far beyond the most distant
limits of civilization. This immense advantage was
his alone; no competitor possessed, or could ever hope
to obtain, such extraordinary mercantile facilities.
From the depths of the mysterious East came the rare
products which commanded fabulous prices in the
European capitals, — costly tissues, gems, dyes, aro-
matics, porcelain, — ^articles which often brought far
more than their weight in gold. The monopoly en-
joyed by the shrewd importers enabled them to receive
for their commodities simis which far exceeded their
intrinsic value, and placed them beyond the reach of
any excepting the most opulent.
But the enterprise of the Jew was not confined to
the importation and distribution of luxuries. He
furnished society with every species of merchandise,
from the crown of the monarch to the sandals of the
beggar. The law forbade him to be seated by an
ecclesiastic without the latter's invitation, but the
bishop was compelled to purchase of him the sacer-
dotal vestments in which his race was anathematized;
120 History of the
and the sacred furniture of the altar, including even
the crucifix, the significant emblem of the Passion, was
sold to the cathedral chapter by the descendants of
those who had enacted the tragedy of Golgotha, and
had trafficked in the body and blood of our Savioiur.
The Jews of Provence paid their tribute to the Chiurdi
in wax, and provided the tapers used in the ceremonies
of great religious festivals. The vessels destined for
the celebration of the mass were frequently disposed
of to Jewish merchants by dishonest custodians;
and this sacrilegious trade became at one time so
notorious and shameless in France as to call forth the
indignant denimciation of the Holy See. The pawn-
ing of objects consecrated to Christian worship for
loans ostensibly contracted for the benefit of the
Church was one of the most flagrant abuses of eccle-
siastical authority in mediaeval times. These pledges,
often forfeited, became the property of the lender,
and the clergy were constantly subjected to the scandal
arising from their exposure for sale in the shops and
public markets. It was no unusual circumstance in
those days for the greater part of the sacred plate of
an entire diocese to be temporarily in the hands of
Jewish usurers. It was, moreover, a matter of com-
mon notoriety that the families of wealthy Jewish
brokers daily drank from golden chalices in which once
had been offered the holy sacramental wine of the
mass.
The confidence reposed by all classes in the He-
brews, despite the universal and ineradicable preju-
dice entertained against their nationality, affords un-
deniable proof of their integrity. Their financial
capacity and experience procured for them the office
of receiver of royal taxes in countries where public
sentiment was absolutely opposed to their toleration.
Their fitness for this important and responsible post
was emphasized not only by their abilities, but by the
Moorish Emfibe in Europe 121
fact that their prosperous circumstances were, in a
measure, a guaranty of their honesty, their wealth
removing the principal incentive to peculation. The
most higoted Christians eagerly sought their services
in the management of property and the settlement of
estates; and to their sagacity and wisdom was fre-
quently committed the solution of the difficult proh-
lems relating to the methods of taxation and enforced
contribution adopted by both the Crown and the
Church. During the Middle Ages, every court in
Europe patronized the Hebrew physician. His prac-
tice, while by no means free from the prevailing char-
latanism of the time, embodied many principles of
the healing art still recognized as sound, and repre-
sented all that was then known of medical science.
In hterary culture, as in commercial ability and
scientific acquirements, the mediaeval Jew of Christian
Europe had no rivals. It was an extraordinary cir-
cumstance when a sovereign could even read, in an
age when one of the greatest princes in Europe was
invested with the title of Beauclerc because he could
write his own name legibly, a remarkable distinction in
an era of almost universal ignorance. Such accom-
plishments, when they did exist in any community,
were almost entirely confined to the clerical profes-
sion, and, even among its members, were far from
being generally diffused. The officiating priest had,
ordinarily, sufficient education to enable him to
stumble through the pages of his missal. In the mo-
nastic establishments, where the opportunity afforded
by solitude and leisure permitted, and even encour-
aged, the cultivation of letters, the talents of able
men were too often wasted in frivolous and unprofit-
able pursuits. While such unpromising conditions
prevailed among the higher classes, the state of the
populace was incredibly degraded. The latter natu-
rally looked to its spiritual advisers for instruction and
122 History of the
guidance, and the evil influence of the Church was
everywhere significantly disclosed by the crowds of
stupid and fanatical devotees who listened with awe
and rapture to the incoherent harangues of monkish
zealots, or, bowed upon their faces, grovelled in the
mire before the idolatrous shrine of some spurious
saint.
In the midst of the darkness which obscured the
face of the mediaeval world, Hebrew learning emitted
a small but brilliant ray of light. Priestly tyranny
and popular odiima prevented the regeneration of the
masses, which, under different auspices, might readily
have been accomplished. The erudition of the early
rabbis, remarkable even at the present time, was, in
the age in which they flourished, absolutely phenome-
nal. Their superior intelligence and extensive ac-
quirements caused them to be universally branded as
wizards and enchanters. Men shunned all intercourse
with them, and even feared to encounter them upon
the highways. No greater tribute could be paid to
their knowledge and ability than the ecclesiastical de-
crees laimched against the Jews at the very time when
their talents were employed in directing the financial
affairs of the Church. In spite of his indispensable
usefulness to government and society, the proscribed
Hebrew was always under the ban of the law and
lived in a state of constant apprehension. Princes
claimed and exercised the privilege of absolute owner-
ship of all the Jews and their property in their do-
minions. Even such an enlightened sovereign as the
Emperor Frederick II. published a sweeping edict
reducing the Jews of his realms to servitude, and
declaring their wealth forfeited to the state. In Eng-
land, near the end of the thirteenth century, every
Jew in the kingdom was arrested and held in durance
imtil a ransom of twelve thousand pounds had been
extorted. Three years afterwards all their property
MooBisH Empibe in Europe 128
was taken, and they were expelled from the country.
The hishop often received, as a token of royal esteem,
the present of the Jews of his diocese. This singular
prerogative, which was neither based upon prescriptive
(nistom, former enslavement, nor any claim excepting
that of force, was first exerted in France; and the
enormous profits resulting from its application led to
its general adoption by all the Christian sovereigns of
Europe. The Jew, by the stringent restrictions of
savage laws, was degraded below the level of hu-
manity. The owner of a beast was entitled to fixed
legal compensation for its death, but no penalty was
enacted and no damages could be claimed for the
murder of a Jew. If maltreated, no evidence could
be received against his assailant. The Jews of Tou-
louse, who, tradition declared, had sxurendered the
city to the Moors, were condemned each year on that
anniversary to furnish one of their nimiber to receive
a box on the ear at the cathedral door. One of the
oldest and most respectable of the community was
always selected; the Mow was usually given with a
mailed hand, and the victim not infrequently died
from the effects of it. Dming Passion Week, the
active persecution of the accursed sect was considered
so meritorious as to be almost equivalent to the per-
formance of a religious duty. At that time no He-
brew could appear in the street without endangering
his life. On Good Friday, in the year 1016, an earth-
quake destroyed many of the houses in Rome. Pope
Benedict VIII., having learned that at the time of its
occurrence the Jews were worshipping in their syna-
gogue, and attributing the catastrophe to their influ-
ence, caused a great nmnber to be massacred. At all
times they were exposed to the contumely of adults
and the petty persecutions of children. The isolated
quarter in every community, to which their residence
was restricted, and separated from the dwellings of
124 HiSTOEY OF THE
orthodox Christians to prevent contamination, is to-
day, in nearly all the cities of Europe, still known by
its once distinctive name; although, in most instances,
its Jewish population has disappeared. It was also a
common pastime of the mob to stone the houses of
the Jews, and, as the latter were not permitted to de-
fend themselves, all large towns resounded with tu-
mult and disorder during the celebration of the most
sacred festival of Christendom. Upon every occai^ion,
these imf ortunates were pursued and baited like wild
animals; always with the tacit connivance, often with
the open encouragement, of the authorities. Their
intimate relations with the countries of the East
offered substantial grounds for the belief that they
introduced leprosy into France, Spain, and England,
— ^a disease whose general dissemination has ordinarily
been credited to the Crusades, but whose existence in
France as early as the sixth century must be attrib-
uted to some anterior agency. The undoubted Ori-
ental origin of this malady pointed strongly to the
itinerant Jewish merchants as responsible for its ap-
pearance in Western Europe; while its loathsome and
incurable character tended to increase the popular
odium with which those suspected of infecting a por-
tion of the hvmian race hitherto exempt from this
afSiction were universally regarded.
Every precaution which could have a tendency to
maintain the social and domestic ostracism that popu-
lar intolerance had placed upon the Jew was enforced
by civil and ecclesiastical authority. He could not
legally marry a Christian, inherit real property, hold
slaves. In royal donations, where, without warrant of
right or pretence of ancient custom, he was deprived
of his liberty and his possessions, his person was there-
after attached to the glebe. He was forbidden the
exercise of many of the most profitable mechanical
arts in which he excelled. Christians could not eat
MooEiSH Empire IN Eueope 126
or drink with him, visit his house, Ksten to his conver-
sation, or learn his language. The priesthood con-
sidered the integrity of the doctrines which were at
once the foundation and the instruments of their
power as of far greater importance than the material
comfort and intellectual improvement of their parish-
ioners. They were quick to recognize the peril with
which ecclesiastical institutions would be threatened
if exposed to the logic and sarcasm of Hebrew criti-
cism. The necessities of society could not, as yet, per-
mit the extermination of the Jews, but their practical
isolation was imperatively demanded by considerations
of prudence, and by the just apprehension that the
toleration of social intimacy would eventually result
in the emancipation of the masses from ignorance, and
the consequent disintegration of the Church. The
Dominican and Franciscan Orders were the sworn
enemies of the Jew from the very day of their organi-
zation. The Inquisition was introduced into Spain
for the express purpose of plundering the rich Jews
of Aragon. The efforts of the Papacy were assisted
by the policy of the more bigoted of the rabbis, who
saw, with no less apprehension than their Christian
oppressors, the diffusion of liberal ideas which threat-
ened their own authority and importance. Under such
discouraging conditions had the Jews maintained their
national existence, the purity of their religion, the per-
petuation of their customs, the permanence of their
laws amidst the anarchy, corruption, and intolerance
of mediaeval Europe.
The origin of this strange people is absolutely un-
known. Their roving propensity probably dates from
the very foundation of the race, as the words Hebrew
and pilgrim are derived from the same root. No ques-
tion, however, can exist concerning their Semitic
affiliations. Their geographical distribution was ex-
tensive in very early times. The most ancient collec-
126 HiSTOEY OF THE
tion of myths extant describes their migrations. They
were nmnerous in China during the third century
before Christ. Profoundly superstitious, implicit be-
lievers in omens, idolaters while professing mono-
theism, the facile dupes of wizards and magicians,
the simplest phenomena of nature were always, in
their eyes, invested with a mysterious or an astrological
significance. Even their division into tribes has been
traced by Dbzy to a cabalistic association with the
twelve signs of the zodiac.
The Israelites are first noticed in history as a horde
of vagabond herdsmen in Mesopotamia. Oppressed
by powerful neighbors, repeatedly enslaved, and re-
duced to those depths of moral degradation incident
only to long-continued servitude, they still succeeded
in preserving inviolate the principles of their religious
and social organization. They were almost univer-
sally considered as outcasts, with whom it was contami-
nation to associate. But in all their adversity their
peculiar theocratic belief confirmed their resolution
and sustained their hopes. They were the Chosen
People of God. His Spirit was ever with them,
speaking through the voices of their teachers, direct-
ing the councils of their rulers, illuminating the Holy
of Holies of the Tabernacle, hovering about the Ark
with its golden cherubim. They had the Divine assur-
ance that one day their troubles would end, that the
scattered members of their race would be again united,
that they would inherit the kingdoms and possess the
riches of the earth. Their arrogant exclusiveness was
unconsciously, but none the less diligently, fostered
by the prejudices and regulations of the countries
within whose borders they fixed their residence. In
each city they were confined to a certain quarter,
within whose precincts Christian men were little dis-
posed, and Christian women absolutely forbidden, to
enter. The use of a distinctive costume, popularly
Moorish Empike in Eukope 127
regarded as a badge of ignominy, was imposed upon
them. They were not allowed to marry outside their
sect. The minute and innimaerable restrictions of
Hindu caste were not more rigid or vexatious than
those ordinances which regulated the intercourse of
Jew and Christian during the Middle Ages. The en-
forcement of these social distinctions, as well as the
inexorable requirements of the laws, increased the iso-
lation of the Jews in every community. In this man-
ner their unity was preserved, and the extraordinary
vitality which characterized their existence in all its
phases was promoted.
In no part of Europe had their influence exhibited
such constant, marked, and permanent effects as in
the Spanish Peninsula. On its coast, with which
their ancestors had long been familiar, and where
archaeological research has placed the Tarshish of
Holy Writ, the establishment of the Hebrew is of
such high antiquity that history has failed to record
it; and it may not unreasonably be assumed that it
antedated the Christian era by at least a thousand
years. The turbulent and perfidious character of the
Hebrew sectaries caused them to be regarded with
apprehension by the Romans. In the time of Ha-
drian, their old and powerful families were distrib-
uted, as a measure of public safety, among the most
widely separated provinces of the empire. The fact is
well ascertained that the Spanish Jews were rich and
numerous in the fifth century, and then practically
controlled the commerce and the financial resources of
the country. Even at that early period they were
renowned for their intellectual accomplishments, their
extensive literature, their dexterity in the mechanical
employments, the assiduity with which they pursued
the most abstruse branches of science, and their pro-
ficiency in those practical arts which tend to the ame-
lioration of the condition of the human race and the
128 HiSTOEY OF THE
prolongation of the term of human life. As has beea
mentioned in a previous chapter, although occasion-
ally pursued by royal avarice and clerical animosity,
the Jews did not experience in Spain the full effects
of that hatred which seemed to be their unhappy birth-
right until the accession of Reccared, the first orthodox
sovereign of the Visigothic dynasty. From the latter
part of the sixth century, the malice accumulated in
the church and the cloister through ages of alternate
restraint and forbearance was unmercifully wreaked
upon them. The Visigothic Code is largely taken up
with the statement of their disabilities, the denun-
ciation of their customs, the enumeration of their
offences, and the description of the penalties to be
inflicted by the avenging magistrate. The paternal
character of the ecclesiastical legislation, then and
long afterwards in the ascendant in the Councils,
scrutinized with jealous vigilance not only the public
actions of the offensive sectaries, but invaded with
brutal violence the sacred privacy of domestic life.
The celebration of all national religious festivals was
prohibited. A Jew could not be a witness against a
Christian ; intermarriage of the two races was declared
null and void, and all issue of such unions were subject
to seizure by the clergy, to be reared and educated
in monastic institutions; circumcision was declared
illegal; and the grotesque cruelty of the law which
enforced the use of pork as food violated without
cause or excuse a rational prejudice of the Jew,
established by Divine command and confirmed by the
imbroken practice of countless generations of his kins-
men. The observance of these savage and unreason-
able regulations was enforced by penalties of corre-
sponding severity. The culprit was usually burned
alive; in cases where it seemed that leniency might be
properly exercised, he was stoned to death. The con-
stant and systematic evasion of these laws, which even
Moorish Empire in Europe 129
priestly malevolence hesitated to enforce, was the con-
sequence of their extreme rigor. Many circumstances
then, ss subsequently, intervened to mitigate the con-
dition of the Jews; the necessities of the state, the
jealousy of the nobles, the venal and corrupt disposi-
tion of the clergy, who were often the first to violate
the ordinances which they themselves had been instru-
mental in having enacted, were all enlisted, from time
to time, in securing for the objects of popular hatred
a temporary and precarious indulgence.
Under the Visigothic domination, as a rule, the
policy of the government was decidedly hostile. The
opulent were, as is usual in such cases, considered the
most guilty ; knd thousands were seized, despoiled, and
murdered on no other provocation than the evidences
of prosperity and the imprudent and ostentatious ex-
hibition of their wealth. In the Council, which chose
the sovereign, ecclesiastidsm always preponderated;
and through its influence a clause was early inserted
in the coronation oath which boimd the king to suffer
no other religion but the Roman Catholic in his do-
minions. Powerful protectors, whose services were
purchased by the lavish distribution of bribes, averted
the storm for the time; but about the beginning of
the seventh century public opinion declined to be
longer conciliated, and a frightful persecution was
begun. An immense number, amoimting, it is said, to
ninety thousand, apostatized and publicly received the
rite of baptism. Multitudes, who preferred banish-
ment to renunciation of their faith, fled to France,
Italy, and other countries. Such extreme measures
drove the suffering Israelites to resistance, but their
hereditary cowardice and their total want of organiza-
tion rendered their exertions hopeless, and produced
no result but an aggravation of their misfortunes.
While these events were transpiring in the Visi-
j?othic kingdom, Mohammedan conquest had spread
180 History of the
from Central Arabia to the western extremity of the
African continent. Before its irresistible force, the
activity of the Berber savage and the discipline of the
Roman veteran had alike been hmnbled in the dust.
The dangerous proximity of the Moslem outposts at
the south had more than once aroused the apprehen-
sions of the proud and luxm-ious sovereigns of Spain.
But their efforts had been directed rather to the in-
dulgence of their passions and the extirpation of
heresy than to the fortification of the frontiers of the
kingdom against the ambition of an unknown and
underrated foe. The Jews, however, fully realized
the gravity of the situation, and were only too willing
to promote the designs of an enemy whose success,
they were convinced, would enure to their own advan-
tage and security. Numerous considerations of pro-
found significance impelled them to this course. They
themselves and the Arabs were derived from a com-
mon origin. Both sprang from the same branch of
the great human family. Many of their customs were
identical ; their traditions denote a similar source ; their
languages vary but little in construction and pronun-
ciation, and have been so slightly modified by the vicis-
situdes of centuries that the Hebrew rabbi and the
Bedouin sheik of to-day can readily commimicate with
each other by means of their respective idioms. Both
nations had for centuries been accustomed to a pastoral
life on the vast plains of Asia, where the illimitable
monotony of the landscape, the unbroken stillness of
immense solitudes, the magnificent spectacle of the
unclouded heavens glowing with the most gorgeous
constellations of the firmament, have always impressed
upon the nations subject to these potent and omni-
present influences the conviction of the unity of God.
The caravans that issued from the Desert exchanged
the precious commodities of that region for the wares
manufactured and imported by the Hebrews of Alex-
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 181
andria, Damascus, and Antioch. Although in the
early ages of Islam the Jews were often harshly
treated, the Arabs were quick to perceive the advan-
tages to be obtained from their commercial experience
and literary knowledge. As Hebrew enterprise was
instrumental in opening to the world the lucrative and
important trade of the Arabian Peninsula, so Hebrew
genius disclosed to the descendants of Ishmael the
capacity of their own tongue, which until then had
found no permanent mode of expression. The first
book which appeared in the Arabic language was
written by Javaich, a Syrian Jew. It was the trans-
lation of a medical work by a famous practitioner of
Alexandria, and the practical character of the subject
not only indicates the serious nature of early Hebrew
research, but also becomes a matter of curious signifi-
cance when the subsequent interest and proficiency of
Arab scholars in everything concerning the scientific
acquirements of that profession are considered.
The impulse thus early exerted by Jewish culture
upon the Arab intellect was eventually productive of
the most extraordinary results. The scholars soon
surpassed their instructors in the extent and pro-
fundity of their knowledge. The Arab mind assimi-
lated, with wonderful ease and insatiable avidity, the
useful and valuable information afforded it, while its
critical faculty enabled it to reject what it intuitively
perceived to be spurious. In all the countries subject
to the Khalifates of Mecca and Damascus, the He-
brew opened to the Moslem conqueror the avenues of
literature and science. He was treated by the Moham-
medan princes with far more consideration and justice
than he had ever experienced under Pagan or Chris-
tian domination. His synagogues were erected in the
shadow of Moslem minarets. His academies became
famous as centres of learning. The works of Grecian
philosophers, the fragmentary treasiu'es of Alexan-
182 HiSTOEY OF THE
drian erudition, were, through his efforts, made famil-
iar to the studious of the great Mohammedan capitals.
In the distribution of literary patronage the Jews
were the most distinguished recipients of royal munifi-
cence. In proportion to the eminence they attained in
the province of letters, their political power and finan-
cial prosperity increased. They enjoyed the familiar
confidence of the monarch, when his favorite coun-
cillors dared not venture without a summons into his
presence. They amassed great fortunes in the various
branches of trade and industry. Their mercantile
occupations brought them frequently in contact with
their fellow-sectaries, who, in other parts of the world,
maintained under the weighty sceptre of cruel and
bigoted sovereigns an existence fraught with danger
and hardship.
These facts were well known to the Spanish Jews
who had, amidst the multiplied catastrophes afflicting
their race, survived the effects of Visigothic t3rranny.
Notwithstanding the successive persecutions of which
they had been the object, they were still numerous in
the Peninsula. The phenomenal vitality of a people
which, from time immemorial, has preserved its integ-
rity imder the most adverse conditions, enabled it to
defy the mahce of courts and the edicts of councUs
whose office and pastime was the pitiless extirpation
of heresy. The Jews floiu-ished in defiance of blood-
thirsty laws. In many ways they evaded the effects
of proscription. Thousands apostatized. Multitudes
secretly piwchased immimity by means of the arts of
corruption. Of those who had gone into exile, the
majority quickly returned and took up their residence
in other provinces, where, unknown to the populace,
and often with the venal connivance of civil officials
and prelates, they were permitted to pursue their avo-
cations in comparative security. The Israelitish ele-
ment was so preponderant in Toledo, Lucena, and
1
Moorish Empire in Europe 188
Granada, at the time of the Moorish invasion, that
they were known as Jewish cities. This large popu-
lation formed a separate state, an imperium in im-
periOj whose members, exasperated by the memory of
intolerable suffering and sustained by the hope of
retribution, were ready to embrace the first oppor-
tunity to avenge the oppression of centuries. Thus
the fatal policy of the Visigoths — ^weak, violent, and
corrupt — ^had introduced an organized, powerful, im-
scrupulous, and vindictive enemy into every province
and dty of their tottering empire. With their Afri-
can brethren the Jews of Spain maintained an inti-
mate and frequent correspondence. Numbers of the
latter had sought a refuge beyond the sea, as their
descendants did, imder similar circumstances, seven
centuries afterwards. The settlements of the Mauri-
tanian coast swarmed with indigenous or exiled He-
brews, attracted thither by the superior facilities they
offered to commercial pursuits. All of these shrewd
and intelligent traders were perfectly familiar with
the condition of the Visigothic monarchy; with its
apparent splendor and actual decay; with the politi-
cal and social disorganization pervading every depart-
ment of the state and every rank of society; with the
tyranny of the King; with the universal disaffection
of the nobles ; with the grasping avarice of the clergy,
whose exactions spared neither the plenty of the rich
nor the starving wretchedness of the poor; with the
weakness of the army, whose soldiers, subsisting by
pillage, had neither weapons to arm nor oflSicers to
command them; with the abject misery of the people,
wlio, protected by none and plundered by all, insecure
in the pursuit of every employment, a constant prey
to licensed brigandage, with no recollection of the past
but the bitter reminiscence of unprovoked and re-
peated injury, with no hope of the future save in the
intervention of a more powerful, perhaps a more
184 History of the
ruthless, oppressor, were certain of tranquillity only
in the silence and oblivion of the grave.
The advent of Moslem supremacy, which promised
a new and splendid career to the down-trodden race,
was welcomed by the Jews of Africa with all the
enthusiasm of an impulsive and excitable people.
Al-Maghreb had scarcely been conquered before the
Moslem generals were more conversant with the de-
tails of Visigothic weakness and demoralization than
the councillors of Roderick himself. The minute and
secret ramifications of Jewish society united in a
common cause the widely distributed communities of
Africa and Spain; the intelligence and resolution of
the conspirators, whose hostility was increased by the
bitterness of sectarian hatred, rendered their enterprise
and activity the more dangerous; and a propitious
opportunity alone was awaited to pour upon the fer-
tile and defenceless plains of the Peninsula the resist-
less torrent of Moslem invasion. That opportunity
soon arrived. The fortress of Ceuta, lost by treason,
fell into the hands of the Arabs ; the Visigothic power,
crushed in one great battle, succumbed to the superior
valor of an enterprising enemy; and within the short
period of fotuieen months the sceptre of empire
passed from the feeble hands of a barbarian dynasty
to the control of a foreign race, whose mental capacity
and intellectual ambition, as yet untried, were sub-
sequently found to be equal to the most exacting de-
mands of a refined and highly developed civihzation.
In these events, whose consequences produced such
radical modifications in the religious, political, and
domestic conditions of European society, Hebrew
energy and craft were eminently conspicuous. One
of the principal divisions of Tank's army was com-
manded by a Jew. During the invasion, Jewish guides
conducted the Moslem squadrons along the highways
of an unknown country, furnished information of the
MOOBISH EmPIBE IN EuBOFE 185
enemy's movements, disclosed the whereabouts of mili-
tary supplies and hidden wealth. When the slender
numbers of the Arab forces would not admit of their
diminution for garrison duty, the Jews volunteered
their services to defend the conquered cities and faith-
fully discharged the important trust. The obligations
thus incurred by the Moorish invaders to their allies
were of the most important character. The latter not
only facilitated an enterprise whose diflSculty, without
their co-operation, would have been enormously in-
creased, if not actually rendered impracticable, but,
the country once subdued, they directed the atten-
tion of the Arabs to elegant pm-suits, of whose nature
and value they had hitherto remained in ignorance.
Moslem civilization in Eiu^ope owed an incalculable
debt of gratitude to the Jews. They were its real
founders. They inculcated a taste for letters. They
promoted the investigations of science, the develop-
ment of industry and the arts. Their refined tastes
and intellectual employments aroused a noble emu-
lation in the minds of their pupils and imitators, which,
in turn, reacted upon their own talents and aspirations.
Hebrew genius and ambition were no longer hampered
by the malicious interference of royal councils and
ecclesiastical synods. The Jewish merchant and the
Jewish banker pursued their way to opulence and
distinction, unmolested by the extortionate demands
of corrupt officials and tyrannical farmers of the
revenue. Their scholars were not insensible to the
advantages to be derived from the study of ancient
learning, and the Greek and Latin classics were thor-
oughly familiar to the Spanish Jew, whose com-*
mentaries upon them were of considerable extent and
of unquestionable authority.
Under a government favorable to their existence
and prosperity, their numbers rapidly increased. The
depopulation resulting from the conquest of an
186 HiSTOKY OF THE
already impoverished and exhausted territory required
an extraordinary and immediate remedy. Publica-
tion was everywhere made throughout the Orient
inviting the settlement of immigrants in Spain.
Lands and houses were promised to all who were
vnilling to change their domiciles for new homes in
the distant and recently founded Mohanmiedan em-
pire. In the multitude that responded were, it is said,
fifty thousand Hebrew families, amounting to not less
than a quarter of a million individuals. These, with
their fellow-sectaries already established in the Penin-
sula, composed a most important element of its popu-
lation. Highly favorable social and domestic condi-
tions, among which must be considered the prevalent
institution of polygamy, caused in after years a pro-
digious multipUcation of the race. The colonists
brought with them the devotion to learning which
they had imbibed in the presence of the great me-
morials of ancient civilization on the banks of the
Nile and the Euphrates, and many volumes of native
and foreign lore which were destined to form the
nucleus of the magnificent libraries of Moorish Spain.
History has repeatedly mentioned the tireless assiduity
with which the Jews, secure and tranquil imder the
tolerant administration of the khalifs, devoted them-
selves to the cultivation of letters. Their diligence
was only exceeded by the marvellous proficiency they
attained in every branch of usefxil knowledge. They
mastered with ease the most abstruse and perplexing
mathematical problems. The rabbis were great lin-
guists; there were few of them not thoroughly con-
versant with the numerous idioms of Europe and
Asia. Medicine and astronomy, their favorite pur-
suits, under their direction soon acquired an unprece-
dented, almost a magical, development.
The tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries represent
the epoch of the greatest fame and influence of the
MooEiSH Empibe in Eubofe 187
Spanish Jews. This period, coincident with the high-
est power and civilization of the Hispano-Arah em-
pire, had, however, been preceded by two centuries of
uninterrupted progress. The enlightened policy of
the Western khalifs, from the accession of the Om-
meyade dynasty, attracted to their capital the learned
of every country and of every profession. Of these
strangers, the Hebrews constituted the largest pro-
portion of any one race, excepting the Arabs. The
schools and academies they founded vied in educa-
tional opportunities and literary culture with the Mos-
lem institutions of similar character whose reputation
was unrivalled in the world. The interpretations of
the Scriptures and the Talmud, as promulgated by
the synagogues of Toledo and Cordova, were acknowl-
edged everywhere as of the highest and most binding
authority. A constant and profitable intercourse was
maintained with their kinsmen of the Orient, which
promoted an interchange of ideas, and was conse-
quently of incalculable advantage to the mental de-
velopment of both divisions of the race. The intel-
lectual supremacy of the Spanish Jew was, however,
rarely disputed. The opportunities he enjoyed in the
society of the most splendid of mediaeval capitals; the
vast stores of information at his disposal; the great
libraries collected by the khahf s to which he had access ;
the permanent distinction which awaited successful
competition in the pubUc contests for literary prece-
dence; the favor of the sovereign, often himself a
scholar of great erudition and varied accompUshments,
always a liberal patron of science and the arts; the
applause of the multitude; the substantial pecuniary
benefits which promised a life of ease and opulence to
all whose abihties were sufiiciently eminent to merit
public recognition and recompense ; with these mani-
fold privileges and incentives it is not singular that
Hebrew genius obtained and preserved an exalted
I
i
188 HiSTOEY OF THE
rank in the literary society of the age. Encouraged
by the influence which they wielded, and presuming
upon the favor of a liberal and indulgent sovereign,
the Jews of the Moorish empire formed an organiza-
tion modelled after the institutions of their ancestors
which could scarcely have been tolerated under a severe
and jealous despotism. They elected as their king a
prince of the house of Judah, who, while not openly
invested with the insignia of royalty, received the
homage and the tribute of his subjects. Under this
potentate judges and priests were chosen, who exer-
cised the f imctions performed centviries before in the
days of the independence and renown of the Hebrew
nation. The Moors countenanced, and even approved
of, the establishment of this anomalous system. Its
oflicials, despite their grandiloquent titles, were strictly
subordinated to the authority of the khalif ate. They
were suffered, however, to administer the affairs of
those who acknowledged their jurisdiction; their de-
cisions in theological matters limited to their f aiih
were imquestioned; and they were intrusted with the
collection of taxes, whose amount and apportionment
had been previously determined by the regular officers
of the imperial treasury.
The eminently practical character of the Jewish
mind did not confine itself to speculations upon the
traditions of the Talmud or disquisitions concerning
abstruse points of philosophy. The Hebrew sages
embraced with the greatest ardor the fascinating pur-
suits of mechanical invention and scientific discovery.
In medicine and surgery they particularly excelled.
They wrote treatises on the application of hydraulics
and the comparative merits of various systems of irri-
gation. They thoroughly understood the principles
of horticulture. The excellence of the manufactures
for which the Khalif ate of Cordova was famous was,
to a considerable extent, indebted to Jewish talents
Moorish Empire in Europe 189
and industry. In many instances the nationality of
Hebrew scholars was obscured through the similarity
of their names and occupations to those of their dis-
tinguished associates in the great Moslem centres of
learning. Many Jewish doctors received Arab appel-
lations and wrote almost exclusively in the Arabic
language. Among these was Ibn-Zohr, who, for these
reasons, has been generally considered a Mohamme-
dan, but whose parentage, religion, associations, and
education were entirely Hebrew.
The tenth century witnessed the culmination of
Jewish greatness in Europe. In its rapid advance-
ment, it had kept pace with the ever-progressive march
of Moslem power and culture. Wherever the Sara-
cens established themselves, the Jewish population in-
creased. The harmonious co-operation of the two
races — one of which, while nominally tributary to and
dependent upon the other, was in reality upon a foot-
ing of friendly intimacy with its acknowledged supe-
rior— proved of immense advantage to both, in the
promotion of every measure which could enure to the
substantial benefit of humanity. In the consideration
which they enjoyed, and in the prosperity and dis-
tinction which were the reward of inteUigent and use-
ful effort, the Jews lost the memory of the calamities
which had been their lot for so many centuries. In
common with all peoples who have attained the highest
civilization, they abandoned themselves to luxury.
The men were clothed in the richest of silken fabrics.
The jewels of the women equalled in brilliancy and
value the choicest treasures of the imperial harems.
The great Hebrew fimctionaries of state, who pos-
sessed the confidence of the sovereign, appeared in
public, guarded by retinues of armed and magnifi-
cently attired eunuchs. Their mansions exhibited all
the luxurious appointments of the fastidious sybarite.
The Rabbi Hasdai-ben-Schaprut was one of the prin-
140 History of the
cipal ministers of Abd-al-Rahman III. Al-Hakem
II. enlisted the services of Jewish ambassadors in
important embassies. Hischem II. ordered a transla-
tion of the Talmud to be made into Arabic, and caused
its literature to be introduced as a branch of study in
the Moslem colleges. The educated Moors treated
with the greatest honor and respect the princes and
officials of the hierarchy chosen by the assemblies of
the Synagogue. The beginning of the tenth century
witnessed the destruction of the renowned academies
of Persia, whose members, by the promulgation of
liberal doctrines, had rendered themselves obnoxious
to Oriental despotism. Their societies dissolved, these
learned men were forced to seek security in exile.
Some of the most famous, including the Rabbi Moses,
of the Academy of Pumbedita, were taken by African
corsairs and exposed for sale in the slave-market of
Cordova. Such was the eminent reputation of this
doctor, that, as soon as his identity was disclosed, he
was unanimously elected prince of the Hispano-He-
brew nation.
These Oriental scholars were not the only exiles who
enriched the universities of Spain with their accumu-
lated stores of wisdom. From every country where
the hand of persecution was raised against the Jew
refugees flocked by thousands into the Peninsula, until
the Ommeyade khalif included among his subjects a
larger proportion of the people of this race than any
other sovereign of the age. The list of rabbis who
iUimiinated with their genius and learning the reign
of the Cordovan princes is both instructive and inter-
esting, especially when we consider the benighted con-
dition of contemporaneous Europe. In France, dur-
ing the ninth centiuy, a Christian bishop declared the
rabbis preached better than the priests.
The active minds of these gifted scholars enabled
them to master at the same time the most complicated
Moorish Empibe in Eueofe 141
problems of widely different branches of scientific
knowledge. The difficulty and novelty of the subject
were always the strongest incentives to their industry.
The study of jurisprudence enjoined by their law, as
a religious duty, was always entered upon in the be-
ginning of their literary career, no matter to what pro-
fessions they were subsequently to be devoted. Rabbi
Hasdai-ben-Schaprut wrote a commentary on the bo-
tanical treatise of Dioscorides, of which he had made
an Arabic version; Rabbi Judah, who lived under
Abd-al-Rahman III., was renowned for his acquaint-
ance with both Hebrew and Arabic literature; Joseph
translated the Talmud for Hischem II. ; Manasseh-
ben-Baruch compiled a critical lexicon, a colossal
monument of patience and erudition. To Isaac-ben-
Chanan is ascribed the rendering into classic Hebrew
of the complete works of Aristotle. Isaac Alphes
codified the laws of the Talmud; Samuel-ben-Alarif,
the minister of Habus, King of Granada, renowned
alike as statesman, astronomer, and poet, composed a
panegyric of his sovereign in seven languages. Moses-
ben-Ezra wrote poems which disclose instructive scenes
of mediseval life and manners ; the grammatical works
of Judas-ben-David were recognized as -authoritative
wherever the Hebrew tongue was spoken; Isaac-ben-
Baruch was one of the most learned and accomplished
mathematicians of his time. In addition to these
names, famous in the history of letters, the Hebrew
community of Spain included poets like Judas Levi,
whose works, translated into Arabic and Latin^ ob-
tained a wide and deserved popularity; astronomers
like Ben-Chia; geographers like Isaac Latef ; physi-
cians like Charizi; travellers like Benjamin of Tudela,
whose writings may still be perused with pleasure and
advantage; natural philosophers like Solomon-ben-
Gabirol, who had the rare faculty of clothing scientific
conceptions in poetical language; universal geniuses
1
1
142 HiSTOEY OF THE
like Moses-ben-Maimon and Ben-Ezra, whose talents
illustrated and embellished every subject within the
realm of human knowledge. Not less noted were the
Jewish physicians, who did not, however, exist as a
distinctive profession, their commanding abilities
being also displayed in other departments of litera-
ture and science.
Most prominent among the names which immortal-
ize the golden age of Hebrew erudition is that of
Moses-ben-Maimon, popularly known as Maimonides.
A native of Cordova, and sprung from a family which
had furnished many learned and distinguished mem-
bers of the Jewish hierarchy, he enjoyed from his
earliest youth the unrivalled educational advantages
of the great Moslem capital. His mind was formed
and his tastes developed under the most able in-
structors of the University of Cordova, and it has
even been stated, upon disputed authority, however,
that he was the pupil and friend of the famous phi-
losopher Averroes. The profession of medicine which
he adopted, and in which he afterwards so greatly ex-
celled, he regarded rather as an instrument with which
to observe the secret characteristics and incentives of
human natiu?e than as a means of livelihood. At the
age of thirty, his reputation for prodigious erudition
had spread far beyond the limits of the Moslem em-
pire of the West. The fanatical policy of Abd-al-
Mumen, founder of the Almohade dynasty, demanded
the conversion of the Jews; thousands, imder the fear
of death, renounced their religion, and among them
was Maimonides, whose resolution was not proof
against the prospective sufferings of martyrdom.
Escaping soon after to Egypt, where his renown had
preceded his arrival, he became the friend and adviser
of the Sultan. It is said that whenever he left his
house he was compelled to pass through lines of
people, some of whom desired his opinion on meta-
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 148
physical questions, and others, who were aflKcted with
various aihnents, that sought the aid of his medical
knowledge. Such was his devotion to his profession,
that in the care of his patients he deprived himself of
sleep, and many times fainted from sheer exhaustion.
In the midst of his arduous duties he found time for
the composition of many voluminous treatises, — on
biblical and rabbinical hterature ; on the action of
remedies; on the duties and responsibilities of man as
inculcated by the higher philosophy. His principal
work, More-Hanebushim, " The Guide of Lost
Spirits," is one of the masterpieces of Hebrew
literature. The learning it displays, the profound
knowledge of mankind it reveals, the originality of
its conceptions, the ingenuity and logical force of the
argument, the sublime moral maxims it inculcates,
and the elegance and beauty of the style, owing little
to the native harshness of the idiom in which it is
written, stamp it as one of the most remarkable pro-
ductions of the human mind. The genius of this
great writer regarded as diversions undertakings
which would have appeared formidable tasks to men
of inferior capacity. His medical works, fourteen
in nimoiber, and especially his learned commentary on
Hippocrates, were long the guide of the profession,
and to this day many of his precepts for the treatment
of disease are employed by the intelligent practitioner.
He was one of the first to recognize that mental de-
rangement is often the result of physical indisposition.
Maimonides was more familiar with the doctrines of
Christian theology than the majority of the prelates
whose duty it was to inculcate them. His understand-
ing rejected with contempt the alluring and prevalent
delusions of the age, wluch too frequently contami-
nated the wisdom of the scholar with the mummeries
of the impostor. His condemnation of judicial astrol-
ogy, in which he exposed by irrefutable arguments the
144 HiSTOEY OP THE
absurdities and dangers of that puerile but fascinating
science, was adopted and promulgated as authoritative
by both Popes Sixtus V. and Urban VIII. While he
criticised with uncompromising severity the faults of
his sect and the weabtiess and inconsistency of many
of its traditions, Maimonides never intentionally
swerved from the path of orthodox Judaism. His
surroundings and associations were, however, on the
whole not favorable to the maintenance of archaic
theological systems. The intellectual society of Cor-
dova was deeply infected with infidelity. The in-
structors of youth, the professors of the University,
were disciples of Averroes. Religious commentary
had long been supplanted by philosophical skepticism.
Even the populace, always the last to abandon the
obsolete opinions of theological infancy, were imbued
with the same iconoclastic ideas. The sublime concep-
tions of India, the doctrine of Emanation and Ab-
sorption, had been largely adopted by the educated
communities of Moorish Spain. The exposure of the
Hebrew dogmas to the mocking and sarcastic raillery
of his learned companions produced no effect upon
the faith of Maimonides. His principles were too
firmly grounded to be shaken by the jeers of polished
atheism. While his progressive ideas caused him to
be for a time regarded with suspicion by the stricter
of the Hebrews, they eventually contended with each
other in paying tribute to his lofty genius, and in
their extravagant admiration styled him " The Eagle
of Jewish Literature," " The Guide of the Rabbis,"
" The Light of the Occident." The liberal character
of his doctrines may be inferred from the following
passage taken from the preface to his works: " The
end of religion is to conduct us to perfection, and to
teach us to act and think in conformity with reason.
In this consists the distinctive attribute of human
nature."
Moorish Empire in Europe 145
Maiinonides was one of the most eminent person-
ages of his time. No writer of his nationality ever
attained to such an exalted rank, even among those
who dissented from his opinions. The kindness of his
disposition was not less remarkable than the extent
of his intellectual acquirements. Although a bom
polemic and controversialist, he never voluntarily
wounded the feelings of an adversary. The object
of his investigations was invariably the discovery of
truth. His learning, his critical acumen, his quick-
ness of perception, his accuracy of judgment, his
talent for argument, were imrivalled. His system
aimed at the reconciliation of revealed maxims and
scientific deductions; at the co-ordination of Biblical
and Talmudical ideas with the principles of ancient
wisdom and contemporaneous philosophy. Such a
task was beyond even his great abilities. The studies
of the infidel schools of Spain had, imconsciotisly to
himself, afi^ected his religious belief. The instruc-
tions of Averroes were not conducive to the exist-
ence of rigid Judaism. Maimonides was, in fact, a
pantheist. Throughout his writings, despite their
mysticism, the doctrine of Emanation is everywhere
prominent. He refers to successive spheres bom of
Divine thought. He considers the absorption of the
souls of the good into the Divine Essence. While
admitting the indestructibility of force, he rejects the
idea of the eternity of matter. With him, as with the
majority of scholars who had been educated imder
Arabic auspices, the authority of Aristotle w&s para-
moimt. His works, while professedly written to eluci-
date and confirm the Talmud, really undermined it.
His Mischne Thora and Commentary on the Mischna
are prodigies of dialectical skill and varied erudition.
In the first of these, a religious code, ten years of
constant labor were expended.
The life of Maimonides was an eventful period in
Vol. III.— 10
146 History of the
the history of his race. Then it reached the highest
point of intellectual distinction, but among its sages
none ranked with the distinguished rabbi. In addition
to his vast stores of universal knowledge, he had
profited by the practical benefits of travel. He had
visited Fez, Montpellier, Cairo, Bagdad, Jerusalem.
He was the court physician of Saladin. He refused
a similar employment tendered by Richard I., King
of England. He was raised to the important office
of Chief Rabbi of all the Hebrew communities of
Egypt. From the East and West, his countrymen
sought his opinion on abstruse questions of religion
and philosophical doctrine, and accepted his answers
as infallible. His influence was by no means confined
to members of his own sect. His works, translated
into Latin, were diligently studied by Christian po-
lemics, and furnished arguments to successive genera-
tions of schoolmen. Diffused throughout the South
of France, their rationalist opinions played no small
part in the promotion of the Albigensian heresy.
But whUe the intellectual supremacy of Maimo-
nides placed him far in advance of his contemporaries,
he was by no means the only distinguished scholar of
his epoch. Ben-Ezra, equally proficient in the depart-
ments of medicine, literature, and astronomy, enjoyed
a reputation second only to that of the Greatest of
the Hebrews. His inquisitive mind, stimulated by
years of assiduous application, sought in the scenes
of foreign lands the valuable experience and intimate
acquaintance with human life which are not to be ob-
tained by the perusal of books alone. The remarkable
abilities of Ben-Ezra were exercised alike in the solu-
tion of mathematical problems and in the composi-
tion of sacred poems. In his knowledge of astron-
omy, he surpassed the most accurate observers of an
age especialy devoted to the cultivation of the grand-
est and most fascinating of sciences. In his moments
Moorish Empibe in Europe 147
of mental relaxation he embodied in verse the rules of
the game of chess; and the preface to this poem, in
which the reader is warned against the evils of cards
and dice, proves conclusively that gaming implements
supposed to have been invented hundreds of years
afterwards were familiar to the Spanish Jews and
Moors in the early part of the thirteenth century.
Not imworthy rivals of Ben-Ezra in the contest for
literary precedence were Nachmanides, who at the age
of sixteen was the honored associate of the most
learned of the Jewish nation, and whose precocious
maturity acquired for him in early manhood the title
of Abu-Harushma, " The Father of Wisdom;" Jo-
seph Hadain, whose charming verses were the delight
of the people of Cordova; Solomon-ben-Gabirol, and
Abraham-ben-David-Halevi, distinguished philoso-
phers, in whose writings were illustrated the principles
of theological reform and independent criticism de-
manded by the bold and progressive spirit of the age.
Among the Jews of Spain were also many original
poets, fabulists, and writers of romance. Such were
the most eminent scholars whose attainments reflected
honor on the Hebrew name, under the beneficent rule
of the Moslem princes of the West, an era coincident
with the darkest period of European history. Be-
sides these there were others in every community,
some of rabbinical rank, some of humble station, with
talents that elsewhere would have raised them far
above mediocrity, but who were obsciu'ed and over-
whelmed in the dazzling glare of literary excellence.
The commercial prosperity of the Jews; the univer-
sality of education, whose institutions afforded facili-
ties nowhere else attainable in the world; the natu-
rally inquisitive bent of the Hebrew mind, whose
acuteness seemed capable of solving questions when
all others had failed, and whose versatility was equal
to the most varied and arduous undertakings; the
148 HiSTOEY OF THE
superhuman industry which shrank from no task,
however difficult; the consideration with which they
were treated by sovereign and plebeian alike, gave full
scope to the capabilities of a race of men who never
previously, even in the days of Judea*s splendor, had
been afforded such opportunities for development
The generous emulation provoked by the inteUectual
efforts of their Saracen rivals was exerted by the Jews
in every branch of learning and every department of
scientific research. Through the literary productions
of these two nations alone was the way of knowledge
accessible. A thorough acquaintance with Arabic and
Hebrew was indispensable to the ambitious student.
Latin, whose corrupted idiom was the language of the
Church, was the vehicle of priestly intercourse, and
the medium through which were transmitted Papal
decrees and ecclesiastical tradition. The ancient
classics of Greece and Rome were practically un-
known outside the Peninsula; and there is good
reason to believe that a majority of the famous prel-
ates of the time were ignorant that they had ever
existed. The accurate retranslations of these works
into Latin from the Arabic, into which they had been
originally transcribed, first revealed their merits to
Western Europe, and paved the way to the revival
of learning. The impulse imparted by this means to
literary curiosity and investigation found its culmina-
tion in the epoch which produced Aretino, Petrarch,
Boccaccio, and Dante. The Italian Renaissance, the
dawn of modern European intelligence and progress,
received its inspiration from the civilizing influences
and cultivated tastes brought to extraordinary perfec-
tion in the great cities of Southern Spain.
The dissolution of the Moslem empire, its subse-
quent division and gradual conquest, naturally
effected great changes in the political relations and
ultimate destiny of the Hebrew race. Under the
Moorish Empire in Eueope 149
petty kings who administered with various fortune
the shattered fragments of the magnificent inheri-
tance bequeathed by the Ommeyade khalif s, the con-
dition of the Jews changed with the caprices and the
passions of each new tjnrannical potentate. For the
most part, however, they received indulgent and often
flattering treatment. The Mohammedan sovereigns
recognized the value of such subjects; there were
many whose political sagacity was not obscured by
prejudice, and who still observed the tolerant precepts
of Islam. At Granada the Jews had always been
popular; there is a tradition that the capital of the
kingdom was founded by them. In the fourteenth
century, there were fifteen thousand Hebrew families
resident in that dty. While the rest of the Peninsula
was convulsed with revolution and disorder, and their
kinsmen were being everywhere persecuted and robbed
by Papal inquisitor and Christian king, the Jews of
Granada pursued their occupations in peace, under
the protection of the Zirite and Alhamar dynasties,
until the final success of the Spanish arms involved
their nation in irretrievable ruin.
The Jews were the principal medium through which
Moorish civilization was permanently impressed upon
Europe. Their peculiar characteristics; their vitality
amidst the most dreadful misfortunes; the intimate
relationship maintained by their communities, where
distance and territorial isolation seemed matters of
little importance, and their wide distribution were
most important factors in the maintenance and dis-
semination of knowledge. The Jew travelled with
safety in lands where a price was set upon his head;
outside of Moslem jurisdiction, even among strangers
unfamiliar with his story and his creed, the Saracen
was an outcast. The requirements of royal and eccle-
siastical incompetency contributed to the preservation
of that learning which ignorance and fear constantly
160 HiSTOEY OF THE
incited to destroy. As the Peninsula yielded by de-
grees to the steady encroachments of Christian power,
the superior abilities of the Jews proved a potent safe-
guard against oppression. In spite of the furious
protests of fanatics, they exercised the most impor-
tant public employments. Kings of irreproachable
orthodoxy habitually availed themselves of their
imrivalled medical attainments. The physicians of
Alfonso X., Pedro el Cruel, Henry III., Juan II. of
Castile, of Jaime I. of Aragon, of Duarte and Juan
I. of Portugal, were all members of the detested
sect. Their tact and discernment caused their services
to be enlisted in the settlement of perplexing ques-
tions of diplomacy. The early times of the Recon-
quest were far from exhibiting ihe vindictive and
intolerant spirit which marked its termination. The
Hebrew colony at Toledo numbered twelve thousand
souls. Its academy stood first in rank among similar
institutions in Europe. A vast simoi was annually paid
by this tributary population into the royal treasury
of Castile.
The king, the noble, and the scholar treated the
Jew with favor, often with the highest consideration.
The clergy and the mob were ever his bitterest enemies.
His extraordinary influence was daily manifested in
defiance of savage laws which public sentiment en-
acted and applauded, but was unable to enforce. The
hated sectary, proscribed by both the ecclesiastical and
civil powers, pursued his way, indifi^erent to the edicts
of either the altar or the throne. He dictated the
policy of the government. He made treaties with
foreign nations. He flaunted his wealth in the faces
of the rabble. With strange inconsistency, members
of the priesthood sold him Christian serfs, whom their
own decrees declared it was illegal for him to own.
They pledged with him the consecrated vessels of their
calling for money with which to indulge in forbidden
Moorish Empibe in Europe 151
pleasures. His opulence was his most serious offence.
In the thirteenth century, one-third of the entire real-
property of Castile was in the possession or under the
control of the Hebrews. At the death of Pedro II.
of Aragon, they had acquired possession of all the
demesnes of the crown, by the purchase of claims
against the state. At one time they owned nearly all
the city of Paris. Their pomp and insolence aroused
the envy and hatred of the nobles, many of whom
were virtually their prisoners for default in the pay-
ment of debts. During the reign of Pedro el Cruel,
Joseph-ben-Ephraim, the royal tax-gatherer, rode in
a magnificent coach, guarded by a retinue of fifty
armed attendants. His clerks were the sons of Span-
ish grandees. It was long a popular saying in Europe
that " The Castilians had the pride and the devotion,
the Jews the talents and the money."
The Spanish cavaliers who had experienced the
prowess and courtesy of their Moorish adversaries,
as a rule, cherished no bitterness against the Jews.
Those who, in the course of events, were absorbed
with the territory of the growing kingdom, often
elicited admiration and respect by reason of their
commanding talents and erudition. The political ad-
ministration of Castile and Leon, under Alfonso
VIII., was committed to a Jew; and his physician,
who was of the same race and enjoyed the royal
confidence, was chosen by the nobles as an intermedi-
ary between themselves and their sovereign in a trans-
action which required the exercise of the greatest
ability and discretion. A beautiful Jewess was for
many years the mistress of Alfonso IX., over whom
her empire, while unbounded, was never abused; until
at last the clergy, scandalized rather by the nationality
of the favorite than by the gravity of the sin, caused
her to be sacrificed to public resentment. It requires
but a glance at the writings of the few mediceval
152 HlSTOEY OF THE
refonners to infer how much consistency there was
in this simulated indignation. The works of these
alone are sufficient to establish the existence of imi-
versal sacerdotal depravity among those censors of
public morals whose scruples were excited by the in-
fluence ascribed to the charms of a lovely infidel.
Under Alfonso el Sabio, the Jews received greater
consideration than under any other Christian monarch
of Spain. The famous Alphonsine Tables, drawn up
under the direction of Hebrew astronomers, were the
most memorable scientific achievement of the epoch.
Their cost, which exceeded the enormous sum of f our
himdred thousand ducats, is indicative not only of the
interest of that prince in undertakings whose impor-
tance was neither understood nor appreciated else-
where, but of the value attached to the services of
great scholars, whose knowledge had been imparted
by a civilization which their royal patron considered it
his political and religious duty to eradicate.
The indulgent policy of Don Pedro el Cruel to-
wards his Hebrew subjects was one of the most re-
markable peculiarities of his sanguinary reign. His
financiers and his confidential advisers were members
of that proscribed race. The treasurer of the mon-
archy, Samuel Levi, whose position and favor enabled
him to amass a princely fortune, is remembered by
Jewish tradition as one of the great benefactors of
humanity. The extraordinary power he wielded; the
splendor of his retinue; the sumptuous appointments
of his palace; his patronage of letters; the prodigal
generosity he displayed in the relief of the unfortu-
nate and the deserving of every nationahty, have
exalted, perhaps exaggerated, his merits in the mem-
ory of his countrjrmen. His greatest claim to distinc-
tion, however, consists in the erection, at his own ex-
pense, of a superb synagogue at Toledo. This edifice,
unique of its kind, was built by the most skilful Moor-
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 168
ish artificers of Granada, and its decorations sug-
gested the most finished and elegant models of Arab
art Its walls were embellished with miniature horse-
shoe and stalactitic arches, whose openings were re-
lieved by polygonal ornaments and golden stars.
Belts of foliage alternating with appropriate inscrip-
tions composed the frieze; and the ceiling, which was
of the incorruptible cedar of Lebanon, resembled, in
the maze of its geometrical designs, the artesonados
of the Alhambra. In common with the other prin-
cipal synagogues of Toledo, the earth upon which
the pavement was laid was said to have been brought
from Mount Sion, a tradition which enhanced their
sanctity in the eyes of the worshipper.
Many converted Hebrews, as tihe reward of their
apostasy, were raised to the most exalted dvil and
episcopal dignities; imusual literary accomplishments
in a Spanish prelate during the Middle Ages were
almost infallible indications that his information had
been derived from infidel sources; and Catholic piety
recognized no more ardent defenders of the dogmas
of the Church than the converted Jews, Paul, Bishop
of Burgos and Grand Chancellor of Castile, and
Alfonso de Spina, Rector of the University of Sala-
manca. The celebrated Bible produced at Alcala de
Henares through the munificence of Cardinal Xime-
nes, at a cost of fifty thousand pieces of gold, and
which required the unremitting labor of fifteen years,
was the work of apostate Jews. Three secretaries of
Queen Isabella were of the despised nationality. One
of them, the famous chronicler Pulgar, had held the
same office of trust under King Henry IV.
The intolerance of the Spanish clergy increased in
an exact ratio with the decadence of Moslem power.
As ecclesiastical supremacy became strong enough to
control the policy of the liirone, the privileges of the
Jews, abeady greatly curtailed, were almost entirely
154 History of the
abolished. As yet, however, the sovereign was unable
to dispense either with the taxes they paid, which were
the most important part of the royal revenues, or with
the financial talents and sterling honesty which in-
sured their proper disbursement. It was not until the
reign of Ferdinand and Isabella that fanaticism was
allowed to prevail over the wise and prudential con-
siderations of policy which, though frequently inter-
rupted by scenes of horror and carnage, had in prac-
tice ignored for centuries the fulminations of eccle-
siastical synods and councils. As the rise of Hebrew
greatness in the Peninsula dates from, and is attrib-
utable to, the Moslem conquest, in like manner its
decay progressed with the declining fortunes of the
Saracens, and its destruction was coincident with the
disappearance of their empire.
Scattered throughout Europe, the Jews alone pre-
served for future generations the precious heritage of
Arab science and culture; and had tibiey not proved
capable of retaining and transmitting it, the dis-
coveries of Moorish genius, banished with those who
made them, would have been forever lost to posterity.
The effects of civiUzation, whose arts, distributed
through the agency of the Hebrews, were productive
of such great results, were principally manifested, as
might readily be conjectured, in the countries contigu-
ous to or most intimately connected with the Penin-
sula. The tide of Hebrew emigration and trade rolled
steadily into France, Portugal, Italy. The states of
Provence and Languedoc, under the Gothic name of
Septimania, early overrun by the conquerors of Spain,
were, long prior to that time, subject to Hebrew in-
fluence. Attracted by the salubrious climate and the
excellent conmiercial facilities of the coast, the Jews
settled there in great numbers. The overthrow of the
Mohammedan power in that region was not followed
by the immediate abolition of the social and educa-
Moorish Empike in Eueope 166
tional systems which it had inaugurated, and whose
perpetuation was insured by the most favorable cli-
matic and ethnological conditions. At Lyons, the
Jews at one time were held in such esteem that the
market day was changed from Saturday to Sunday
in deference to their reUgious prejudices. In Prov-
ence, practically free from the humiliating distinc-
tions of caste, they enjoyed the same privileges and
were entitled to the same protection as other citi-
zens. At Beziers, Carcassonne, Avignon, Montpel-
lier, and Narbonne the Hebrew element predomi-
nated. It has already been stated that the famous
school of Montpellier owed its origin to the Arabs
and the Jews. The Moslem conquest vastly increased
the Hebrew population, which had already been nu-
merous in Southern France for more than eight
hundred years. The mystery which in times of medi-
aeval darkness enveloped everjrthing derived from
Hebrew and Arabic sources, the peculiarities of the
written, the incomprehensibility of the spoken, idioms,
in which education was imparted, the methodical
treatment of disease, so thorough in application, so
successful in results, pursued by its graduates, and
immeasurably superior in every respect to the mum-
meries of priestly superstition, invested the University
of Montpellier with a reputation which, acquired at
the expense of sacerdotal influence, was attributed by
the ignorant to the invocation of infernal spirits. The
infidel physicians of that institution were shunned by
the devout as sorcerers. The Church excommunicated
all who had recoiu'se to them. Not only in that city,
but through the greater part of Christendom, it was
considered far better to permit an invalid to perish
than to secure his recovery by the aid of practitioners
whose methods were denoimced from every pulpit as
diabolical and infamous. Christian women often died
in childbed rather than smnmon a Jewish midwife,
156 HiSTOEY OF THE
whose profession was exercised with signal ability, and
whose education was little less thorough and profound
than that of the doctors of the medical school. Sudi
sacrifices were regarded as peculiarly meritorious, as
establishing beyond doubt the consistent piety of the
victim. Under existing circumstances, there was no
relief for the priest-ridden sufferer, for the practice
of medicine was confined to the Jews. The applica-
tion of relics, even when strengthened by the most
edifying exhibition of faith, could hardly prevail
against a fatal distemper. On the one hand was the
terrifying prospect of impending dissolution; on the
other, the assurance of divine displeasure and the cer-
tainty of sacerdotal condemnation. In the midst of
this general intolerance the Lords of Montpellier
stood firm. They were proud of their city, — proud
of its wealth, its enterprise, its intelligence, its repu-
tation. They thoroughly appreciated the conditions
under which that reputation had been created. Their
Jewish subjects were the wealthiest, the most learned,
the most law-abiding of citizens. They had more than
once discharged with credit important public employ-
ments. They had their exchange, their banks, their
schools, their cemeteries, even their own wells for
purposes of ablution. They worshipped in a magnifi-
cent synagogue, which in richness and beauty vied
with the most splendid mosques, and from whose ceil-
ing of aromatic woods were suspended hundreds of
golden lamps. Not only had their hereditary com-
mercial instincts made Montpellier a great and pros-
perous emporium, but their ingenuity was exhibited in
the establishment of many important branches of
manufactures. The cloths exported by them were
especially noted for delicacy of finish and texture. In
the goldsmiths' shops was produced elegant jewelry
of classic design. Not a few of the sacred vessels
used for the celebration of the mass in the cathedrals
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 167
of Europe were fabricated by the Jewish artisans of
Montpellier. Some of the most lucrative depart-
ments of industry for which Mohammedan Spain
was famous were represented in that city, among
them those of silk, leather, and porcelain. The in-
corporation of the dominions of the Lords of Mont-
pellier into the French monarchy not only subjected
the Jews to the disabilities and persecutions elsewhere
the heritage of their race, but, as a necessary conse-
quence, proved fatal to the prosperity of that flour-
ishing provincial capital. Royal and episcopal avarice
rioted in a new and productive field of legalized ex-
tortion. The Jews were robbed and expelled, recalled
under promises of immunity, and plundered again and
again. The feudal law of mortmain authorized the
confiscation of their property if they were converted;
if they refused this questionable privilege, official
oppression at once reduced them to beggary.
With the increase of Christian influence in South-
em Europe their condition grew more and more
desperate. At Toledo, a riot having broken out on
account of the levy of an obnoxious tax, the public
disorder was made an excuse for the spoliation and
massacre of the Jews. In many districts in Europe
people were prohibited from furnishing them with
the necessaries of life. At Aix, a Jew was flayed alive
for alleged blasphemy, and a column was erected to
commemorate the pious deed. The menacing elo-
quence of St. Vincent Ferrer is said to have driven
fifteen thousand Valencian Hebrews to the Catholic
communion. The cry raised against Jewish rapacity
by dishonest or insolvent debtors enured to their bene-
fit in the proceeds resulting from pillage, and by the
forcible recovery of chattels deposited with brokers
as security. Public hatred was not confined to de-
ntmciation of their financial methods; their learning
and its depositories shared the common obloquy. He-
I
158 HlSTOEY OF THE
brew manuscripts were destroyed whenever found.
At Salamanca alone, six thousand were consumed in
a single bonfire. In Paris, in one day, twenty-four
cart-loads of literary treasures were committed to
the flames. Monkish intolerance raged everywhere
against these dangerous competitors for popular
favor and pecuniary gain. This prejudice extended
to their language; its study was forbidden under
penalty of excommunication; and it was constantly
proclaimed from the pulpit that whoever acquired it
became from that moment to all intents and purposes
a Jew. Gradually excluded from all mechanical
trades and liberal professions, the unhappy people
were driven to the business of brokerage. To this un-
popular calling, whose commercial necessity was as
yet imrecognized by European ignorance, Hebrew
enterprise was ultimately, for the most part, restricted.
The practice of usury, reprobated by those whose im-
providence or vices forced them to have recourse to
it for temporary relief, had existed in Europe long
before the stigma arising from its abuse attached to
the Jewish name. The Lombards and Florentines,
whose unfeeling rapacity belied their claim to hu-
manity, were those who first rendered it odious; and
the Apostolic See repeatedly sold to commercial or-
ganizations the privilege of financial oppression. The
small amount of cash in circulation authorized the
imposition of enormous rates of interest. In Spain,
imder Christian domination, the rate was limited to
thirty-three and a third per cent., and in other coun-
tries it was even more exorbitant, but regulated, as
such matters always are, by the natural laws of
supply and demand. The Italian brokers, who plied
their calling in France, not infrequently exacted one
hundred and twenty per cent, per annimi. The edicts
of kings and the anathemas of councils were in-
effectually directed against this evil, which threatened
Moorish Empiee in Europe 169
the impoverishment of every necessitous person of
credit, produced unspeakable suffering, and seriously
retarded the progress of national prosperity. Those
loudest in their denunciations were generally the first
to apply for pecuniary advances to the objects of
their simulated wrath. CathoUc sovereigns secretly
pledged the royal jewels with Hebrew usurers; and
it was the public boast of the latter that the sacred
vessels of cathedrals and religious houses were the
greater part of the time at their absolute or condi-
tional disposal. The glaring inconsistency which
characterized every phase of Jewish persecution was
thus imusually conspicuous in the condemnation of
their usurious practices.
In Portugal, whose proximity to and original in-
corporation with the Hispano-Arab empire had at-
tracted a large Hebrew immigration, the Jews, as else-
where, availing themselves of the superior attainments
acquired under Moslem institutions, speedily grew
rich and powerful. There, also, in an ignorant society
debased by the predominance of a narrow and des-
potic ecclesiastical system, their toleration became for
a time a political necessity. Their services were so
indispensable to all orders of the state that the dis-
abilities imposed upon them were regarded as merely
nominal, and the laws regulating their intercourse
with each other and with the Christians remained for
the most part inoperative.
In Italy, the hand of the Jew was visible in the
energy and enterprise of the maritime states of
Venice, Genoa, Leghorn, and Naples. A less intoler-
able existence was insured to him under the shadow
of the Papal throne. The exiles of Western Europe,
expelled by the short-sighted policy of irrational
fanatics, were coldly welcomed on the banks of the
Po and the Tiber and on the sunny shores of the
Adriatic. The industry and culture inherited from
160 HlSTOEY OF THE
the golden age of Moslem domination became sources
of wealth, mercantile importance, and literary dis-
tinction to the Italians, whose reluctant hospitality
was eventually repaid a himdred-fold by the profit
derived from the labors of these refugees and the re-
sults of the emulation excited by their example. It
was thus that, after the lapse of five centuries and at
a distance of a thousand miles, the civilization of the
Moslem empire in Spain produced, through the
agency of an alien and exiled race, the glorious revival
of arts and letters in Italy. That tiie Jews should
be credited with the dissemination of Arab science
and literatiu'e is demonstrated by the fact that in
whatever country those of Spanish extraction, or their
descendants, established themselves, the people of that
coimtry quickly experienced an intellectual impulse
imknown to others not exposed to similar associations.
Modem civilization has ill-requited the priceless bene-
fits it has received from Jewish learning and Jewish
skiU.
The tenacity of the mind of the Israelite was
amazing. It never relaxed its hold upon a valuable
idea once within its grasp. Much as it communicated,
its secretive character induced it always to suppress
far more than it imparted, a habit which increased its
mysterious influence. It had the peculiar quality of
immediately quickening into life the more sluggish
mental natures of all with whom it was brought in
contact. No disposition, however harsh or ascetic, was
proof against the exertion of its power. The Jewish
colonies, transplanted into the midst of an ignorant
population, became at once foci of learning. Bigotry
itself regarded with awe and respect the intellectual
superiority which anticipated and checked hostile
measures directed against its continuance, and, with-
out the employment of force, nullified laws espe-
cially enacted for its repression. It was not strange
Moorish Empire in Europe 161
that prosperity maintained in the presence of such
obstacles should be attributed to diabolical interfer-
ence. Into his new home the Jew brought not only
the energy and acuteness which were the guaranty of
his success, but the inteUigent curiosity which was the
principal factor of his extraordinary mental develop-
ment. Not a few possessed extensive Ubraries, lux-
Tiries absolutely unknown in many European coun-
tries where even writing materials did not exist, or,
if they did, were unavailable. The scattered books
to be found in churches and monasteries were palimp-
sests, ancient parchments from which the productions
of classic authors had been laboriously effaced to make
room for saintly homilies and patristic legends. Per-
fection in calligraphy had kept pace with the other
artistic achievements of the Spanish Hebrews. Their
Biblical manuscripts had a world-wide celebrity for
accuracy of text and beauty of ornamentation. Many
were illimiinated with arabesques and floral designs
executed in colors and embellished with gold. So
highly were these copies of the Scriptures valued thlit
in Spain one of but ordinary merit readily brought a
hundred crowns.
The number of Hebrew writers who attained dis-
tinction in the Middle Ages was enormous. The great
catalogue of Bartholocdus, which emmaerates those
of Spain, Italy, and France — countries particularly
subject, directly and individually, to Arab influence
— ^fills four volumes in folio a^d contains f oiu* thou-
sand names. Among these, authors of Spanish origin
largely predominate. The activity of the Hebrew in-
tellect was not hampered by conventional restrictions
of sex, nor deterred by the diflSculties or demands of
any profession or calling. Among that people, pre-
cautions arising from Oriental jealousy, which had
been observed from time immemorial, required the
seclusion of women; and this custom was naturally
162 HlSTOEY OF THE
unfavorable to female education. They were practi-
cally the slaves, first of their fathers, then of their
husbands. In pubUc they always appeared veiled
from head to foot. In so little esteem were they ordi-
naily held, that it was not considered necessary to
instruct them even in the doctrines of religion. What-
ever talents, therefore, Jewish females possessed were,
until the Saracen domination in Europe, unknown and
undeveloped.
The educational facilities afforded the Moorish
women under the beneficent sway of the Ommeyade
khalifs, and the prominence attained by many of
them in the world of letters, did not fail to exercise
its influence upon the habits and the career of their
Jewish sisters. This fact is of the greatest impor-
tance, in view of the strict subordination enforced
upon Hebrew women in all periods of their history,
a regulation largely due to their naturally dependent
condition and their alleged intellectual inferiority.
In the cultivated society of Cordova, the stubborn
tenacity of long-established prejudice vanished before
the enlightened and progressive spirit of the age.
Under such circumstances, even the severe authority
of the rabbis became, in a measure, relaxed ; and while
the names of no Jewish women pre-eminently distin-
guished for learning have come down to us, it is an
unquestionable fact that they were allowed to enjoy,
to an extent hitherto unprecedented, the literary ad-
vantages whose possession was generally admitted to
constitute an exclusive privilege of the masculine sex.
As the policy and traditions of the Synagogue dis-
couraged such innovations, it is not strange that no
record of their results has been preserved. The ex-
haustive researches of Kayserling have brought to
light the name of a single Hebrew poetess, Xemosa,
of the era of the khalif ate ; but all particulars of time
Moorish Empike in Eubofe 168
and locality, of her Uterary career, and of the char-
acter of her works are missing.
The most remarkable peculiarity of the Hebrew
character was its versatility. In every pursuit in
which his talents were employed the Jew of Spanish
origin rose to unrivalled distinction. The marvellous
erudition and diversified accomplishments of their
scholars were not inferior to those of the Moorish
philosophers of Cordova in the most glorious days of
Moslem dominion. They became equally proficient in
many branches of abstruse science, any one of which
was sufficient to exhaust the mental resources of an
ordinary student. Their eminence in the practice of
medicine gave rise to the popular belief tiiat an ad-
mixture of Jewish blood was absolutely essential to
success in that profession, an opinion not confined to
the vulgar, but seriously discussed by a learned Italian
historian. The fact that the study of astronomy
should have been almost always combined with that
of medicine is one of the most singular incidents in
the annals of literature. It might be explained by a
predilection for astrology, if Hebrew intelligence had
not long outgrown the belief in that delusion, so prev-
alent in the infancy of knowledge. In familiarity
with the visible heavens, with the motions of the
planets, and the relative position of stars, in accuracy
of mathematical calculation, in dexterous use of the
astrolabe and the armillary sphere, they surpassed all
other observers except the Arabs. So popular was
this science among them in Spain during the thirteenth
century that the Jewish astronomers of Toledo alone
exceeded in numbers all the others of Christian Eu-
rope combined. The invaluable services they rendered
to learning were not inferior to the ingenious methods
by which they facilitated international communica-
tion and promoted the convenience and security of
trade. When suddenly expelled from France by
164 HlSTOEY OF THE
Philip Augustus, they left with Christians in whom
they could confide their personal property, which,
from its hulk or its value, they were unable to carry
with them. After their arrival in Italy, they drew
through Lombard merchants upon the custodians of
their chattels, either for the goods themselves or for
the cash realized from their sale. In this way Eu-
rope became indebted to the Jews for the general in-
troduction of bills of exchange, previously invented
by their countrymen at Barcelona, whidi from a
benefit to mercantile transactions in the settlement of
foreign obligations have now grown to be a com-
mercial necessity.
Popular prejudice against the Hebrew nationality
was aggravated, not only because of the eminent
ability in matters of literature and finance, implying
superiority, which it displayed, but on account of its
control of the markets of the world and of its pos-
session of the greater part of the money in circulation
west of the Bosphorus. From the tenth centiuy, when
the Moorish ports of Southern Spain had become the
emporiums of the Mediterranean, to the sixteenth,
when the discovery of Columbus and the passage of
the Cape of Good Hope had opened a new field to
the cupidity and ambition of Europe, the trade of
three great continents was subservient to the enter-
prise of the Jews. The commercial heritage be-
queathed to their allies by the Phoenicians had endured
through changes of empire, through the wrecks of
successive dynasties, through persecutions of in-
credible atrocity, for more than twenty centuries.
The persistency which is a marked ethnological
peculiarity of the Jews is at once the cause and the
effect of their claim to Divine favor. The more
intelligent of that people have never expected the
appearance of a personal Messiah. They regard the
popular myth of his coming as symbolizing the
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 165
termination of national exile, — ^a mere allegorical
allusion to the eventual independence and tranquil-
lity which hope, deepening through ages into helief ,
assured them would one day be the condition of their
race. This conviction, founded rather in the knowl-
edge of its justice than in any well-defined prospect
of its realization, sustained them through a long series
of grievous trials and misfortunes. Accused of crimes
such as the utmost ingenuity of malice has never im-
puted to any other sect, they retaliated by acts of self-
sacrifice and generosity. In the midst of the futile
solemnities of the Church, the pomp of processions,
the intonation of litanies, the muttering of prayers,
the smoking of censers, the exhibition of relics, they
administered the remedies of scientific medicine to the
suffering stricken with the pestilence. During the
first visitation of the plague at Venice, in addition to
a liberal donation, they lent the government a hundred
thousand ducats for the relief of the poor. In time of
national peril, their loyalty never faltered, except
when their spirit had been exasperated by continued
oppression. The funds they advanced were employed
to drive the Arabs out of Spain. Moorish domination,
established through their instrumentality, was thus in-
debted to their contributions for its overthrow. The
most exacting requirements of retributive justice were
certainly satisfied with the penalty exacted by fate for
this perfidious act of ingratitude.
Modem prejudice, like mediaeval ignorance, is re-
luctant to confess the obligations learning owes to
Hebrew genius and industry. The Jews were, in turn,
the teachers, the pupils, and the coadjutors of the
Moors; the legatees and the distributors of the pre-
cious stores of Arab wisdom. The rabbis, few of
whom, it may be remarked, were not expert workmen
in tiie mechanical trades, a knowledge of which was
enjoined by their religion, spread the love of letters
166 History of the
everywhere. All treatises in Arabic, of practical or
scientific value, were translated into Hebrew. Their
familiarity with every branch of classical literature is
apparent in their writings; even the Fables of ^sop
were reproduced in their language. Purity of diction
and elegance of style were striking characteristics of
all the literary productions of the Spanish Jews. The
most eminent Christian prelates of Spain during the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries were apostate rabbis.
The proficiency of their medical practitioners has
already been repeatedly alluded to. For years after
the banishment of the Jews from the Peninsula, entire
districts remained without the benefits of medical
treatment. Such as were able resorted to foreign
countries at great expense and inconvenience; the
vast majority of invalids suffered without relief.
The reputation of the Hebrew was so great, even in
the sixteenth century, that Francis I. sent to the Em-
peror Charles V. for a Jewish physician; and one
who had been converted to Christianity having under-
taken the journey to Paris, the French king refused
to receive him as soon as he learned that he was an
apostate. Hebrew erudition exercised no small influ-
ence on both Moorish and Spanish literature. Many
of the treatises of the Jewish philosophers, written in
Arabic, enjoyed a wide circulation in the cultivated
society of the khalif ate and of the principalities which
succeeded it. The first biography of the Cid was
written by Ibn-Alfange, a Jew. The collection of
tales entitled El Conde Lucanor, by Don Juan
Manuel, is borrowed from a composition of similar
character by Moses Sephardi, a Hebrew fabulist.
In the works of all the distinguished Jewish writers
who had either directly or remotely been subjected to
the influence of the Moslem academies of Spain, Aris-
totelian and Neo-Platonic opinions prevail. Orthodox
Judaism could not survive in the atmosphere of those
MCX)RISH EMPtt£ m EuEOtE 16l7
infidel institutions. The rabbis were, without excep-
tion, to a greater or less degree, infected with panthe-
istic ideas. They were firm believers in the heretical
doctrine of Emanation and Absorption. In common
with their Arabic associates, who had long since repu-
diated the legends of the Koran, they accepted in all
its portentous significance the aphorism, " Science is
religion."
Nothing is more remarkable in the history of the
Jews of the Middle Ages than their survival under
persecution. The most awful calamities failed to im-
pair their organization or destroy their faith. They
were naturally a rebellious people. Their ancient
history is a tale of breaches of faith, treason, and
sedition. They were enslaved in a body by Egiza,
King of the Visigoths, for a conspiracy which aimed
at the overthrow of the monarchy. The Crusaders,
inflamed by the harangues of the clergy, on their
march to Palestine butchered them wherever f oimd.
In France alone a himdred thousand were massacred
by the truculent soldiers of the Cross. The Almohade
fanatics drove them out of Spain. Philippe le Bel
confiscated their property and expelled them from his
kingdom. Henry III., of England, sold all the Jews
in his dominions to his brother Richard for a large
sum of money. The Emperor Louis IV. pawned the
Hebrew colony of the city of Spires, like so much
merchandise, to the Bishop as security for a debt. In
Aragon, at the close of the fifteenth century, fifty
thousand were put to death and double that nimiber
compelled to renounce their religion. The popes alter-
nately treated them with severity and indulgence, as
the financial condition of the Holy See was pros-
perous or necessitous. Thus, while grievously op-
pressed in other countries of Europe, they often en-
joyed temporary immunity in Italy. Possessed of no
civil rights, existing only by sufferance, they were
168 History of the
the prey of every one clothed for the moment with
power. Church and State, alike, regarded them as
a most valuable source of income. The money annu-
ally extorted from the Jewish population of a king-
dom was frequently far in excess of all other revenues
combined.
The Hebrew works of mediaeval antiquity contain
the germs of scientific discoveries which modem pride
is pleased to designate as of comparatively recent
origin. In the Zohar, a collection of treatises belong-
ing to the Kabbala, are embodied highly philosophic
cosmological ideas, and rational conceptions relating
to the vital principle of Natiu-e, and the scientific
treatment of disease, which were subsequently applied
to public instruction and practical use in the famous
schools of Salerno and Montpellier. The various
physiognomical changes wrought upon the lineaments
of the himian countenance by the cultivation of be-
nevolent instincts or the indulgence of evil passions
are there described with a faithfulness which points
to an extraordinary insight into the incentives and
desires which control the actions of men. In this
remarkable compilation of Hebrew learning, the doc-
trine of Pantheism, as suggested by the time-honored
philosophy of India, is set forth ; the globular form of
the earth, its diurnal revolution on its axis, the varjnng
phases of that planet, the diflPerence in the length of
day and night at the equator and the poles, and the
scientific reasons for the existence of these phenomena,
are all described with an accuracy which is wonderful
when the general ignorance of the epoch during which
these opinions, so far in advance of the time, were
promulgated, is remembered. In the thirteentii cen-
tury, Jedediah-ben- Abraham, of Beziers, advanced
the hypothesis that all objects impelled in opposite
directions, and undisturbed by other forces, move in
straight lines, — ^the essential element of one of the
MooBiSH Empibe in Europe 169
laws now universally recognized as governing the mo-
tions of the heavenly bodies. Solomon-ben- Virga, a
Spanish refugee, in his historical treatise, Sebeth-Je-
huda, published in the sixteenth century, states that
the earth, equally attracted by the surrounding stars,
remains suspended in the midst of space; an immis-
takable conception of the principle of gravity which
antedates its republication in Europe by more than a
himdred years. The philosophical truths just enumer-
ated, which anticipate the important discoveries of
Boerhaave, Lavater, Galileo, Kepler, and Newton,
afford a suggestive idea of the attainments of the
rabbis, the accuracy of their reasoning, and the extent
and profundity of their scientific knowledge.
While Jewish exiles were instrumental in awaken-
ing the spirit which inspired the Renaissance, and the
consequent intellectual regeneration of Europe, their
literature produced no inconsiderable effect upon the
fortunes of that other momentous revolution which
changed its religious aspect, the Protestant Reforma-
tion. The right of unrestricted perusal and private
interpretation of the Scriptures, which was the vital
principle of that movement, had always been enjoyed
by the Hebrews. Their commentaries on the Bible
were surprisingly voluminous: whole libraries were
composed of them. The writings of the rabbis which
elucidated obscure passages of Holy Writ were com-
posed in a spirit of judicious toleration, entirely for-
eign to the policy dictated by bigoted ecclesiasticism
and Papal authority. To exercise private judgment
in religious matters was to invite the discipline of the
Inquisition. Not one priest in ten thousand under-
stood a word of Hebrew. Its study was prohibited to
Catholics as conducive to heresy. On the other hand,
LfUther, Calvin, Melanchthon, Zwinglius, Conrad, in
short, all the great Reformers, were thoroughly pro-
ficient in that language. Rabbinical literature exerted
170 HiSTOEY OF THE
a powerful influence on their minds, inspired their
efforts, provoked their rivalry, confirmed their resolu-
tion. In this respect, as in numerous others, posterity
owes much to the despised Israelites of the mediaeval
era. A vast interval of time divides the ages of Abd-
al-Rahman I. and Luther; the cities of Cordova and
Worms are separated by many hundred leagues; but
the inherent ideas of personal liberty and private right
recognized on the banks of the Guadalquivir ulti-
mately prevailed in the centre of Germany, once the
most unlettered of countries. Thus the inheritance of
barbarism, rendered possible by Roman decadence,
transmitted by Goth, Hun, and Vandal, and perpetu-
ated for the material interests of the Church, was
supplanted by the labors and the example of rabbinical
industry and learning. The epoch of ignorance, dur-
ing which men feared to be enlightened by a people
whose transcendent knowledge was believed to be of
infernal origin, was past; but their disabilities were
never entirely removed, and Jew-baiting is, imf ortu-
nately, still a popular diversion in some of the coun-
tries of Europe.
The importance of the invention of printing was
at once imderstood and appreciated by the Jews. Ten
years after it became faiown, their presses in Italy
produced typographical works of extraordinary
beauty and excellence. Their prominence in every
movement directed towards the weakening of super-
stition and the emancipation of the human intellect
did not prevent them from sustaining intimate and
confidential relations with the Holy See. The Papacy
was, as a rule, not unfavorably inclined towards them;
it borrowed their money, and availed itself of their
talents in the conduct of public affairs. Many Jews
of Rome attained to great political distinction. Jehid
was the financial minister of Alexander III. ; and the
son of a wealthy Hebrew merchant, named Pietro il
Moorish Empire in Europe 171
Buono, is known to posterity as the antipope Anacle-
tus. Such were the Hebrews of the Middle Ages,
whose success in literature, art, science, commerce,
politics, and diplomacy is to be attributed to the im-
pulse originally imparted to their genius, and to the
privileges enjoyed by their ancestors, under the gen-
erous and tolerant policy of the Elialif s of Cordova.
The expulsion of the Spanish Jews is one of the
saddest and most deplorable tragedies in history. The
royal edict which decided their fate, and whose execu-
tion had been deferred until the Moorish wars were
ended, was published March 81, 1492. The charge
brought against them of having menaced the security
of the State and the tranquillity of the Church, by
projected conspiracy, is too absurd to be seriously
considered. To strengthen these unfounded accusa-
tions, the threadbare fables relating to the sacrifice of
Christian infants at Easter, and the repeated solicita-
tion of Catholics to apostasy, were once more utilized
to inflame the passions of the fanatical multitude.
Three months only were allowed for the disposal of
their property and the completion of their prepara-
tions for departure; and, if that term were exceeded,
the proclamation made them liable to the seizure
of their chattels, and even to the penalty of death.
They were prohibited from removing from the king-
dom money or vessels of gold or silver; and the only
objects specified in the royal ordinance which they
were permitted to retain were bills of exchange and
portable effects which could easily be transported.
The Grand Inquisitor, Torquemada, revered in the
annals of the Church as one of her most famous
champions, and the confessor of Queen Isabella, to
whose credit stand the tortures of a hundred thousand
heretics and the grief and misery of other unnum-
bered multitudes, was the inspiring spirit of this atro-
cious crime against humanity. His influence neu-
172 History of the
tralized the supplications of an entire people; the
remonstrances of the few statesmen who, withstanding
the popular clamor, foresaw the certain decline of com-
mercial prosperity incident to the enforcement of this
measure; the insidious and hitherto omnipotent agency
of vast simis of gold. Accoimts differ materially as
to the number of Jews expelled from Spain; it was,
however, not less than four hundred thousand, and was
probably near a million. Their sufferings equalled,
if they did not surpass, those of the Moriscoes, after-
wards condenmed by a similar proscription. The air
was filled with their lamentations. Many remained
for days in the cemeteries, weeping over the graves
of their ancestors. The majority who travelled by
land went on foot. With the exiles departed the
greater portion of the learning, the skill, the wealth,
the industry, and the prosperity of Spain. Their
estates were confiscated by the crown. Rigid personal
search was made of every individual for concealed
valuables, which impelled many to swallow their gold.
Brigands stripped them on the highway. Sailors
robbed them on the sea. Their wives were ravished,
their children despatched before their eyes. Many
perished from want of food. A pestilence decimated
an entire company, and the survivors were abandoned
to die on a desert island, without water or shelter.
Great numbers were sold by their barbarous custodians
to slave traders. The inadverent disclosure of wealth
was fatal to its possessor; he was at once thrown over-
board, and his property became the spoil of the mur-
derer. Those who landed in Morocco were not per-
mitted to enter the cities, and a famine whidi at that
time was desolating the country made it impossible
for such an increased population to obtain subsistence.
Encamped in the arid desert, they were compelled to
have recourse to unwholesome roots and herbs in a
desperate effort to sustain life. Thousands died of
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 178
exposure. Many sold their children to avoid starva-
tion. A large proportion of these refugees landed in
Italy, where an enlightened public sentiment stood
ready to profit by the wealth and industry that the
narrow spirit of Spanish bigotry was so detennined
to throw away. Pope Alexander VI., the head of the
house of Borgia, notwithstanding that the prominent
Israelites of Rome offered him a thousand pieces of
gold to exclude them, received the heretics proscribed
by the most Catholic sovereigns with the utinost con-
sideration and sympathy. The maritime states of the
Adriatic compelled their Hebrew citizens, who, fear-
ing commercial rivalry, were inclined to regard this
influx of strangers with disfavor, to render substan-
tial assistance to their unfortunate brethren. In Hol-
land, also, the exiles were welcomed with a hospi-
tality that in after years the advantages derived from
their establishment abundantly repaid. The antipathy
entertained by the Spanish populace towards the Jews,
diligently fostered by the infamous arts of the Inqui-
sition, was far from being dissipated by the banish-
ment and extermination of tiie victims of its malevo-
lence; in default of the living, its vengeance was
wreaked upon the dead. Nearly a century after the
expulsion, when an avowed Israelite could not be
found in the Spanish monarchy, the Hebrew cemetery
at Seville was invaded by a mob; the costly monu-
ments were battered into fragments; the graves
opened and rifled, and the mouldering bones f oimd in
them burned to ashes. A considerable booty in gold
and silver trinkets, jewels, precious stuffs, and illu-
minated manuscripts rewarded this act of sacrilege,
whose authors were neither molested nor punished by
the authorities.
Among the most eminent victims of Jewish perse-
cution was the great statesman and scholar, Abarbanel.
No name in letters stood higher than his. In turn, the
174 HiSTOEY OF THE
favorite and absolute minister of the sovereigns of
Portugal, Spain, and Naples, he shared the fate of
his countrymen, and, deprived of his offices and home
in each of these kingdoms, was three times driven into
exile. Such was the respect which his talents inspired,
that the princes who had been foremost in persecuting
him were glad to avail themselves of his experience
in settlements of important questions of diplomacy.
His literary ability was so great that his admirers have
classed him with Maimonides. In philosophy he was
most liberal; in religion a polemic; in politics, strange
to say, a republican. In private or in public life no
stain or dishonor ever attached to his name.
The scenes witnessed during the expulsion of ihe
Jews from Portugal were even more shocking in their
barbarity than those that characterized their expatria-
tion from any other country of Christian Europe.
Only two months were allowed them to settle their
affairs; if any remained beyond that time they were
condemned to slavery. All males xmder the age of
fourteen were to be separated from their relatives, that
they might be brought into the pale of the Church,
which aimed at the annihilation of their race. The
latter part of the inexorable sentence was the first to
be executed. The screaming boys were torn from
the arms of their parents, who were brutally clubbed
until they released their hold ; many distracted mothers,
unable to sustain the loss of their children, committed
suicide or killed their offspring; of the latter some
were cast into wells, others were strangled. Every
obstacle was thrown in the way of the departure of
the Jews until the limited time had expired, and then
nearly the entire number was enslaved. Apostasy was
now tiie only remedy for their distressed condition, and
this many embraced. Their social status was thereby
immensely improved at the expense of their con-
science. They contracted distinguished alliances with
. MooBisH Empire in Exjkope 175
their recent oppressors, and their children were
adopted into the families of the nobihty.
The Spanish Jews, by reason of the pecuharities of
their situation, the hostihty of their rulers, — ^which
their pecuniary resources and natural acuteness often
baffled, yet never entirely overcame, — and their suc-
cessive domiuation by races of different origin, faith,
and language, were impressed with mental character-
istics and pecuharities not to be met with in their
brethren of other countries. Their rigid f ormahsm
was proverbial, and the Hebrew of Toledo observed
more conscientiously the precepts of the Pentateuch
iBind the Talmud than the Hebrew of Damascus or
Jerusalem. But their traditional reserve did not pre-
vent them from sohciting proselytes; and it is stated
that the rabbis, ignoring the prohibitory injxmctions
of the national Code, upon one occasion challenged
the bishops to a debate, in presence of the throne, upon
the merits of their respective systems; an act of
audacity which does not seem to have excited even the
surprise of the prelates of that age. The Spanish
grandee prides himself upon his Gothic ancestry, the
sangre assul, whose presence is presimied to indicate
conclusively that in the ascending line can be f oimd
no progenitor of the despised Semitic race. The fal-
sity of this presumption was, however, established by
the councils convoked by royal authority at Burgos,
VaUadoUd, and Madrid during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, to settle the question of purity
of blood. According to the statutes adopted by these
Informaciones de Nobleza, as they were called, de-
scent from a Jewish ancestor was solemnly declared
to be no blemish upon a noble escutcheon, a decision
which affected not a few of the oldest and haughtiest
f amihes of Castile and Aragon.
There are to-day few of the great houses of Por-
tugal and Spain which have not an admixture of
176 History of the
Hebrew blood. Works have been published by ecde-
siastics tracing this contaminated lineage to its source,
which all the authority of a despotic government was
not able to suppress. It is said that the Portuguese
King Joseph I. once ordered every male of Jewish
descent in his dominions to wear a yellow hat. The
Marquis of Pombal appeared with three; and on being
asked by the King for what use he intended them, he
answered, " In obedience to the royal decree, I have
brought one for Your Majesty, one for the Grand
Inquisitor, and one for myself." This anecdote, whose
authenticity is well established, shows the extent to
which the blood of a once proscribed and persecuted
people, despite all attempts at its annihilation, had
been infused into the veins of the proudest and most
exclusive aristocracy in Europe.
Moorish Empire in Europe 177
CHAPTER XXV
THE CHRISTIANS UNDER MOSLEM RULE
711-1492
Scarcity of Information concerning the Tributary Christians —
Supremacy of the Church under the Visigoths — Indepen-
dence of the Spanish Hierarchy — Its Wealth — Civil Organi-
sation of the Christians under the Moors — Their Privileges
— Restrictions imposed upon Them — Freedom of Worship—
Churches^ Monasteries, and Convents — Conditions in Sicily
— Greater Severity of the Laws in that Island — Anomaly
in the Ecclesiastical Government of Spain — The Ehalif the
Virtual Head of the Church — ^Abuse of His Power — Results
of the Arab Occupation of Septimania — Increased Authority
of the Spanish Hierarchy resulting from its Isolation —
Social Life of the Christian Tributaries — Their Devotion
to Arab Learning — They are employed by the Ehalif s
in Important Missions — Innate Hostility of Moslem and
Christian — Number and Influence of the Renegades — The
Martyrs — Causes of Persecution — Contrast between the
Maxims and Policy of the Two Religions — ^Impediments to
Racial Amalgamation.
No portion of Spanish annals presents such diffi-
culties to historical research as that which relates to the
condition of the Christians under the Moorish domi-
nation. Arah writers, usually so minute and circum-
stantial in their narratives, have scarcely mentioned
the subject. The extraordinary conduct of the
martyrs, who courted death by open violation of
Moslem law, seems alone to have attracted their at-
tention or deserved their notice. From this significant
silence the inference would seem to be that the great
mass of Christian tributaries were contented and
peaceable. We learn from St. Eulogius and other
eminent ecclesiastics that the majority of the con-
quered race had apostatized. It is with imconcealed
Vol. III.— 13
178 HiSTOEY OF THE
feelings of sorrow and vexation that they refer to the
widespread defection from the ancient faith. Even
among those whose constancy was unshaken, the
zealots were in a minority. It is not strange, there-
fore, that the Arabs should have considered the latter
as irresponsible persons, whose offences, unpardon-
able imder the Code of Islam, were punished because
the law permitted the exercise of no discretion on the
part of the magistrate. It is evident that those who
solicited the honors of martyrdom were not regarded
as representatives of either their sect or their nation-
ality. The Moorish historians recount the voluntary
sacrifice of those enthusiasts with every manifestation
of wonder and pity. It was not until their obstinacy,
provoking dissension and revolt, began to menace the
safety of the government, that their language reveals
a feeling of vindictiveness against their misguided
tributaries.
On the other hand, little information of value is
to be gleaned from the Christian chroniclers. Those
who have related the events of their times were all
members of the persecuted faction. Both contempo-
rary and subsequent writers were blinded by prejudice
and actuated by every motive of sectarian bigotry to
the perversion of the truth. Prolix in their enumera-
tion of the sufferings of martyrs, their accounts of
all other occurrences are remarkable for extreme
meagreness of detail. No descriptions are given of
the social relations of the dominant and subject races;
no direct mention is ever made of the thousand inci-
dents constantly transpiring in the intercourse of the
two peoples, trivial in themselves, yet most important
in forming a correct idea of the character, the aspira-
tions, and the life of a nation. Such matters, so in-
teresting to posterity as depicting the manners of a
class during a period conspicuous in history, were too
insignificant for the pen of the monkish annalist, and
MooBiSH Empibe in Europe 179
must now be gathered at random from the narra-
tives of other events, in the elucidation of which they
have been casually and imdesignedly mentioned. The
works of these ecclesiastical writers are filled with
errors. They are, as usual, overloaded with absiu*d
legends and spurious miracles. It is apparent, even
from a superficial perusal, that not only the sufferings,
but the virtues of the saints whose lives they describe
are largely fictitious and often exaggerated. To such
authorities, therefore, little credit can be given by the
historian.
No people mentioned in history ever attained to a
high rank in the scale of civilization whose policy was
founded on the systematic repression of religious
opinions. Theological intolerance is the most serious
of obstacles to intellectual progress. Among the great
nations of antiquity, freedom in religious matters was
generally conceded as a matter of right. Where in-
vasions of that right occurred, they may almost in-
variably be traced to interference with the established
government. The intimate connection of political and
religious institutions in those times will readily account
for occasional examples of apparent persecution. The
most eminent Athenian statesmen not infrequently
performed the functions of priest in the ceremonial
of public worship. The title of Pontifex Maximus
was one of the most honorable and coveted of the
dignities of the Republic of Rome, and under the
Empire it conferred additional distinction upon the
attributes and the exercise of imperial power. Under
that wise and politic dispensation, the gods of foreign
countries were admitted into the national pantheon on
an equal footing with the domestic divinities, and none
could claim an excessive and imdue pre-eminence in
the national system. It was not imtil the Christians
profaned the altars, and excited mutiny in the army,
that their privileges were curtailed and their rehgious
180 HiSTOEY OF THE
ceremonies interrupted. The conditions formerly
prevailing were then revolutionized. Indulgence was
followed by persecution. Persecution disclosed and
produced tens of thousands of proselytes. The ex-
perience of the Christian sect suggested the perpetua-
tion in its religious constitution of the incomparable
political system of the empire, a measure which in the
end contributed so largely to its success, its discipline,
and its permanence. In no country subject to the
authority of the Papacy were the effects of these
advantages of imperial organization more apparent
than in the Spanish Peninsula.
During the era of Visigothic supremacy the influ-
ence of the Church was paramoimt in every depart-
ment of the civil administration. Its councils regu-
lated the succession, framed the laws, chose the sover-
eign. Its servants dictated every measure of national
policy. Its sanction imparted a sacred character to the
royal edicts. Eminent prelates, who even in trivial
matters never permitted the pretensions of their order
to be subordinated to the interests of the crown, con-
stituted in reality the supreme power of the state.
They negotiated treaties. They participated in cam-
paigns. They imposed and collected tax^. In re-
peated contests with the nobility they generally
emerged victorious. Their intellectual acquirements,
superficial as they were, gave them a decided advan-
tage over their illiterate and often brutal antagonists.
The authority they obtained by superior knowledge,
craft, and energy was in time confirmed by habit and
strengthened by prescription. That authority, based
upon public veneration and extending through coimt-
less generations, has often been shaken, but never
abolished. The disastrous effects of its abuse are
apparent in every period of Spanish history for more
than a thousand years.
At the time of the Arab invasion, the Visigothic
MooBiSH Empibe in Europe 181
hierarchy was at the summit of its importance and
power. Its former adherence to the Arian heresy had
engendered within it a spirit of independence, which
was not relinquished with the return of the Spanish
Church to the orthodox conmiimion. The facility with
which an entire people at the conmiand of the monarch
renounced the faith of their ancestors for unfamiliar
and hitherto reprobated doctrines is one of the most
extraordinary events in the annals of Christianity.
Such a peaceful revolution, involving the most sacred
interests of a nimierous sect, affords incontestable
proof of the slight hold possessed in those times by
any religious dogma upon the popular mind. Witli
the acceptance of the Athanasian creed was necessarily
included the acknowledgment of Papal supremacy.
The Gothic prelates, however, were never obsequious
vassals of the Holy See. The Pope soon f oimd that
while he might solicit, he could not compel their obe-
dience. His f ulminations did not excite the terror in
Spain which they did in other countries of Catholic
Europe. Where he was not able to command, he was
forced to flatter, to recommend, to temporize. A com-
pact and powerful body of ecclesiastics, in whose
hands were the government of their country and the
election of its king, were naturally loath to submit to
the arrogant dictation of a foreign potentate, whom
their predecessors had regarded as a heretic, and whose
faith they had adopted rather from policy than from
sincere conviction.
The Spanish Church under the Visigoths was emi-
nently worthy of the attention and the favor of the
Holy Father. Its organization was thorough; its
wealth enormous; its priesthood numerous and supe-
rior to their contemporaries in learning and ability;
its national influence unrivalled. Its temples, in a
country whose public monuments had least experi-
enced the destructive effects of barbarian violence.
182 HiSTOEY OF THE
exhibited in their noble proportions and harmonious
decoration the expiring efforts of classic taste and
genius. The superb edifices of imperial power, vis-
ible on every side, had been at once the inspiration
and the models of the ecclesiastical architect. The
chtu-ches and cathedrals of the seventh and eighth
centuries afforded the best examples of the ambition
and opulence of the omnipotent hierarchy. Their
plan was usually that of the basilica. Their walls
were incrusted with precious marbles. Their floors
were of mosaic. In the apse, where stood the altar,
the skiU of the artist exhausted itself in elaborate
carvings, paintings, and sculpture. The sacred ves-
sels were of solid gold and silver. Offerings of un-
told value, the tribute of grateful convalescents,
were suspended before the shrine. The accession of
each sovereign was marked by the donation of a
magnificent votive crown to the Cathedral of Toledo.
The pomp of worship in the Visigothic metropolis
exceeded that of all others, excepting Constantinople
and Rome. Its religious processions equalled in
splendor those which awakened the pious enthusiasm
of the devout in the metropolitan churches of those
two famous capitals. The greatest deference was
paid to the sacerdotal dignity. The congregation,
when not kneeling, stood during the service. The
women, always veiled, occupied galleries by them-
selves. No priesthood in Christendom was treated
with more respect, enjoyed more extensive privileges,
or lived in greater luxury than the Grothic clergy of
Spain.
With the Arab occupation this imposing fabric of
spiritual and temporal grandeur fell to the ground.
The power of the hierarchy, formerly unlimited, van-
ished in the twinkling of an eye. Its sacred edifices
were seized and devoted to the sacrilegious uses of
the conqueror. The precious furniture of its altars
Moorish Empire in Eueope 188
was deposited in the treasury of the khalif . Its reve-
nues were confiscated. Many of its members fell
victims to the rage of oppressed and injured vassals.
Thousands of others fled almost penniless to Christian
lands. Monks were enslaved and condemned to the
performance of the most arduous and exhausting
labors. Multitudes of nuns passed from the solitude
and meditation of the cloister to the revelry and de-
lights of the seraglio. In view of the popular opin-
ions and prejudices of the time, it is not singular that
this sudden and tremendous revolution should have
been universally attributed to the vengeance of God.
When the first shock of conquest had passed, the
overpowering terror inspired by the presence of the
invaders subsided. They proved to be something very
different from the incarnate demons which a distorted
imagination had painted them. They were f oimd to
be lenient, generous, humane. The law of Moham-
med had specifically designated the privileges of vic-
tory and the rights of the vanquished. The latter
were not slow to recognize and accept the advantages
arising from a speedy and unreserved submission, and
were thus enabled to participate in the benefits of the
civilization, almost from the very beginning inaugu-
rated by their rulers.
The civil organization of the Christians under
Moslem domination differed little from that under
which they had been governed by the princes of Visi-
gothic blood. The amount of tribute which permitted
the free exercise of religious worship, the jurisdiction
of their own tribunals, and the terms conferring the
preservation and enjoyment of their national customs
were definitely fixed by law. Each bishopric was as-
sessed at the sum of one himdred ounces of silver
annually, monasteries at fifty, churches at twenty-five.
Individuals were classified according to their rank and
possessions. The rich paid forty-eight dirhems, or
184 HiSTOEY OP THE
thirty-two dollars, per annum; the middle class,
twenty-five dirhems; the laborer, twelve. From
owners of land a tax upon its products of twenty
per cent., called the Kharadj, was collected. Apos-
tasy was rewarded by the remission of the former; the
latter, however, was never abrogated. Women, chil-
dren, cripples, beggars, and monks were exempt from
all enforced contributions. Except in cases of obsti-
nate resistance, private property was untouched. The
wealth of the diurches, except that of such as were
expressly mentioned in treaties, was legitimate spoil.
Under the rule of the Visigoths, the ownership of
chattels was only conditional, and they could not be
alienated; under the Moors, that ownership was abso-
lute. The condition of the serfs that cultivated the
royal demesnes — ^whose area was so vast that they
embraced the fifth part of all confiscated territory —
was greatly ameliorated. They still surrendered
thirty-three per cent, of the crops, as under their
former masters; but they were freed from the fre-
quent and arbitrary impositions which often deprived
them of the entire fruits of their labor. The conquest
had caused the division of the extensive estates held
by the privileged classes, and obtained by centuries
of extortion and cruelty, into innumerable farms, a
condition which facilitated cultivation and increased
agricultural wealth. Many of these lands, formerly
devoted to pasturage and to the sports of the nobility,
were now improved, and under tiie skilful efforts of
Moorish industry yielded immensely profitable re-
turns.
Each Christian community was rigidly isolated
from its Moslem neighbors. In the large cities, the
quarter inhabited by the tributaries was walled, and
at simset the gates were closed. A count of their own
selection, who was generally of noble blood, dis-
charged the f imctions of governor and collected the
Moorish Empire in Europe 186
taxes, of which he rendered an account to the Divan.
The proceedings of the judicial tribunals were con-
ducted by Christian magistrates under the forms of
Visigothic law. All disputes between Christians were
decided there, and criminals paid the penalty of their
misdeeds as prescribed by the ancient statutes. No
sentence of death, however, could be executed without
the approval of the Moslem authorities. Suits in
which a Mohammedan was a party, and prosecutions
where he was either the participant in, or the victim
of, a crime, were removed from the jurisdiction of the
Christian courts. The Code of Islam prescribed cer-
tain regulations to be observed by all tributaries, and
obedience to which was a consideration for the pro-
tection which the latter enjoyed. Blasphemy of the
Prophet or of his religion, entrance into a mosque,
and apostasy were capital offences. Upon these
points the law was inexorable. Violation of the
chastity of a Moslem woman was also punishable with
death, a penalty which, however, might be averted by
the offender embracing the Mohammedan faith. The
rej)etition of the familiar formula of Islam, even in
jest, carried with it a renunciation of all former creeds,
and an assumption of the responsibilities of a believer
which could never thereafter be relinquished. These
laws, while apparently of a religious character, were,
owing to the Moslem constitution which united the
functions of both spiritual and temporal sovereignty,
vitally necessary to the dignity and maintenance of
government. Christian fanatics, blinded by preju-
dice and eager for martyrdom, regarded them as un-
reasonable and tyrannical restrictions, whose public
violation was a duty which they owed to their sect;
meritorious, not only as evincing contempt for a de-
tested religion, but as affording opportunities for
exhibitions of self-sacrifice, certain to elicit the praise
of their companions, and likely to deserve the coveted
186 HiSTOKY OF THE
honor of canonization. All, therefore, that was re-
quired of the Christians living under Moslem juris-
diction was that they should pay tribute regularly and
obey the laws of the land.
To instire the protection to which they were entitled,
and to secure tiiem from insult and oppression, a
special magistrate was appointed, under the khalif s,
to watch over their interests and supervise their con-
duct. This official, whose title was that of katib, or
secretary, was invested with extraordinary powers, and
was usually a noble of distinguished rank as well a^s a
personage of high consideration in the Divan.
At the time of the Conquest, a certain nimaber of
churches were set aside for Christian worship ; but that
number could not be increased, nor could additions be
even made to the ancient edifices. In case reconstruc-
tion or repairs were necessary, the identical old ma-
terials were required to be used. The stringency of
these rules was, however, often relaxed by the gen-
erous indulgence of the authorities. The law which
forbade that a building erected by a Christian should
be of greater height than that of a Moslem was also
frequently evaded. In Spain and Sicily the towers of
church and cathedral often overtopped the minaret of
the mosque, an implication of superiority which, in
other countries of the Mohammedan world, would
have caused their instant demolition. In those two
kingdoms of Islam alone the use of bells was toler-
ated. Elsewhere, boards suspended by cords and
beaten with mallets took their place and announced
the opening of Christian service. The greatest liberty
was permitted in the exercise of public worship. The
clergy wore their sacred vestments. They discharged
the duties of their holy calling in peace and security,
and those who ventured to interfere with them were
liable to severe pimishment. They celebrated mass
with all the pomp of the ancient Visigothic ceremonial.
Moorish Empire in Eueope 187
The priest carried the viaticum to the dying, in solemn
procession tibrough the crowded streets. The bodies
of the dead, enveloped in the smoke of tapers and
incense, and preceded by chanting choristers, were
borne to the cathedral for the performance of the final
rites of the Chm^ch. The toleration of the Spanish
Moslems even went to the extent of permitting the
use of images — execrated as idolatrous by every fol-
lower of the Prophet — ^in Christian temples. Effigies
of saints were by no means rare. In the Cathedral of
Santa Maria at Cordova was a statue of the Virgin.
Her shrine was famous for its sanctity, and, more
accessible than that of Santiago, yearly attracted mul-
titudes of devout pilgrims from every part of Europe.
In each church was preserved the body of the martyr
to whom the sacred edifice was dedicated, and from
whom it derived its name. The great city of Cordova
contained six Christian houses of worship besides the
cathedral. Eleven monasteries and convents offered
a refuge to those who sought the devotional retirement
of cloistered life. Of these, three were in the city and
eight upon the wooded slopes of the Sierra Morena.
Some, instituted probably with a view to the acquisi-
tion of increased merit by resistance to constant temp-
tation, were occupied by both sexes under a single
abbot. The monks appeared in cowl and tonsiu-e; the
nuns were constantly veiled. All members of the
monastic orders, as well as those of the secular priest-
hood, traversed at will and unmolested the streets of
the capital. St. Eulogius, Cyprian, Samson, and
other contemporaneous ecclesiastical writers bear re-
peated and voluntary testimony to the indulgent for-
bearance extended to Christians by the KhaUfs of
Cordova.
In Sicily, practically the same conditions prevailed.
As, however, the indigenous population overwhelm-
ingly exceeded in number that of the invaders, tolera-
188 HiSTOKY OF THE
tion was necessary for the maintenance of public tran-
quillity, and was, in fact, a measure of expediency as
well as of justice. The civil organization of the
Byzantine Empire was continued. The magistrates
retained the same titles and exercised the same juris-
diction as formerly, subject always to the supervision
of the officials of the Divan. The procedure of the
ancient tribunals was but slightly modified. The
rights of person and property were fully recognized.
Freedom of worship was guaranteed to all law-
abiding tributaries. Taxation was uniform and
regular; the legal impositions were far less onerous
than those exacted by the tyrannical rapacity of the
Greek administration. Under the Moors, all persons
whose condition or infirmities prevented them from
obtaining a livelihood were exempt; the Byzantine
fiscal agents carried their merciless perquisitions into
the abodes of helplessness, disease, and destitution.
The Moslem law regulating the distribution of estates
and the rights of heirs was so admirably adapted to
the purpose, that it was continued, with trifling modi-
fications, by the Normans, after it had been in force
for nearly two centuries. No lands were confiscated
but those which had been abandoned by their owners.
The number of these was so great that they ajBTorded
ample space for the settlements of the Saracen colo-
nists, who occupied the most valuable portions of the
States of Trapani, Palermo, and Agrigentum.
The restrictions imposed upon the Sicilian Chris-
tians were more harsh than the requirements exacted
of their Spanish brethren. The general provisions of
the Mohammedan code relating to the prohibited acts
of misbelievers were, of course, rigidly enforced. The
Christian priests of Sicily, like those of Spain, were
compelled to perform the rites of their religion behind
closed doors. Like them also, they were forbidden
to publicly discuss the merits of their creed or to at-
Moorish Empike in Eueope ^ 189
tempt to secure proselytes. The laws of that island,
considering the numerical weakness of the dominant
race, were strangely severe. As tokens of degrada-
tion, peculiar marks were placed upon the houses of
Christians; they were restricted to a costume distinc-
tive in materials and color, and wore girdles of woollen
doth or leather. They were forbidden to moimt a
horse, to own saddles, to bear arms. They could not
use seals with Arabic inscriptions or give their children
Arabic names. In the streets they gave way to their
Saracen masters, and always stood with bowed heads
in their presence. Drinking wine in the sight of a
Mussulman was visited with exemplary punishment.
No Christian woman was allowed to remain in the
bath vrith a Mohammedan, even though the latter were
one of the humblest maid-servants of the harem. If
one of the tributary sect admitted the slave of a Mus-
sulman into his house, he was liable to a heavy fine.
The ringing of the bells of church or monastery
loudly was prohibited, as was also the reading of the
Scriptures in th§ hearing of the followers of the
Prophet. No Christian could cross himself in public.
The slightest interference with Moslem worship was
punishable with death.
Despite these arbitrary and often oppressive laws,
the condition of the Christians of Sicily was, upon the
whole, far more agreeable and prosperous under the
Arabs than it had been imder the Greeks. Relief
from arbitrary taxation made secure the profits of
industry. Every branch of commerce was open to the
enterprising. The system of guilds and corporations,
which had existed among tradesmen since the Roman
domination, remained unimpaired. If a Christian dis-
trusted the integrity or capacity of his own magis-
trate, he was at liberty to submit his cause to the kadi,
who rendered judgment according to the maxims and
precedents of Moslem jurisprudence.
190 HiSTOEY or THE
In the Spanish Peninsula, the government of the
Church presented a strange and portentous anomaly.
As the representative of Islam was a member of the
family of the Ommeyades, which had, in the begin-
ning, exerted all the influence of a powerful caste to
overwhelm its founder and render his teachings odious,
so now the interests of Christianity were delivered
over to the tender mercies of its hereditary and most
unrelenting foe. The Visigothic sovereigns, chosen
by ecclesiastical councils, were, by virtue of their elec-
tion, clothed with a certain degree of sanctity, and
enjoyed an ample measure of spiritual power. The
monarch practically controlled the policy of the
Chiu*ch. His decision was final in all matters not
important enough to be submitted to the assembled
wisdom of the great ecclesiastical dignitaries of the
kingdom. He consecrated bishops. He exerdsed
without question the sacerdotal rights of presenta-
tion, translation, investiture. He convoked councils.
The fate of every member of the hierarchy, from
acolyte to archbishop, was in his hands. Even the
metropolitan see of Toledo, the primacy of Spain,
could not be filled without his sanction. He could
appoint the most unworthy candidate to the most
exalted station in the priesthood. He could arbitrarily
depose ministers whose lives had exhibited the practice
of every Christian virtue. He interpreted and dic-
tated the application of intricate points of ecclesiasti-
cal law. Notwithstanding the apparent ascendency
of the sacerdotal order in the temporal affairs of the
government on the one hand, it was largely neutral-
ized on the other by the influence of the Crown over
the fortunes of the Church, an influence always
weighty and often predominant.
These prerogatives, dangerous to religious liberty
and liable to abuse even in the hands of an orthodox
sovereign, were transmitted, in all their force, to the
MooBiSH Empibe in Eueope 191
Arabian khalifs, as the lords of the lost heritage of
the Visigothic kings. The principle upon which such
authority could pass to the head of a hostile sect,
whose sworn purpose was the annihilation of the very
religion whidi he was presumed, by virtue of his
office, in duty bound to protect, has not been, and
never can be, explained by any considerations of
honor, consistency, or equity. It was practically a
flagrant usurpation of privileges for which the Mos-
lem sovereign could not allege even a shadow of right.
It was not conferred by conquest. It could not be
accounted for under the color of a legal fiction. Su-
premacy in ecclesiastical government, where the prac-
tice of public worship was guaranteed by treaty, and
the clergy purchased by tribute the management of
their affairs and the enforcement of discipline, cer-
tainly was not implied by the fact that it had been
enjoyed by the ruling prince of the vanquished faith.
Its peaceful exercise for centimes — for its validity
does not seem to have been questioned in the writings
of even the most bigoted ecclesiastics — ^is one of the
most singular problems of religious history.
The consequences of this anomalous condition were,
as may readily be conjectured, fatal to the dignity
and order of the Catholic hierarchy. The khalif was,
to all intents and purposes, the spiritual head of two
hostile religions, — one of which it was his duty, as well
as his inclination, to exalt; the other of which he was
prompted by the prejudices of race, inheritance, and
belief to destroy. There were few Hispano-Arab
monarchs who did not contribute their share to the
degradation of Christianity. The highest offices of
the Church were put up at auction. The orthodoxy
and fitness of the candidate were never considered ; his
qualifications were ignored; and his success was de-
pendent upon the amount he was willing to disburse
for the coveted dignity. In this scandalous traffic the
192 • History of the
women of the harems and the emiuchs were the recog-
nized agents of the purchaser. There. was no secrecy
about these transactions. The practice of simony was
so imiversal that even the greatest oflTenders made no
attempt to conceal it. A profligate canon, named
Saul, entered into a written obligation to pay these
corrupt intermediaries four hundred ounces of silver
for the bishopric of Cordova. Some of those raised
to the richest sees of the Peninsula were heretics or
infidels. It was not unusual for a prelate, even dur-
ing Holy Week, to abandon the service of the altar
and indidge in the most shameless excesses of drunk-
enness and debauchery. The ordinances of the
Church were interpreted by men ignorant of the first
rudiments of ecclesiastical law. Priests, whose athe-
ism was notorious, administered the sacraments with
mock humility and imparted hypocritical consolation
to the devout. If any of his flock eluded the search
of the tax-collector, the bishop, more faithful to the
power to which he owed his authority than to the in-
terests of the congregation over which he presided,
stood ready to furnish the desired information from
the registers of the diocese, and to assist in the punish-
ment of the delinquents. When a prelate disregarded
the summons to a council, the vacancy was filled by the
appointment of a Mussulman or a Jew. Such circum-
stances as these were not propitious to either sacer-
dotal welfare or successful proselytism.
Nor were abuses of power confined to the ecclesi-
astical system. The dignity of count, the most emi-
nent office of the Christian magistracy, was also a sub-
ject of negotiation and barter. The opportunities it
aflTorded for extortion and peculation made it one of
the most lucrative employments in the gift of the
khalif . It was ordinarily bestowed upon a member
of the Visigothic nobility, but the rapacity of the
eunuchs looked rather to the means than to the birth
1
Moorish Empibe in Eueope • 198
of the aspirant; and persons of base origin and
doubtful integrity not infrequently received the
coveted distinction, which was utilized largely for
the benefit of their patrons, — ^the fiscal oflSicers and
the degraded servitors of the harem. Count Servan-
dus, the son of a slave, who lived during the reign
of the Khalif Mohammed, has been handed down to
the execration of all good Christians as one of the
most cruel and infamous of oppressors. On a single
occasion, he extorted from his imhappy vassals the
enormous sum of a himdred thousand solidi, equal in
our time to more than half a million dollars.
The various gradations of the hierarchy were pre-
served as before the Arab occupation. The arch-
bishops had the usual number of suffragans subject
to their jurisdiction; the lower orders of the clergy,
their clerks, choristers, readers, and other subordi-
nates. To exercise the oflBce of priest it was neces-
sary for both parents to be of the Christian faith;
if the father were a Moslem, the law of the conqueror
interposed its claim upon the candidate, who, regarded
as a Mussulman by birth, was liable to condemnation
for apostasy. Unlike the canonical practice of other
Catholic countries, an ecclesiastic was eligible to
offices of the most distinguished rank, even to the
primacy itself, without being compelled to pass
through the intermediate grades of the priesthood.
There was no diminution of pomp or solemnity in
the celebration of the rites of Christian worship.
Councils for the regulation of church government
and discipline were even more frequent than under
the Visigoths; during the ninth century, three were
held at Cordova alone in less than thirty-five years.
In many of the monasteries, schools were established
for the commimication of instruction, on both sacred
and profane subjects, to those whose religious scruples
prevented them from profiting by the splendid oppor-
Vol. hi.— 13
194 History of the
tunities afforded by the great Arab institutions of
learning. In some of these religious houses were ex-
tensive libraries, composed for the most part, however,
of treatises of patristic science, polemics, and hagiol-
ogy. To St. Eulogius, alarmed by the increasing in-
fluence of the Mussulman academies, which offered
irresistible attractions to the Christian youth, is due
the credit of having introduced to the notice of his
coimtrymen the works of Horace, Virgil, Juvenal, and
others of the Latin classics, copies of which he obtained
during a visit to Navarre.
In Spain, as in Sicily, the influence of the Holy
See disappeared with the advent of Moslem suprem-
acy. The clergy of the khalif ate became independent
of the Papacy, and did not even recognize the au-
thority of the Asturian priesthood, whose members
held councils and promulgated canons, with a nominal
allegiance to Rome. In the abeyance of Papal repre-
sentation, the Metropolitan of Toledo was the su-
preme head of the Spanish hierarchy. The Christians
of Sicily acknowledged the jurisdiction of the Patri-
arch of Constantinople. During the Moorish occupa-
tion of Southern France, the existing religion was
scarcely interfered with. No coimts were appointed
to govern or oppress the conquered. No unworthy
prelates were assigned to rich sees as the result of
intrigue or corruption. Few churches were trans-
formed into mosques. The only attempt to restrain
the Christian tributaries was shown by a disposition
to isolate, as far as possible, the clergy of the pro-
vincial settlements from those of the larger towns.
The tolerance of Mussulman rule is disclosed by the
great preponderance of the subject race existing at
Narbonne, which was always ratiier a Christian than
a Moslem capital.
The long independence of the Spanish Church ex-
erted no inconsiderable influence upon its subsequent
Moorish Empire in Europe 195
history. Its isolation enabled it to preserve uncon-
taminated the ancient forms and discipline transmitted
by ecclesiastical tradition from apostolic times. The
authority of its comicils or the validity of their canons
was never questioned by the most exacting digni-
taries of the Roman hierarchy after it had again ac-
knowledged the jurisdiction of the Papal See. Its
orthodoxy was never impeached. While Europe was
distracted by heresy, no daring religious innovator
threatened the integrity or disputed the power of the
ecclesiastical government of the Peninsula. Its policy
was inimical to change in organization, in ceremonial,
in doctrine. Of all the religious ceremonials in Chris-
tendom its liturgy showed the least alteration, not even
excepting that used in St. Peter's at Rome. When
in 1067 King Alfonso of Leon submitted the rival
claims of the Gothic and Roman rituals first to the
wager of battle and then to the ordeal of fire, the
Christians of Arabian Spain resolutely adhered to the
ancient and time-honored formulary. The only
schisms recorded were those which sprang from the
conflicting ambition of rival prelates. Under the
iron rule of the khalif s no irregular councils assembled
to disturb the harmony or excite the doubts of the
Faithful. The principal abuse that existed was the
fraudulent manufacture of charters, and the multi-
tude of these pious forgeries whose spurious character
has been exposed indicate at once the ease with which
such documents could be issued, as well as the profit
that must have attended their fabrication. The gen-
erally undisturbed condition of the Mozarabes under
the sway of the House of Ommeyah is the best evi-
dence of their enjoyment of the blessings of civil and
religious liberty.
Their social customs and mode of life show in
many particulars a close affiliation with their masters.
They had forgotten the rude idiom of their fathers.
196 History of the
Arabic was the language in common use among all
classes of the tributary population, both Jew and
Christian. It was an indispensable requisite of offi-
cial position that the incumbent should possess a com-
petent knowledge of that tongue. St. Eulogius re-
peatedly deplores the fact that its prevalence was
universal in the Peninsula. Its popularity increased
with time, and was so great during the domination of
the Almoravides that the Archbishop of Seville caused
the Bible to be translated into Arabic, in order that
it might be intelligible to the priests of his diocese.
The peculiar phrases of Moslem intercourse, such as
" God preserve you I" " May you rest in heaven 1" con-
stantly on the lips of the reverent Mohammedan,
formed part of the daily greetings of every Christian.
They gave their children Arabic names. Their attire
and their furniture were similar to thoise of the domi-
nant race. The conspicuous tokens of degradation
imposed upon the Mozarabes of Sicily were unknown
in Spain even under the Almoravide bigots. The con-
fidence reposed in their fidelity, and the respect with
which their courage was regarded, were evinced by
their constant enrolment in the body-guard of the
khalif s. Partly from a desire to propitiate the favor
of their rulers, and perhaps through conviction of their
physiological benefits, they abstained from pork, and
adopted the rite of circumcision, — concessions whidi,
once granted, practically left the repetition of the
Moslem formula the sole remaining barrier between
the followers of Christ and the sectaries of Moham-
med. These practices, elsewhere unknown to the
Christian communities of Eiu-ope, excited the wonder
and abhorrence of the stout old monk, John de Gorza,
ambassador of the German Emperor to the court of
Abd-al-Rahman. He denounced them in unmeasured
terms to the Archbishop of Cordova, who excused their
observance under the plea of necessity, and as customs
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 197
long countenanced by the Church, a statement which
indicates that in the tenth century they had already
been in use for many generations. In a spirit of
charity, greatly at variance with the intolerant hatred
displayed towards the Moors in subsequent ages,
prayers were regulariy offered for the khalif in every
Christian church of Arabian Spain.
Every circumstance relating to the habits and inter-
course of the two races which has come down to us
proves that, openly at least, they did not consider each
other as enemies. Great numbers of Christians em-
braced with eagerness the extraordinary educational
benefits afforded by the schools and academies of the
khalif ate. The University of Cordova, open to indi-
viduals of every rank, creed, and nationality, was at-
tended by Christian students, not only resident in the
Peninsula, but attracted from almost every country of
Europe. The infidel doctrines taught in that famous
institution had long provoked the animadversion of
Moslem theologians; but the prejudices they excited
among orthodox Mussulmans were far less intense and
bitter than the aversion entertained towards the pro-
fessors of these opinions by the Catholic clergy. In-
termarriages were frequent, although public senti-
ment, as well as the policy of Islam, discouraged such
alliances. A far greater niraiber of women than of
men renounced their ancestral faith in consequence of
these unions, and the majority of proselytes were those
who embraced the religion of Mohammed.
Important civil employments were repeately con-
ferred upon Christians eminent for their talents and
integrity. The expostulations of the f aquis and the
united influence of the Divan were hardly sufiicient
to prevent Abd-al-Rahman III. from appointing a
renegade, whose parents were both Christians, to the
oflBce of Grand Kadi of Cordova, the highest judicial
position of the empire. The latter monarch habitu-
198 History op the
ally employed Christian prelates in missions requiring
the exercise of the greatest tact and ability. Rabi,
Archbishop of Cordova, was sent on different occa-
sions as envoy to the courts of Germany and Con-
stantinople. It was he who was intrusted with the
conveyance of valuable gifts from the Emperor of
the East to the Khalif, among them the foiuitains
of the palace of Medina-al-Zahra. The Bishop of
Granada was selected to secure the withdrawal by the
German Emperor of the scurrilous letter which the
fanatic John de Gorza was charged to deliver, a task
of great responsibility and one which few were either
competent or willing to imdertake. Another prelate
of episcopal rank was also despatched by Abd-al-Rah-
man to congratulate Otho on his victory over the
Himgarians. The predilection of Ali for members
of the nominally prescribed sect constantly aroused the
indignation and alarm of the Almoravide zealots.
Christians were not excluded from the most respon-
sible posts of the Moorish fiscal administration. They
discharged with skill and fidelity the duties connected
with all the various employments of the revenue. To
members of their sect was invariably committed the
collection of the tribute due from their coreligionists.
Thousands of them served in the Mussulman armies.
When Barcelona was besieged by the Franks, the
Christian residents of that city fought side by side
with the Moslems against the orthodox King of Aqui-
taine. Of all nationalities, the Spanish Christians
were considered most worthy to guard the sacred per-
son of the khalif. At no period of the Arab domina-
tion were they absolutely excluded from court. Under
the administration of the Almoravide sultan, Ali, who
was conspicuous among the fanatical princes of his
line for the strictness of his orthodoxy and the au-
sterity of his manners, the Mozarabes were in high
Moorish Empibe in Eubope 199
favor, and exerted an almost preponderating influence
in the government.
Although in theory belonging to an inferior caste,
in fact the tributary could not, by the unpractised eye,
be distinguished from the votary of Islam. His life,
his habits, his language, were the same. His house
was an exact coimterpart of that of his Moorish neigh-
bor; his garments were cut after the pattern of the
Orient. His manners were no longer suggestive of the
rudeness of his Gothic ancestors. When his means
permitted, he went to great lengths in the gratification
of propensities censured by the canons of his Church,
— entertained catamites, indulged in polygamous prac-
tices, and filled his harem with female slaves guarded
by retinues of eunuchs.
But while the line of demarcation between Moslem
and Christian was thus faintly drawn, and threatened,
in the course of time, to entirely disappear through the
fusion of the two races, there irtill existed in the minds
not only of the zealots of the hostile sects, but also
in those of the masses, a profound and irreconcilable
antipathy. This prejudice was sedulously and suc-
cessfully nourished by the Mohammedan faquis as
well as by the Christian clergy. The tributaries, while
apparently on the point of merging into the body of
the conquerors, were in reality isolated from them by
the most powerful emotions that can influence the
human heart. No concessions could thoroughly eradi-
cate the prejudices arising from difi^erence of religious
belief. No familiarities of social intercourse could
banish the humiliating remembrance of conquest. No
political honors could compensate for the injuries in-
flicted by racial animosity. The actual condition of
the Spanish Christians was, therefore, the reverse of
that exhibited by their daily life. In the presence of
a mutual antagonism, all the more violent for being
repressed, there could be no thorough amalgamation
200 HiSTOEY OF THE
of races. The exalted spirit of religious enthusiasm
which could voluntarily solicit the tortures of martyr-
dom was not propitious to national apostasy.
And yet the circumstances which appear most con-
spicuous and vital in the consideration of this ethno-
logical paradox would seem to point to an opposite
conclusion. A conmiunity of customs generally ex-
isted in which those of the Arah always predominated.
The harems of the Moslems were filled with Chris-
tian maidens who had, without hesitancy or compen-
sation, renounced the faith of their fathers. The cor-
rupted Latin dialect of the Visigoths, proscribed by
Hischem I., was almost extinct. The law forbade it
to be either written or spoken; and it survived only
in the massive volimies of the Fathers or in the
secluded intercourse of the occupants of monasteries
and convents. By the same decree of the Elialif , edu-
cation in the Arabian schools was made compulsory.
Alvarus, who wrote about the middle of the ninth
century, declares that not one Christian could be found
among a thousand who could compose a letter in Latin.
On the other hand, the popularity of the Arab writers,
and the enthusiasm with which their compositions were
perused by persons of all ages, were in the eyes of
pious ecclesiastics a national scandal. The growing
inclination to apostasy, the natural result of these
associations, was also one of the crowtiing grievances
of the Spanish clergy. As heretofore stated, it is a
fact, well established by the reluctant testimony of the
Fathers themselves, that the greater part of the con-
quered nation had fallen away from Christianity.
Many causes had conspired to produce this lament-
able condition of affairs. The geographical isolation
of the Peninsula, which has always had a tendency
to preserve imaltered the mental and physical char-
acteristics of its people, has also had no unimportant
influence upon the national faith. That country, even
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 201
at the time of the Saracen invasion, was Christian only
in name. It had never wholly discarded its Pagan
forms or traditions. It was the last kingdom of Eu-
rope to nominally accept the new religion. Its creed
had long been heretodox, and that creed it had aban-
doned, without remonstrance or regret, at the com-
mand of its sovereign. The despotic power of the
hierarchy had never been able to abolish the ceremonies
of Pagan antiquity which were incorporated with the
ritual of the Church. The population, the offspring
of a score of nations, each of which worshipped dif-
ferent divinities and was familiar with the fraudulent
pretensions of many sacerdotal claimants to inspira-
tion, was inclined to discredit and deride them all. To
such a society religious professions and formalities
were naturally matters of indifference. A nation
which could spontaneously abandon the heresy of
Arius would hardly hesitate to embrace the monothe-
istic doctrines of Mohammed. By the Moslems, so
far as their tributaries were concerned, no open induce-
ments were offered for apostasy. The practice of
Islam discouraged the active proselytism advocated by
other sects. The conversion of a Christian tributary,
unless he had violated the law, must be volimtary,
and the obligation, once assumed, could never be
renoimced.
The favor enjoyed by the renegade was, however, a
far more powerful incentive than any that the prom-
ises of the ministers of religion could evoke. The
apostate was at once received into full social com-
munion with his former masters. He was eligible to
the highest political and military honors. In theory,
at least, no stigma could attach to his former condition
or antecedents. The equality of all men who pro-
fessed belief in its dogmas was, as is well known, the
cardinal principle of the law of the Prophet.
To the slave, these considerations appealed with
202 HiSTOEY OF THE
peculiar force. Tens of thousands of this oppressed
and degraded caste had been transferred, at a single
stroke by the fortunes of war, from the hands of one
master to those of another. A host of captives had
been taken in battle. In the minds of but few of
these unfortunates the obligations of religion were
deeply founded. While emancipation did not invari-
ably follow the profession of the faith of Islam, it
usually did; and the condition of the slave was always
greatly improved by this concession to the prejudices
of him who regulated his conduct and controlled his
destiny. In view of these facts, there is little wonder
that multitudes of slaves embraced the Mussulman
doctrines.
The religious freedom of the Christians under Mos-
lem rule was mainly dependent on the prejudices of
their own clergy, the character of the dominant fac-
tion, and the temper of the sovereign. The provisions
of the treaties which guaranteed their privileges were
at first strictly observed. The general influx of
fanatical foreigners, in time, however, created a strong
public sentiment against the proscribed tributaries.
They were sometimes deprived of their houses of
worship. Arbitrary contributions were frequently
exacted from them. On one occasion, the Christians
of Cordova were compelled to pay into the treasury
the sum of a hundred thousand pieces of gold, nearly
a million and a quarter dollars. The revenues of the
Church were so impaired by these grievous imposi-
tions, that ecclesiastics were often forced to engage
in commercial pursuits to provide for the pressing
necessities of their order. Some carried the manu-
factures of Cordova to Germany. Others journeyed
as peddlers through France. The trading priest of
Moorish Spain was well known in the markets of
Genoa and Constantinople. Persons in cleriqal garb
were no longer safe in public places. In the time of
Moorish Empibe in Europe 208
the Almoravides, when a Christian passed through the
streets, the crowd shrank from contact with him as
from one stricken with the plague. Religious proces-
sions were pelted by mobs of hooting children, and
those who took part in them were fortunate if they
escaped without serious personal injury. The ring-
ing of the church-bells provoked the loud threats and
curses of intemperate zealots. The breaking up of a
congregation during Holy Week was often the signal
for a riot. The vengeance of Allah upon the idolater
was invoked by the scoffing bystanders when the corpse
of a Christian was consigned to the grave.
The clergy, against whom these insults were prin-
cipally aimed, were naturally exasperated by the in-
dignity suff^ered by their creed and their profession.
Their ignorance, in spite of the example and the bene-
fits of Moslem civilization ever before their eyes, was
not less dense than that of their brethren of Catholic
Europe. With every opportunity to familiarize them-
selves with the tenets of Islam, and thoroughly con-
versant with Arabic, they steadfastly declined to honor
the alleged revelations of the Prophet with their atten-
tion or perusal. Their opinions on this subject they
obtained from the writings of fanatical monks, fully
as ignorant as, and even more bigoted than, themselves.
The sage conclusion which they arrived at from these
researches was that the doctrines of the most uncom-
promising of monotheists and image-breakers were
Pagan and idolatrous.
Apprehensive of violence if they ventured to show
themselves in public, they remained almost constantly
in the seclusion of their dwellings. Even the sacred
calls of duty remained unanswered. Often, for weeks,
mass was not celebrated. The pulpit and the con-
fessional were deserted. The djring passed away
imshriv^n. Maddened by rage and terror, they were
scarcely accessible even to their sympathizing parish-
204 HiSTOEY OF THE
ioners, who themselves incurred the risk of ill-treat-
ment from the populace in their visits to the episcopal
palace and the parsonage. Brooding over tiheir
wrongs, encouraged hy the promises and exhortations
of the Fathers of the Church, wresting the texts of
Scripture to their purpose, fasting many consecu-
tive days, praying for hours at a time, exliausted by
penance, their enthusiasm became wrought up to the
highest pitch. From such a condition the progress to
martyrdom is easy.
The persecution of the Christians of Spain was in-
flicted, for the most part, under the reigns of Abd-al-
Bahman II. and Mohanmied. The annoyances to
which they were subjected were by no means so seri-
ous as they subsequently became, when the influence
of the Africans preponderated. The word persecu-
tion, implying as it does the tyrannical abuse of su-
perior power, is not applicable to the circumstances
under which the Mozarabes were sent to the scaffold.
They were rather criminals than martyrs. They vol-
untarily offered themselves for the sacrifice. They
denoimced the religion of Islam as false and idola-
trous. They reviled the name of the Prophet. They
rushed into the mosques. When the voice of the muez-
zin resoimded from the minaret, they crossed them-
selves, and cried out, " Save us, O Lord, from the call
of the Evil One, both now and in eternity!" In their
eagerness to court destruction, they pushed their way
into the tribunals, and, in the presence of the judge,
gave utterance to their blasphemies. Even the ma-
jesty of the throne was not respected by these frantic
enthusiasts. St. Pelayus called the Khalif a dog to
his face. St. Isaac, not content with heaping abuse on
Mohammed, grossly insulted the Grand Kadi of Cor-
dova. Such offences were capital under the law, and
admitted of neither extenuation nor pardon.
At first, the magistrates, moved by astonishment
Moorish Empire in Europe 205
and compassion, refused to condemn persons whose
actions seemed attributable only to intoxication or
insanity. But the deluded wretches would accept no
indulgence. Thrown into prison, they continued their
revilings. Their spurious zeal, mistaken constancy,
and self-inflicted tortures produced many imitators.
Their cells became places of pilgrimage. From them
each day went forth new candidates for pious consid-
eration, fresh victims for the executioner. Some were
hanged, others beheaded. Not a few were burned at
the stake and their ashes cast into the river. The bitter
feelings engendered by religious controversy were not
confined to Mohammedans. The ties of blood seemed
for a time forgotten or ignored. The hiding-places
of the accused were revealed by their own kindred.
Brothers and sisters denounced each other for the sake
of the property they might inherit. But the punish-
ment only aggravated the evil. The number of
martyrs constantly multiplied. A great many of these
came from the laity. Youths of tender age excited the
wonder and admiration of the devout by the boldness
of their utterances and the unflinching courage with
which they met their fate. Delicate women walked
barefoot for leagues, nominally to share the glory of
dying for the Faith, in reality to solicit the infliiction
of the extreme penalty of violated law.
The contagion of example spread fast through the
Christian community of Cordova. No distinction was
now so honorable as to stand in the foremost rank of
the blasphemers of the Prophet. In this pious and
meritorious performance, the secular clergy were,
however, not conspicuous. Their lives were entirely
too precious to be endangered so long as members of
their flocks were eager to demonstrate their willing-
ness to die for a perverted religious principle, involv-
ing an unprovoked breach of the contract from which
they derived security of worship, hfe, and property.
206 HiSTOEY OF THE
In secret, they promoted the increasing madness by
prayer and vehement exhortation. The impulse to
the spirit of spontaneous martyrdom was not a little
stimulated by the honors paid to the victims. Inde-
pendent of both Roman and Asturian influence, the
Andalusian hierarchy conferred without delay the
distinction of canonization upon each aspirant for
celestial glory. Their remains were conveyed to the
churches, where they at once began to disclose their
supernatural powers by response to prayer, by the
cure of disease, by the working of portentous and
astonishing miracles.
The Moslem authorities were appalled by the
strange conduct of their tributaries, insensible alike
to the inducement of clemency or the dread of pun-
ishment. In the hope of abating the evil by smnmary
measures, Abd-al-Rahman II. authorized, by public
edict, any one to kill on the instant a Christian who
was guilty of blasphemy. This decree, while not fully
accomplishing its object, lessened the number of ap-
pUcants for martyrdom and produced a great increase
of apostates and fugitives.
But the mania which impelled the most fanatical to
self-sacrifice was far from infecting the entire Chris-
tian population of the capital. There were many who
looked with disapproval upon a course which must
eventually result in the oppression of their sect, in the
increase of its burdens, in the curtailment of its privi-
leges. They foresaw that the acts of a few irrespon-
sible individuals would ere long be regarded by the
Moslem government as the authorized policy of the
Church. Many Christians held office under the ad-
ministration. It was only a question of time, if these
disturbances continued, when they would be dismissed
from their employments. The khahf ate was then at
the height of its power. If an uprising provoked by
the clergy should occur, as seemed not improbable, the
MooBisH Empire in Eukope 207
entire tributary sect might be extenninated; and, in-
deed, this measure had ah*eady been vehemently urged
by the intolerant African marabouts. In any event,
there would be arbitrary taxation, confiscation, vio-
lence, exile. In their extremity, the more sober-
minded of the Christians petitioned the Khalif to
summon a council, whose decision might be authori-
tative and final in determining the duty of the people
in the present emergency.
All the prelates in the jurisdiction of the khalifate
were accordingly convoked. Abd-al-Ri^hman ap-
pointed as his representative an official named Gomez,
prominent in the administration, nominally attached to
the Christian commimion, but of suspicious morals and
of more than suspicious orthodoxy. He was a man of
fine education, conspicuous talents, polished manners,
insufferable pride, and enormous wealth. The head
of the faction which had, in vain, endeavored to check
the increasing disposition to martyrdom which men-
aced the destruction of his sect, he had incurred the
unmeasured hatred of the clergy. Realizing fully
the fatal consequences of the insane acts of his co-
religionists if unrestrained, his interest concurred with
his inclination to repress the dangerous manifesta-
tions of their intemperate zeal before it became too
late.
With great ability and eloquence he presented his
views to the council. The assembled prelates, awed
by the government and possessing little sympathy for
those who were destroying the credit of their order,
were not disinclined to condemn these fanatical sui-
cides. But here a serious difficulty arose. The
martyrs had been canonized. Their relics had already
demonstrated their sanctity by the production of
miracles. Their bodies were enshrined in the shadow
of the altar; iheir deeds and their sufferings were
now a part of the history of the Church. It was there-
208 HiSTOEY OF THE
fore manifestly impolitic, as well as sacrilegious, to
attempt to deprive them of the rank in the celestial
hierarchy which had been conferred by the infallible
wisdom of God. A middle course was possible. The
council, silent upon past martyrdoms, prohibited them
in the future. Like all temporizing measures intended
to correct deeply rooted abuses, this evasion of the
issue left matters worse than before. The extremists,
headed by St. Eulogius, declared that the real senti-
ment of the council manifestly ran counter to the one
it expressed, as it did not pronounce deserving of
censure the acts of those who had suffered for the
Faith. The priests continued to arouse the zeal of
their misguided parishioners ; enthusiasts continued to
outrage the sanctity of the mosques and the dignity
of the tribunals, and the executions went relentlessly
on. Recafred, Archbishop of Cordova, exasperated
by the contempt with which the decree of the council
had been received, heartily co-operated with the Mos-
lems in the punishment of the offenders, now imder
the ban of both the government and the Church.
Many recalcitrant priests were seized and thrown into
prison. Others eluded with the greatest difficulty the
search of the autliorities. Among the latter was St.
Eulogius, with whom, as well as with many of his holy
brethren, the merits of martyrdom seemed most glori-
ous when obtained by the sufferings of others. These
vigorous measures filled the souls of the elect with
terror. A few escaped to the Asturias. A consider-
able number, including some who had been loudest in
their praise of the saints and apparently most eager
to emulate their example, apostatized.
The so-called persecution, begun imder Abd-al-
Rahman II. and continued under Mohammed, lasted
eight years. The works of contemporaneous ecclesi-
astical writers conclusively establish the fact that it
was provoked by the violence of the Christians them-
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe 209
selves. It is apparent from the same authorities that
its effects and importance were grossly exaggerated.
The Memorial of the Saints, by Eulogius, the last
and most eminent of the alleged victims of Moslem
tyranny, contains the names of comparatively few
martyrs. But forty-four are mentioned by the erudite
historian Florez, whose diligent industry has collated
the voluminous records bearing upon the hagiology of
that time, as having been executed at Cordova. Sev-
eral of these were women, between whom and their
male companions in suffering and glory, the pious
chronicler naively declares, "mysterious affinities"
existed.
With the decline of the empire, the prevalence of
anarchy, and the ascendency of the Berbers, the con-
dition of the Spanish Christians became more and
more distressing. The suspension of the laws afforded
every facility for their oppression. Their churches
were torn down. Their property was confiscated.
The descendants of the partisans of Ibn-Hafsun
maintained a correspondence with the Castilian enemy.
Alfonso of Aragon traversed the Peninsula from the
Ebro to the sea, at the invitation of the Mozarabes of
Granada. Ten thousand of the latter attended him in
his retreat. The vengeance exacted of their treacher-
ous vassals by the Moors of that kingdom was terrible.
The expedition was productive of not less imhappy
results at Cordova. Nearly every church was de-
stroyed, the Christians were tortured, despoiled of
their possessions, and deported in a body to Africa.
At the beginning of the twelfth century, the mis-
fortunes of the maltreated sectaries had reached their
cuhnination. The Almohades, when not dominated
by the marabouts, were inclined to be tolerant. The
Arab chronicles which treat of the Moorish principali-
ties do not mention the subject of persecution, and no
Christian records of that time have been preserved.
Voi- III.— 14
210 History of the
The Mozarabes of the kingdom of Granada enjoyed
the largest liberty. In Sicily, during the entire period
of Moslem supremacy, martyrdoms were exceedingly
rare.
Considering the widely extended apostasy which
followed the Arab conquest, it is remarkable, if viewed
only from a worldly stand-point, that the entire Chris-
tian population of the Peninsula did not become Mo-
hammedan. There is no doubt that those who re-
mained consistently steadfast in the faith were in a
decided minority. No inconsiderable number of prose-
lytes was recruited from the patrician class. Among
tiie great body of serfs and slaves, there were few who
were not willing to renounce their religion for the
certain enjoyment of liberty and the flattering pros-
pect of future ease or distinction. The mass of the
tributaries of t^^e province of Seville had early aban-
doned the Christian communion, and during the reign
of Abd-al-Rahman II. a magnificent mosque was built
for their especial accommodation. The majority of
the prisoners taken in war embraced without hesitation
the doctrines of Islam. Leaving out of consideration
the influence of that Divine Power which must have
preserved its servants imder the severest trials, cir-
cumstances of a political or social character may have
arisen to prevent the wholesale apostasy of a nation.
And such was indeed the case. . The treatment to
which the renegades were subjected is a single instance
of many, most important in determining the causes of
the decline of proselytism. In this class, the f reedmen
largely preponderated in numbers. Notwithstanding
the nominal equality of the renegade granted by his
former masters in the beginning, this equality was
now never conceded. The stigma of servitude which
attached to the majority became the unjust reproach
of the caste. While many were sincere in their be-
lief, others took small pains to disguise the interested
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 211
motives which had prompted their conversion. The
knowledge of this fact impelled the Moslems to treat
all converts with the greatest indignity. They were
publicly insulted. Opprobrious epithets were heaped
upon them. Even those whose ancestors had ranked
with the most distinguished of the Grothic aristocracy
were not exempt from the sneers of the Mussulman
rabble. Possession of vast wealth, reputation for
genius, taste, or learning, afforded no immunity from
outrage by the vilest of mankind. It was rare that a
renegade, no matter how conspicuous his abilities, ob-
tained a responsible office in the government. Even
the Christian stood a far better chance of official pro-
motion by the followers of the Prophet than the recent
proselyte to Islam. It was not in the nature of a
numerous and powerful caste, smarting under un-
merited humiliation and conscious of its strength, to
calmly submit to such injustice. Nor was it long be-
fore this destructive policy, which, like many of the
evils that afflicted the Mussulman domination, had its
origin in Arab pride, produced momentous political
results. It encouraged treasonable correspondence
with the Christians of the North. It raised up spies
in every community. It provoked the bloody revolt
of the southern suburb of Cordova during the reign
of Al-Hakem I. It recruited the armies of Ibn-Haf -
sun, who for thirty years defied the power of the khali-
fate. The renegades, who outnumbered all other
classes combined, lacked only organization and leader-
ship to have driven their haughty oppressors into the
sea. When the power of the Arab faction was de-
stroyed, their condition was improved, but the ardor
of proselytism had vanished. Such experiences tended
rather to confirm than to weaken the faith of the hesi-
tating.
Other causes contributed to the prevalent apathy.
The semi-theocratical character of the Moslem consti-
212 HiSTOEY OF THE
tution implied to all believers the active exertion of
supernatural power. The head of the government was
at the same time the Successor and the Representative
of the Prophet. A system which claims divine supe-
riority should by all means be free from turmoil, from
vices, from schism; its infallibility should be demon-
strated by the pre-eminent wisdom of its decrees; its
banners i^ould never be lowered. Yet Islam was rent
by faction and controversy. Rival princes, on every
side, asserted their conflicting pretensions. In the con-
fusion of warring sects, it was always impossible to
distinguish the heretic from the orthodox. The Mus-
sulman armies had often retired in disgrace from
before the half -savage and ill-equipped Asturian
mountaineers. Tried by the standards of mediaeval
ignorance, standards founded upon unity of purpose
and invincibility in war, Islamism was no better than
the creeds it had supplanted.
Again, the results of Moslem civilization, whose
benefits were apparent to the least discerning, were
not derived from the efforts of the devout. The
theologians, without exception, were obstructionists.
They decried learning. They denounced philosophy.
To them the elegant pursuits of literature were an
abomination. As a rule, they had nothing in common
with the scholars of Cordova, renowned for their wit,
their politeness, their cultiu'e. Their persons were
neglected, their manners uncouth, their language
coarse, imgranmiatical, and insolent. In their opinion
a madman was inspired, and a scientific instrument a
device of Satan.
Not so, however, with the eminent instructors who
directed the public mind of the nation, who imparted
knowledge to eager pilgrims from foreign lands. It
was to their lectures that the young Christians de-
lighted to repair. There was no subject on which they
were not competent to discourse ; no topic which they
Moorish Empire in Exjbope 218
did not elucidate with their learning and adorn with
their eloquence. They were, almost to a man, what
would be called in our day agnostics. Some were
acknowledged atheists. Olliers inclined to the Pan-
theism of India. None mentioned without a contemp-
tuous smile the celestial origin of the Koran or the
claims of the Prophet to divine inspiration.
The University of Cordova was the seat of the lit-
erary faction whose influence was long paramount in
the empire. Although its exercises were sometimes
held in the Great Mosque, it had no sympathy with
religion or its ministers. Its infidel teachings had for
generations been the reproach of the pious f aquis and
the abhorrence of the Catholic clergy. Its doors were
open to the studious of every race; its honors were
bestowed upon the meritorious scholar, without regard
to his belief or his ancestry. In its great library, the
Mussulman, the Christian, the Buddhist, and the Jew
pursued their researches in generous rivalry or friendly
co-operation.
Under such unfavorable circumstances, it is not sur-
prising that the conversion of Christians to Islamism
was permanently arrested. Outrages upon proselytes,
frequent insurrections, confusion of doctrines, vul-
garity of theologians, infidelity of those best qualified
to determine the value of established opinions, and
the unrestricted enjoyment of educational facilities
were serious impediments, rather than incentives, to a
change of religious belief.
The fierce hostility that has always been manifested
by the Apostolic Church against every kind of pro-
fane learning — ^the outgrowth of the tremendous
power successfully exerted for many centuries to
degrade the mind, to pervert the imderstanding, to
dwarf the noble faculty of reason — ^had no terrors
for the more enlightened part of the Christian popu-
lation of the khalif ate. There, in the presence of the
214 History of the
unrivalled achievements of Moslem genius, the stem
intolerance of Patristidsm could not stand before the
liberal policy of Islam and the daily application of the
lofty sentiment of its Prophet, " Whoso pursues the
road of knowledge, God will direct him to the road
of Paradise. Verily, the superiority of a learned man
over a mere worshipper is like that of the full moon
over all the stars 1" The exhibition of universal
charity, of broad philanthropy, of educational advan-
tages impartially bestowed, as contrasted with the
narrow maxims of their own conmiunion; the over-
whelming superiority of Mussulman civilization; the
powerful influence of daily intercourse and example;
the prodigious augmentation of commercial prosperity
and worldly grandeur; the alluring prospect of carnal
pleasures, while they might not conduce to prosely-
tism, nevertheless undermined the faith and constancy
of the Christian youth.
The teachings of the philosophers of Cordova were
not propitious to the maintenance of either established
dogma or ecclesiastical superiority; and the clergy
saw, with undisguised dismay, the growing prevalence
of lukewarmness and skepticism. The predominance
of the Spanish Arabs in every branch of literary cul-
ture, their eminent success in arms, their intelligence,
their valor, their courtesy, the seductive power of
their splendor and their opulence had far more effect
upon the minds of the rising generation of Christians
than the delusive promises and impotent anathemas
proclaimed every week from a thousand pulpits. And,
indeed, the contrast presented by the two rival re-
ligions was most striking to the unprejudiced seeker
after truth. On the one hand was the church, with
its resoimding vaults and its gloomy and sepulchral
crypt; the monastery, with its privations; the reliqua-
ries, with their offensive hoards of withered flesh and
mouldering bones; the inconsistencies of a system
Moorish Empib£ in Exjbofe 215
which inculcated charity and commanded persecution;
the inexorable tyranny of Ihe priesthood; the sys-
tematic discouragement of learning; the confessional
with its enforced revelation of secrets; the mass with
its monotonous services and its ritual in an unknown
tongue; the penance with its sufferings and humilia-
tion. On the other hand rose the mosque, light, airy,
beautiful; its graceful minaret pointing towards the
heavens; its court shaded by pahn- and orange-trees,
redolent with the mingled fragrance of a thousand
exotics, musical with the plashing of crystal Waters;
its walls covered with a maze of intricate and brilliant
stuccoes; its ceiling emblazoned with the golden texts
of the Koran; its sanctuary sparkling with mosaics,
whose exquisite tracery rivalled the fabled creations
of the genii; the sermon, intelligible to the most
humble and untutored listener; the prayer, remark-
able for earnestness, simplicity, reverence. On this
side were exhibited the factitious virtues and revolt-
ing hcense inseparable from the unnatural condition
of celibacy; the sacrifice of every diversion that ren-
ders health attainable or existence attractive; the
morose austerity of monastic solitude; the ill-con-
cealed excesses by which human nature attempts to
indemnify itself for the restraints imposed by organ-
ized hypocrisy; the solicited martyrdom of the half-
crazed zealot; the savage pursuit of infidels and
schismatics; the sanctified example of ecclesiastical
ignorance, moral abasement, and physical impurity.
On the other were the delights of the harem; the
physical and mental vigor derived from constant
exercise of the muscular system and the intellectual
faculties; the benefits arising from the practice of
frequent ablution; the palatial appointments of the
public bath; the innumerable conveniences invented
or adopted by a society ever alert to grasp every new
idea, to profit by every past experience; the advan-
216 HiSTOEY OF THE
tages of a method of education unparalleled in excel-
lence and unapproached by even the wisest teachers
of antiquity; the vast libraries, filled with the stores
of ancient learning; the lectures of the lyceum; the
curious experiments of scientific observers; the enter-
taining scenes of social festivity; the animated dis-
putations of learned assemblies.
The jurisprudence of the orthodox believer was
basely subservient to the claims of superstition. His
cause was determined by the uncertain results of ju-
dicial combat, by the oaths of prejudiced compurga-
tors, by the frivolous ordeals of water and fire. The
sectary of Mohammed was tried by the kadi, a magis-
trate governed by established principles of law, and
bound by religious as weU as by temporal considera-
tions to an impartial administration of justice.
When a Christian became ill, attempts were made
to exorcise the evil spirit to which his sujfferings were
attributed by binding him to the altar, by the invoca-
tion of saints, by the application of relics and conse-
crated amulets. The Moslem was conveyed to the
hospital provided and maintained by royal benefi-
cence; the cause of his complaint was ascertained;
and during his stay he received gratuitously the assid-
uous attentions of the nurse and the intelligent care
of the surgeon.
While the priest-ridden peasantry of the Pyrenees
and the Rhone denounced the Saracen as a foe of God
and a scourge to humanity, the Christian who lived
in security imder his government, enjoyed his favor,
shared his hospitality, profited by his instruction, knew
but too weU the calumny of these assertions, and that
their maligned object exhibited upon occasion aU the
noble attributes of a faithful friend and a brave and
chivalrous enemy. The dissensions of the Arabs, and
their imgenerous treatment of those who voluntarily
embraced their faith, were largely instrumental in pre-
Moorish Emphie in Eubope 217
venting the amalgamation of races, even then far on
the way towards accomplishment. Had not these
causes intervened, only a few centuries would prob-
ably have elapsed before the subject nation, already
closely united with the predominant caste by the bonds
of marriage, consanguinity, and interest, by intimate
mercantile associations, by the powerful influence of
habits, education, and language, might have become
thoroughly Mohanmiedanized. As it was, a greater
affinity always existed between the Christian vassals
of the Spanish khalifs and their lords than between
the members of the several factions of the Arabs
th^EUselves, whose inextinguishable hatred, the fruit
of countless generations of hostility, eventually com-
passed the destruction of their empire.
218 HiSTOEY OF THE
CHAPTER XXVI
THE MOBISCOES
1492-1609
State of the Eingdom after the Conquest — Superiority of the
Moors — Policy of the Crown — Introduction of the Holy
Office — ^Administration of Talavera — ^His Popularity — He is
superseded by Ximenes — The Two Great Spanish Cardinals
— Their Opposite Characters — Influence on Their Age —
Violence of Ximenes — ^He bums the Arabic Manuscripts —
Insurrection of the Moriscoes — Rout in the Sierra Bermeja
— Bigotry of Isabella — The Moors under Charles V. —
Persecution by the Clergy and the Inquisition under Philip
II. — ^War in the Alpuj arras — Ibn-Ommeyah — Operations of
Don John of Austria — Removal of the Moors of Granada —
Death of Ibn-Ommeyah — Ibn-Abu becomes King — Siege of
Galera — ^Atrocities of the Campaign — Fate of Ibn-Abu —
Condition of the Moriscoes in Spain — ^They are Exiled by
Philip III.— Their Sufferings— Effect of their Banishment
upon the Prosperity of the Kingdom.
The close of the Reconquest left the Spanish mon-
archy in a condition of physical and financial collapse.
The maintenance of a great army for ten years, with
the resultant casualties of hattle, exposure, and dis-
ease, had sensibly diminished the population. The
treasury had long been depleted. The Queen had
pawned her jewels to the bankers of Valencia and
Barcelona. Wealthy subjects had been induced to
advance funds to the government by methods equiva-
lent to confiscation, and which held out but slender
hopes of ultimate reimbursement. National credit
was practically destroyed. The absence of the more
industrious citizens in military service, the incorrigible
idleness of those who remained, had impaired the pur-
suit of agriculture, upon which the resources of the
MooEiSH Empibe m Eukope 219
kingdom depended. Had it not been for the taxes
and extraordinary contributions levied upon the Jew-
ish and Moslem tributaries, the war could not have
been prosecuted to a successful conclusion. These
two sects, which occupied an anomalous position in the
body politic, numbered over two million. Although
so inferior in numbers, they engrossed the trade and
controlled the personal property of the Peninsula.
The Jew, who practised with enormous profit the con-
genial but unpopular profession of usury, converted
his gains into money and jewels. The Mudejar, who,
after the Conquest, gave place to the Morisco, mind-
ful of the Koranic precept which inculcates industry
as a virtue and stigmatizes idleness as a crime, was the
most laborious and successful of agriculturists, the
most skilful of artisans. Representatives of these
two classes directed the operations of the largest mer-
cantile houses in the principal cities, and the commerce
of the entire country was practically in their hands.
Their prosperity was regarded with an evil eye by
their Castilian masters, and the Moslem was espe-
cially the object of this animadversion. For genera-
tions the former had pursued the glorious but brutal-
izing calling of arms. With them, every occupation
that imphed or necessitated the performance of man-
ual labor was considered undignified and degrading.
Centuries of unremitting warfare had impressed upon
the whole nation a military character, with its inevi-
table concomitants of pride, tyranny, and insolence;
and these sentiments were intensified a hundred-fold
by racial hatred and sectarian prejudice. From the
earliest times the Moors had been regarded as inter-
lopers, scarcely entitled to the ordinarily indisputable
rights of conquest. The acquisition of their domain
by Spanish prowess was always considered as the re-
covery of former inalienable possession, not as new
territory wrested from an adversary by dint of supe-
220 HiSTOEY OF THE
rior strength and valor. The establishment of the
Catholic faith was, in the opinion of adroit casuists,
an additional argument in favor of their title, for it
was held that the consecration of altars to Christianity
conferred rights which could never be abrogated
through occupation by infidels. With the inconsist-
ency of ignorance, the Castilians asserted their title
both by inheritance and prescription. They forgot
that Spain had ever been the rich prize for which
almost every warlike nation of the ancient world had
contended. The Visigoths overran and ravaged it in
the fifth century, and their occupancy, derived solely
from conquest, lasted three hundred years. Then
came the Saracens, whose domination, obtained in pre-
cisely the same manner, required about the same
length of time for the conquest, but endured for more
than twice as long. It was evident, therefore, to
every mind not obscured by prejudice, that the title
of the Moslems, even from the Spanish point of view,
was better than that of their conquerors. In more
than one respect, indeed, had the followers of Moham-
med claims upon the country of their adoption as well
as upon the gratitude and admiration of mankind.
Their industry and enterprise had developed beyond
all precedent the wonderful resources of the Penin-
sula. Its prosperity had never been so great, its peo-
ple so happy, its sovereigns so renowned, as at the
meridian of the Moslem power. In intellectual at-
tainments, and the skilful adaptation of scientific
principles to the practical affairs of life, the subjects
of the khalifate far surpassed all their contempo-
raries. The civilization — ^if it is worthy of the name
— ^which the Saracens overthrew was infinitely inferior
to the one that they created. The Visigoths had
scarcely emerged from barbarism. Their monardis
attempted to emulate, in their magnificence and lux-
ury, the brilliant court of the Eastern Empire, and to
Moorish Empire in Europe 221
®*^PPly> '^y the splendor and richness of the materials,
the glaring defidencies in skill and workmanship
which characterized the productions of their artisans.
They never discarded the savage customs engendered
and perpetuated hy ages of violence and injustice.
Sedentary and industrial occupations were repugnant
to the genius of a people whose national traditions
from time immemorial had breathed a spirit of trucu-
lence and war. And yet, even in their chosen field,
they at once demonstrated their inferiority to an
enemy who had hardly completed his apprenticeship
in arms.
After the Conquest, the insignificant number of
Christians saved by the inaccessible fastnesses of the
Asturias from Mohammedan subjection had little left
but their swords and their independence. Their pre-
vious habits had unfitted them for labor. The ungen-
erous nature of the soil and the severity of the climate
offered few inducements for tillage. They had,
therefore, no resource but war by which to maintain
their existence and repair their broken fortunes.
Their children were reared in ignorance and under
conditions favorable to the development of the highest
degree of ferocity and fanaticism. They were
taught to regard their enemies as monsters, imworthy
of the name and attributes of humanity, and having
nothing in common with the remainder of mankind
but an erect form and the capacity of speech. In the
course of time, greater familiarity with their adver-
saries insensibly produced a change of feeling, and
many of these absurd and imjust prejudices were
modified or entirely discarded. Numerous Moham-
medan customs were adopted, especially by the nobil-
ity of Castile, whose inherent profligacy especially in-
clined them to the forbidden and unorthodox license
of the seraglio. Moslem kings were not infrequently
appointed arbiters of disputes between Christian
222 HlSTOEY OF THE
princes of the blood. In arms, in manners, in oos-
tmne, in amusements, the despised infidel furnished
models to the proud and boorish descendants of Pe-
layus and his moimtaineers. Even the language was
contaminated. Thousands of terms familiar to the
reader of the Koran were incorporated unchanged
into its comprehensive vocabulary, and the noble and
sonorous Castilian idiom remains to-day almost one-
third Arabic. The system of warfare, the evolutions
of cavalry, the adoption of lighter armor, all exhibited
the effect of the pervading Moorish influence. Archi-
tects from Granada were employed by Castilian mon-
archs in the construction of palaces, and even by or-
thodox prelates in the ornamentation of cathedrals.
It was the custom of many sovereigns in those turbu-
lent times to intrust their safety to a body-guard of
Saracen mercenaries, who could neither be intimidated
nor corrupted. The honors paid to deceased Cas-
tilian royalty by the Moslems were not inferior to
those with which the obsequies of the greatest emirs
were celebrated. The court of Granada went into
mourning for Ferdinand III., and a guard of Moor-
ish nobles escorted his remains to the tomb. Henry
IV. gave audience to ambassadors seated upon a divan
and supported by cushions, in the traditiojial Saracen
fashion. The tilt of reeds and the bull-fight, the ex-
ercises of the grand arena, which, requiring the great-
est address and agility, were so popular with the
Spanish chivalry, superseded the ruder and more
dangerous exhibitions of the tournament. In innu-
merable examples, in every phase of the public .and
domestic life of the Christians, the influence of
Mohammedan association was manifested. It is a
curious fact, as already stated, that, in spite of this,
the deep-seated prejudices of the two races, so far
from being eradicated, were scarcely even perceptibly
modified. Notwithstanding intermarriages, the for-
MoosiSH Empikb in Eubofe 228
mal and elaborate display of public courtesy, the fre-
quency of appeals to royal arbitration, the adoption
of official ceremonials by one people, the voluntary
solicitation of protection by the other, all appearances
of amity were fallacious, and a feeling of irrecon-
cilable hostility constantly prevailed between the two
races. Both reduced their prisoners to slavery, a con-
dition which generally implied the most inhuman
treatment. The captives taken by the Castilians were
branded upon the forehead, a mark of degradation
which could never be erased; the slaves of the Mos-
lems were confined in damp and unwholesome dun-
geons, and compelled to labor daily in the construction
of mosques and fortifications. It was no imusual oc-
currence, when a place had provoked the animosity of
either by an obstinate resistance, for the entire popu-
lation, irrespective of age or sex, to be ruthlessly put
to the sword. In the heat of conflict, quarter was sel-
dom expected. Despite the omnipresent and irre-
futable evidences of superior knowledge, refinement,
and culture, the arrogant and conceited Castilians
always stigmatized their adversaries as barbarians.
With them, implicit belief in and attachment to the
Roman Catholic faith was the inf aUible touchstone
of civilization. Whatever they did not understand
they attributed to magic. The mysterious accents of
the Arabic language, and the intricate manner in
which its characters were combined in the inscriptions
which adorned the public edifices, aroused in the minds
of the ignorant suspicions of sorcery, with its accom-
paniments of talismans, amulets, charms, and incan-
tations. The magnificent architectural works of Arab
genius were attributed to infernal agency, as beyond
the efforts of unaided human power; an opinion still
entertained by the Spanish peasantry, who not only
firmly believe that tihe Moslem palaces were con-
structed by evil spirits, but also ascribe the origin of
224 HiSTOEY OF THE
the gigantic, and apparently eternal, monuments of
classic antiquity to the hands of the devil himself.
Besides the inveterate prejudices arising from an-
tagonistic faiths and protracted warfare, other cir-
cumstances intervened to preclude the fusion of the
two races after the Conquest. The Spaniard, with
characteristic pride, asserted the superiority and pre-
dominance of his race and origin, and the slightest
suspicion of Moorish blood constituted a blemish
which no poUtical or military distinction was ever able
to eradicate. The industry of the Mudejares, their
frugality, their clannishness, the seclusion of their
women, aroused unfavorable conmient among a peo-
ple whose prejudices associated these practices with
the name of an hereditary and implacable enemy. It
had long been a subject of imiversal complaint that
the larger proportion of the wealth of the kingdom
was possessed by these unpopular tributaries. The
idle Castilian, whose ancestors had for twenty-three
generations subsisted by rapine, could not regard with
indifference the plodding industry that conferred
upon a subjugated and misbelieving race those sub-
stantial benefits which he had always been taught to
regard as the birthright of a Christian. It was also
publicly stated, to the prejudice of the tributary
Moors, that even when they renounced their faith they
still adhered to their former laborious habits; that
none of them ever entered convents or monasteries;
and that their contributions to the Church were not
of the value to be expected from the zeal and generos-
ity of sincere proselytes. Their conversion did not
bring with it that indulgence and those privileges to
which their ghostly instructors assured them they
would be entitled; it did not even confer immunity
from insult. Until the reign of Henry II. the Mude-
jares were exempt from the inconvenience of wearing
a distinctive mark indicative of their social condition,
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 225
which, long hef ore imposed upon the Jews, was justly
considered a badge of ignominy. After that time,
however, they were required to wear upon their caps
and turbans a blue crescent " of the size of an orange,"
which constantly brought upon them the affronts of
children, and not infrequently the taunts and violence
of a fanatical populace. In spite of the serious re-
strictions imposed upon the Mudejares, and the enor-
mous contributions levied upon their industry, they
continued to prosper, and at the time of the surrender
of Granada they were the most valuable subjects of
the Spanish Crown. Policy, based upon a sense of
weakness, had long repressed ihe avarice and envy of
tiie Castilian sovereigns in their relations with a class
whose skill and labor were the principal sources of the
opulence of the realm. The time had now come when
all restraint could be cast aside without danger, and
royal aggression, not only sanctioned but suggested
and encouraged by ecclesiastical authority, could vio-
late every obligation, human and divine, ihat had been
entered into with a conquered people, whose principal
crime was their prosperity, and whose independence
had been voluntarily relinquished under solemn
treaties which had absolutely guaranteed their per-
sonal safety and the unmolested exercise of their dvil
and religious rights and privileges. A most pernicious
maxim, but one entirely consonant with the prevailing
sentiments of the age, had been recently adopted,
and declared by the highest ecclesiastical authority
susceptible of unlimited application. This was that,
the original conquest of the P^iinsula by the Moors
partaking of the nature of an usurpation, or rather
of a theft obtained by violence, all treaties or engage-
ments entered into with the descendants of the in-
vaders were valid only so long as the Christians chose
to observe them, as having been dictated by necessity
and contracted with persons outside the pale of the
You IIL— 15
226 HiSTOEY OF THE
law. The peculiar casuistry, which deduced from
Biblical precedent and the exterminating wars of the
Jews analogies whose application wrought sudi havoc
among the conquered nations of Spain and the New
World, found no difficulty in the acceptation of the
broader, and consequently even more atrocious, prin-
ciple that no faith whatever was to be kept with in-
fidels. Ecclesiastical ingenuity has never invented
more potent weapons for the attainment of absolu-
tism than these two maxims, which, rigorously ap-
plied, demonstrated their temporary and apparent
efficacy by the utter extermination of millions of
nominal enemies of the Spanish monarchy.
By the union of Castile and Aragon and the Con-
quest of Granada national unity had been secured;
it now remained to place the religious establishment
of the kingdom upon the same advantageous footing.
The Inquisition, an engine of tremendous power,
whose operations were attended by the most gratify-
ing results, had, for more than two centuries, been
employed in subduing recalcitrant heretics, procuring
conversions, and replenishing the exhausted coffers
of Church and State. First introduced into Aragon
from France, its efforts were mainly directed against
the Jews, whose wealth had brought upon than a con-
venient suspicion of heresy. The main objects of the
Inquisition were in reality secular and political. That
hideous institution aimed at the establishment of un-
questioned sovereignty by the instruments of perse-
cution. Religious dogmas, while nomihally of vital
importance in its procedure, were but pretexts by
which the clergy, and indirectly the orthodox monarch,
profited in the acquirement and consolidation of irre-
sponsible authority. The stifling of human thought,
the suppression of every branch of knowledge, the
prohibition of the exercise of private judgment, the
infimte multiplication of offences against religion, the
Moorish Empikb in Eusofe 227
minute gradation of penances, many of them of bar-
barous and incredible severity, were all means to the
accomplishment of one base and ignoble end. The
theological aspect of the Inquisition has engrossed the
attention of historians to the exclusion of its genuine
but concealed objects. That the punishment of heresy
was not the real mission of its tribunal is proved by
the fact that its sentences were frequently suspended,
commuted, or abrogated by the sovereign, conditional
on the payment of money. The rich were the especial
objects of its hostility; the denunciation of a wealthy
person was equivalent to conviction; and if a Hebrew
or a Moslem, he could hardly escape the extreme pen-
alty. The mystery of its organization, its unexpected
arrests, its secret procedure, its frightflil dungeons,
the fiendish cruelty of the tortures it inflicted, and the
atrocities of its public exhibitions — ^which partook of
tiie nature of religious festivals, and, with shocking
inconsistency, were supposed to be devoted to popular
recreation— ^struck terror into every community and
every family.
Tlie successful prosecution of heresy by the Inquisi-
tion, as well as the financial advantages it promised,
and the increase of ecclesiastical and royal power
which followed its establishment, appealed forcibly
to the bigoted and arbitrary mind of the Spanish
Queen. Not so, however, with Ferdinand, whose ex-
perience with that dread tribunal had caused him to
regard its operations with disfavor, and who had ren-
dered his orthodoxy liable to suspicion by intrusting
to Jewish bankers the administration of the finances
of the Crown of Aragon. His remonstrances were,
however, unheeded by his obstinate and despotic con-
sort The Kingdom of Castile had always enjoyed
an unquestioned preponderance of authority and pres-
tige in the affairs of the Peninsula. The compact
which consolidated the two great realms into one em-
228 History of the
pire expressly conferred upon Isabella the exclusive
control of all matters relating to ecclesiastical juris-
diction. The right of presentation to benefices — ^long
asserted by Castilian princes as a royal prerogative,
and whose exercise, denounced by the Papacy as an
usiu'pation, had repeatedly brought upon them the
censures of the Holy See — ^invested the Queen with a
power of vast and indefinable extent over the mem-
bers of the Roman Catholic hierarchy, who owed their
offices to her generosity, and whose revenues were
largely dispensed in accordance with her advice. Her
policy and her apparent interest induced her, there-
fore, to consent to the introduction of the Holy Office;
and its tribunal was established at Cordova, under the
direction of Tomas de Torquemada, first Inquisitor-
Grcneral of the kingdom, a name of awful prominence
in the history of Spanish persecution.
The capitulation of Granada had been concluded
with every indication of sincerity, and with the most
solemn assurances with which it is possible to invest
the provisions and confirm the faith of treaties. The
unsuspecting Moslems did not long remain in igno-
rance of the duplicity of their conquerors. Excesses
were publicly committed by licentious cavaliers, who,
instead of undergoing the penalty of death adjudged
for such offences, escaped with a gentle reprimand,
and were even conspicuously distinguished by the
favor of their royal mistress. The seclusion of domes-
tic life, so jealously guarded by Mohammedan cus-
tom, was unceremoniously invaded upon the most
frivolous pretexts by the rude and insolent soldiery.
The mosques, whose possession had been especially
guaranteed by the articles of the treafy, were one
after another seized and consecrated to tiie Christian
worship. For these flagrant breaches of trust, the
stupid and remorseless bigotry of Isabella was largely
responsible. The dty had hardly passed into the
MooEiSH Empib£ in Eubofe 229
hands of the conquerors, before the advisability of
forcible conversion began to be seriously discussed,
and the Queen listened with pleasure to suggestions
of indiscriminate and compulsory baptism. The ef-
forts of priestly avarice and intolerance, secure in the
royal support, began to encroach more and more upon
the acknowledged rights of these unfortunate victims
of persecution, until a revolution broke out, which
threatened the integrity of the newly acquired domin-
ions, and required the entire resources of the kingdom
to suppress it. The government of Granada had been
left in the hands of three men, whose excellent quali-
fications, previous experience, and inborn sense of jus-
tice rendered them eminently qualified for the difficult
task to which they had been assigned. The famous
Count of Tendilla was appointed Captain-General of
the province. The interests of the Church were com-
mitted to Hernando de Talavera, Archbishop of Gra-
nada, a prelate in whose mind fanaticism never at-
tained predominance over the noble impulses which
assert the dignity of human nature; and whose liber-
ality, rare in his age and profession, never refused
indulgence and compassion to those of different blood
or hostile faith. To these two representatives of royal
and ecclesiastical authority was added as an adviser,
and an interpreter of the 4aty of capitulation, which
he himself had drafted, Hernando de Zaf ra, secretary
of the Cathplic sovereigns, a man of talent, intelli-
gence, and spotless integrity, who enjoyed the confi-
dence of his superiors, and who, while conspicuously
devout, was far less tinctured with the prejudices of
the time than his theological education and previous
associations would seem to imply.
Under the administration of these three dignitaries,
the territory of Granada once more assumed an ap-
pearance of prosperity. Their probity won the confi-
dence of the Moors, which had been shaken by the
280 History of the
arbitrary and indefensible proceedings following the
surrender. The capital, fallen into neglect and decay
during years of insurrection and war, was repaired;
new streets were opened, sanitary regulations were
enforced, the markets were again crowded with
traders; the Vega, long the scene of desolation, began
to blossom once more under the patient hands of the
industrious laborer. While a high sense of honor and
an unusual diplomatic tact obtained for the Count of
Tendilla the respect of his dependents, it was upon
the disposition of the Archbishop that tiie security of
the government and the pacification of the Moslems
principally depended. The first great difficulty was,
in reality, not with the latter, but with the Christian
colonists, who had received, in recompense for real or
fictitious services, establishments in the dty, and whose
licentious conduct provoked the animosity of the van-
quished, and rendered the streets imsaf e at night for
wayfarers of every description.
The conduct of the Ardibishop was beyond all
praise. He endeavored by every conceivable means
to improve the condition of his diocese, to revive de-
caying industry, and to promote the friendly relations
of the two races whose previous traditions made com-
plete fusion impossible. He dispensed at all times
the most unbounded and discerning charity. He
caused public works to be inaugurated, by which the
needy poor were provided with employment. His
apostolic zeal never stooped to the violence of perse-
cution; his appeals were made to reason alone; and
his subordinates, for the effectual performance of
their duties, were compelled to learn the Arabic lan-
guage, in which he himself, although far advanced in
years, became sufficiently proficient to employ it suc-
cessfully for the noble purposes of religious instruc-
tion. From the printing-presses, established by his
munificence, issued sumptuous volumes printed in
MooBisH Empib£ m £uBOP£ 2dl
Castilian and Arabic, whose perusal might not only
arouse the interest of old beUever and recent prose-
lyte, but could not fail to alike confirm the faith and
facilitate the intercourse of both Christian and Mos-
lem. Under his direction schools were foimded; rit-
uals and works embodying the doctrines and discipline
of the Chiu*ch translated; and regular conferences
organized, wherein, at stated intervals, the compara-
tive merits of the Christian and Mohammedan creeds
were publicly discussed by learned theologians of both
religions.
This excellent prelate, whose virtues are the more
conspicuous and admirable when contrasted with the
generally dissolute character of the ecclesiastics of the
Spanish court, voluntarily renounced the larger por-
tion of the emoluments of his oflSce, reserving only
what was sufficient for his immediate necessities, and
dispensing with the pomp which the dignitaries of
the hierarchy were accustomed to assume in the ex-
ercise of their calling. Two hundred and fifty per-
sons shared daily the hospitality of his table; his
boimty was enjoyed ahke by officials of the highest
rank, by Moors of every degree, by pilgrims and trav-
ellers soliciting alms. In his visits to the sick and the
unfortunate he permanently impaired his health.
Recognizing the importance of a consistent example,
he instituted extensive reforms among the clergy.
Their luxury was repressed, their intemperate zeal
restrained, ihe systematic observance of their duties
compelled, and tiiose vices which had long been the
scandal of the pious were either entirely checked, or,
driven from public view, were forced into seclusion
for their indulgence. In every possible manner he
attempted to relieve the oppressive burdens imposed
upon his parishioners by the fiscal regulations. His
notaries were forbidden to collect the fees, whidi
formed an important part of the revenues of the
282 History of the
archiepiscopal see. He interposed his authority to
prevent illegal and oppressive exactions by the tax-
collectors. In his sermons, and by the exertion of his
authority, he discouraged the practice of professional
mendicity, the scourge and the disgrace of both Cath-
olic and Mussulman countries.
With the secular and the ecclesiastical power vested
in the hands of such men as the Count of Tendilla and
Hernando de Talavera, the greatest results could not
fail of accomplishment. The manners of the Span-
iards were insensibly reformed. Such was the public
tranquillity, that a mere handful of soldiers siifficed
for the garrison of the Alhambra and the guard of
the captain-general. The pious and unselfish example
of the Archbishop soon bore fruit. Great numbers
of Moors voluntarily signified their desire to become
Christians. In one day three thousand were baptized,
not one of whom ever afterwards recanted. These
conversions were not obtained through suggestions of
temporal advantage or the influence of fear; nor were
the proselytes admitted to communion without pre-
vious instruction in the doctrines they were expected
to profess or the duties they would be required to per-
form. The affection and respect of the Moslems for
their instructor and friend were imbounded. They
called him the " Holy Faqui of the Christians." The
churches were found unable to acconmiodate the in-
creasing numbers of converts, and altars and pulpits
were erected in the three principal squares of the city;
the nightly brawls excited by the turbulent soldiers of
fortune, domiciled by the Conquest in the Moorish
capital, became more and more infrequent; a sense
of security began to prevail in the commimity; the
relations of noble and vassal were modified, to the
decided advantage of the latter; ancient prejudices,
confirmed by the enmity of centuries, were softened;
and the political union of the two peoples, which could
MooEisH Empibe in Europe 288
only be effected by a just and conciKatory policy, and
upon which, in fact, depended the future prosperity
of the Peninsula, seemed at length to offer a flatter-
ing prospect of realization.
Under these favorable auspices, for the space of
several years, order, tranquillity, and contentment
reigned in Granada. The courteous and equitable,
but firm, administration of the governor; the blame-
less life, the humble piety, the sympathetic interest of
the Archbishop had awakened the love and compelled
the obedience of the tributary Moslems, who com-
pared with wonder and gratification the operation of
a system of kindness and justice with the arbitrary
and violent measures of the despotism to which they
had heretofore always been accustomed. During that
period many important and tragic events transpired.
Al-Zagal, oppressed with years and calamities and
broken in spirit, had gone into voluntary exile. Boab-
dil, by means of an ignoble and treacherous device,
whose adoption was alike unworthy of a monarch and
a Christian, had been deprived of the principality for
which he had bartered his crown and forced to retire
into Africa. Every important provision of the capit-
ulation had been repeatedly violated, and only the tact
of those who controlled the government of Granada
had prevented the most serious consequences. The
Jews, imder circumstances of unspeakable cruelty,
had been expelled from the kingdom. In the hier-
archy changes had taken place which boded no good
to the heretic and the suspected apostate. Cardinal
Mendoza, Primate of Spain, had died, and Francisco
Ximenes de Cisneros, a Franciscan friar and the con-
fessor of the Queen, had been promoted to that ex-
alted dignity, whose power and emoluments rivalled
those of the crown. The life, the associations, the
studies of this man had developed a mind whose feel-
ings were in perfect accordance with the narrow and
2B4 HiSTOEY OF THE
intolerant spirit of the age. Without indulgence for
the inherent weakness of human nature, without pa-
tience to await the effect of the deliberate and rational
methods of discussion which promote religious convic-
tion, absolutely devoid of generosity, of tenderness, of
sympathy, he regarded unquestioning obedience to the
Church as the most imperative of all obligations and
mortification of the flesh as the most meritorious of
virtues- He had recently secured the appointment of
Diego de Deza, one of his creatures, to the place of
Inquisitor-G^eneral, which gave him absolute control
of the operations of the Holy OiBce.
The characters of the two great churchmen who in
succession dictated the policy of the crown, iliough
widely different in many respects, in general faith-
fully represent the prevalent ideas and aspirations of
every class of society in the kingdom. The aim of
both was religious imity, which during the long cru-
sade against the infidel had usurped the place and de-
preciated the worth of patriotism. Both governed the
sovereign, and with the sovereign the monarchy.
Both filled the highest ecclesiastical office in the Penin-
sula, an office second in dignity and power only to the
Papacy. Both were zealous patrons of the Inquisi-
tion. One recommended the expulsion of the Jews.
The other inaugurated the persecution of the Moris-
coes. Both commanded armies. Both f oimded insti-
tutions of learning. Both were regarded at Rome as
the most valuable servants of the Holy See. Here,
however, all resemblance ends. Mendoza belonged to
the haughtiest of the Castilian aristocracy; he traced
his lineage in a direct line to Roman patricians on one
side and to the Gothic Dukes of Cantabria on the
other; the Cid was his ancestor, as were also the Lords
of Biscay; the blood of royalty coursed in his veins;
he was the cousin of Ferdinand and Isabella; he was
nearly related to the princely house of Infantado,
Moorish Empire in Europe 285
whose duke took precedence of all Spanish grandees;
more than seventy titles of nobility were in his family,
which was the first in the Peninsula and one of the
most celebrated in Europe.
Ximenes sprang from the people. His ancestry,
while respectable and deserving recognition as of the
hidalgo class, was not noble. He renounced his bap-
tismal name for that of the founder of his order, the
Franciscans. He had no relatives, a fact which after-
wards obtained for him the Regency.
The dignities of Mendoza were the most eminent in
the hierarchy and the kingdom, and were all conferred
before he had reached the meridian of hfe. He was
Bishop of Calahorra and Siguenza, Archbishop of
Seville and Toledo, Primate of Spaui, a Prince of the
Church, Patriarch of Alexandria, Legate of the
Pope. He became Chancellor of Castile. He was
appointed Captain-General under both Henry IV.
and Isabella. He was most prominent in all the
events of the civil and the Moorish wars. He won the
battle of Olmedo for Juan II. He defeated the King
of Portugal on the field of Toro. At twenty-four
he was practically minister of state. At sixty-four
he planned the last campaign before Granada as com-
mander-in-chief of the besieging army. His hands
raised upon the Tower of Comares the archiepiscopal
cross of his diocese, the symbol of Christian suprem-
acy and ecclesiastical power.
In habits, tastes, demeanor, and personal appear-
ance a marked contrast existed between the two most
famous prelates of the fifteenth century. Mendoza
was epicurean, Ximenes ascetic. The table of the
Great Cardinal was furnished with every luxury.
His garments were of the finest quality, as befitted
his rank. Jewels sparkled upon his fingers. His
cleanliness excited the wonder and often the disappro-
bation of the pious, as savoring of heresy. None but
286 HiSTOEY OF THE
youths of distinguished birtii were admitted to his
household. His morals partook of the laxity of the
time. The ladies honored with his attentions were
members of the aristocracy, daughters of noble
houses, maids of honor to the Queen. His three sons
were legitimatized by Pope Innocent VIII. in 1486
and by Isabella in 1487. Through their matrimonial
connections, the blood of this famous ecclesiastical
grandee has been mingled with that of many of the
proudest families of Castile.
While the promotion of Mendoza to the highest
offices of Church and State was due partly to his illus-
trious ancestry and partly to his eminent talents, that
of Ximenes was derived entirely from his reputation
for piety and wisdom. Honors were literally thrust
upon him. With real or affected humility, he at-
tempted to evade the search and disobey the conmiands
of those who wished to raise him to absolute power.
He loudly protested his unwortiiiness. He declared
his preference for the duties and the seclusion of a
private station. Even while at the height of his great-
ness, he never abandoned the habits of the monastery.
He carried into the splendid archiepiscopal see of To-
ledo, the highest post in the ecclesiastical system of
Europe, the practices of the penitent and the anchor-
ite. Under his cardinal's robes of scarlet and gold
he wore constantly the cowl and knotted girdle of the
Franciscan friars. A haircloth shirt, which was never
changed, irritated his flesh. His diet was frugal to
excess. " He only ate 'enough,'* says his biographer,
" to sustain the little life that penance had left him."
His food consisted principally of herbs, his only drink
was water. His virtue was impregnable, — even St.
Anthony himself might have envied him his constancy
under temptation. To him was never imputed the re-
proach of frequent ablution, the stigma of the Mos-
lem heretic. The constant use of a haircloth under-
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubope 287
garment, while not conducive to personal purity, is
readily productive of those physical conditions which,
in the Middle Ages, were almost infallible signs of a
good Christian.
The early life of Mendoza was passed amidst the
atmosphere of the most dignified and punctilious
court in Europe. His experience from boyhood fitted
him for any service to which he might be assigned by
tibe order of his king. He was thoroughly familiar
with the arts of diplomacy. He had led his vassals in
many a bloody encounter. With the skill of a suc-
cessful general he had directed the movements of
large bodies of troops in action. In every conflict he
had fearlessly exposed himself to danger. He was
indulgent to the faults of his ecclesiastical inferiors.
For the glory of the Church he built and endowed the
College of Valladolid. The Hospital of Santa Cruz
at Toledo was a superb monument to his munificence.
He expended great sums in charity. The debasing
vice of bigotry was far from dominating his character.
The person of Mendoza was tall, erect, and com-
manding; his features handsome; his bearing that of
a soldier and a gentleman; his manners affable and
unaffected; in all respects he was the model of dig-
nity, of gentleness, and of courtesy. His influence in
the government was so great that he was everywhere
known as " The Third King of Spain." It was said
of him as of Caesar, " Quicquid volebat, valde vole-
bat."
Ximenes brought to the management of a great
empire none of that familiarity with public affairs so
essential to the statesman. His life had been bounded
by the narrow horizon of the cloister. His reading
had been confined to the homilies and polemics of the
Fathers. At the assault of Oran, instead of leading
his troops, he retired to pray in his tent. The univer-
sity he established at Alcaic, as a rival to that of Sala-
288 HlSTOEY OP THE
manca, was far from realizing his hopes. His ap-
pearance disclosed his obscure lineage and his plebeian
associations. His form was bent, his face emaciated,
his manners shy and awkward. He possessed none of
that winning grace which is the common birthright of
his countrymen. In the administration of his office he
was arbitrary and irasdble. His obstinacy was only
exceeded by the severity with which he enforced his
decrees; his pursuit of heresy and monastic license,
only by the vigor with which he encountered and
crushed all opposition. His reputation for ability, for
learning, for sanctity, for every attribute that evokes
the admiring applause of mankind, far surpassed that
of his predecessor among all ranks of his contempo-
raries.
Such were the two chiu*chmen, both of whom had
obtained the finest education afforded by their age and
country; both founders of great colleges; both gifted
with extraordinary talents; both clothed with des{)otic
power; to whose agency is to be principally attributed
the absolute annihilation of Jewish and Mosl^n sci-
ence and literature in the Spanish Peninsula.
It is impossible for us at this distance of time to
fully appreciate the enormous influence wielded by
a prelate who dispensed the wealth and patronage of
the ecclesiastical establishment of the Spanish mon-
archy. His capacity for good or evil was practically
unlimited. He was the keeper of the royal conscience.
The sentiments of every community, tiie decision of
important questions of diplomacy, the adoption of
measures vital to the permanence of national exist-
ence, the prosecution of war, the negotiation of peace,
all depended upon the opinions and advice which ema-
nated from the throne of the metropolitan see of
Toledo. When to the prestige and revenues of the
primacy were added the mysterious procedure and
dreadful energy of the Inquisition, the formidable
Moorish Empire in Europe 289
character of the power possessed by Ximenes may be
conjectured. His will was law in every parish in the
kingdom. Through the fears and mistaken devotion
of a superstitious queen he was already the virtual
ruler of Castile. His zeal was the more dangerous
from the fact that it was sincere; no element of
hyjKKsrisy discredited the motives or impaired the
supremacy of this imcompromising fanatic. The
sweeping reforms he instituted among the clergy, and
tiie rigor with which all disobedience was punished,
awakened the resentment of every ecclesiastic whose
lax morality or religious indifference had rendered
him the object of official admonition or discipline.
Those who appealed to the Pope were thrown into
prison. Petitions for indulgence were treated with
contempt. Remonstrances were chastised by sus-
pension from functions and deprivation of benefices.
The energy of his measures, the rudeness of his man-
ners, the arbitrary, almost brutal, defiance of prece-
dent and custom with which he treated his inferiors,
his well-known control over the infamous tribunal
whose public sacrifices in llie name of religious unity
had already terrorized the kingdom, his incorrupti-
bility and self -mortification, invested the office of
Ximenes with more than imperial authority. Isabella
congratulated herself on her discernment. Her pious
ambition was excited. In the hands of this active
prelate the Moors of Granada might be speedily
Christianized. The slow and pacific methods of Tala-
vera had frequently aroused the displeasure and in-
voked the censures of the impatient Queen. Her
partiality for the eccentric and determined church-
man whose enforcement of long-neglected monastic
regulations and whose condemnation of the luxurious
habits of his subordinates had procured for him the
open homage and secret execration of bishop and friar
aUke, whose inflexible decision, whose disregard of
240 HiSTOEY OF THE
humanity and justice whenever he conceived the in-
terests of the Churdi were involved, rendered him so
offensively conspicuous, suggested him at once as a
pre-eminently suitable instrument for the extermina-
tion of Moslem heresy and the rapid propagation of
the Faith; He was, therefore, ordered to Grianada,
nominally as the adviser of Talavera in the work of
spiritual regeneration, with the secret imderstanding,
however, that his superior rank would exempt him
from even the apparent exercise of official duties in
a subordinate capacity. His first step, and one of
which it is scarcely possible that Isabella could have
been ignorant, was to procure a formal authorization
from the Holy Office to investigate and punish the
crime of heresy.
Armed with this document, and confident in the
support of the Queen, Ximenes arrived at Granada
in October, 1499. His conduct from the beginning
was marked by unflinching audacity and resolution.
The prestige of his dignity and the arrogance of his
manners at once overawed the gentle Archbishop,
who, renouncing the means which had achieved sudi
great success, henceforth abandoned himself blindly
to the merciless impulses of his distinguished supe-
rior. The latter was not long in profiting by the
ascendency he had obtained. He claimed for himself
supreme and dictatorial authority in matters not only
ecclesiastical, but in questions often affecting the
jurisdiction of the civil power. His first measures
evinced none of the unrelenting severity of the in-
quisitor; they were corrupt, politic, conciliatory. The
f aquis and santons, whose influence with their coim-
trymen was supposed to be the greatest and whose
mercenary character had been notorious in the evil
days preceding the surrender, were enlisted in the
service of conversion by magniflcent gifts of silken
garments, jewels, and gold. With their zeal quick-
MooEiSH Empire in Eubofe 24i1
ened by these potent arguments, the new missionaries
had no difficulty in securing multitudes of proselytes.
Their ardor was further stimulated by forcible repre-
sentations of the inconveniences and trials which
would inevitably be visited upon all who persisted in
their adherence to error. Great emulation was ex-
cited by these extraordinary inducements to Moham-
medan apostasy; each faqui reckoned with pride the
number of converts he had conducted to the altar; the
unprincipled populace welcomed, with feigned and
interested enthusiasm, a religious compliance pur-
chased with the mammon of unrighteousness; the
Great Mosque of the Albaydn — ^in which quarter the
Moors had, by a highly impolitic decree, been con-
centrated after the Conquest — ^was consecrated to
Christianity, and within its precincts more than four
thousand iJleged penitents received the rite of bap-
tism. This ceremony was effected without previous
examination or instruction; and the candidates werie
equally ignorant of their duties and of the dreadful
consequences involved in the sin of recantation. From
that moment their moral responsibility was fixed. No
excuse could be pleaded for the unconscious mainten-
ance of heretical opinions or even for involuntary in-
fractions of ecclesiastical discipline; the voice of the
informer was ever ready to denounce, the hand of
the inquisitor to punish.
This triumph of the Faith, while exceedingly
gratifying, was proportionately expensive. The en-
tire available revenues of the See of Toledo, amount-
ing to seventy thousand ducats, were expended in its
accomplishment. Even this great sum proved insuffi-
cient, and Ximenes was forced to pledge his private
credit to appease the demands of the crowd of mer-
cenary sycophants and spurious converts who claimed
the reward of their abasement and dishonor. Among
the sincere disciples of the Prophet, and there were
Vol. III.--16
242 History of the
many in Granada, the course of their perfidious
brethren was regarded with unconcealed abhorrence.
The more earnest and devout of these endeavored to
coimteract the growing inclination to religious defec-
tion by pubUc exhortations and remonstrances. It
was not in the imperious nature of Hie Primate to
brook such opposition. The offending faquis were
thrown into prison. History has not revealed the na-
ture of the arguments employed to shake their con-
stancy, but the persecuted Moslems were evidently
not of the stufi^ of which martyrs and saints are made.
One after another recanted and were baptized; many
of their fellow-sectaries profited by their example;
resistance was for the time efi^ectually suppressed;
and Ximenes pursued, without molestation, his favor-
ite and inexorable method of wholesale conversion.
To his narrow and arbitrary mind the employment
of the most radical measures seemed to promise
the greatest assurances of success. In the further-
ance of this idea, and with a view to eradicating the
apparent cause of the evil, he now planned what he
considered a master-stroke of policy. Without pre-
vious notice, a diligent search was made of every
house throughout the entire dty, and every manuscript
in the Arabic language whidi could be found was
seized. The number thus secured amounted to nearly
a million. Among them were not only superb copies
of the Koran, but relics of the great Ommeyade body
of literature, which had been the pride of the imperial
court of Cordova, and had been cherished as priceless
through many generations; the contents of the public
libraries, whose preservation and increase had been the
especial care of the enlightened Alhamares; treatises
on history and science, which described the events and
pictured the intellectual advancement of what had
been the most learned and polished of nations; and
the literary treasures of every scholar and philosopher
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubope 248
in the capital. The works on chemistry, botany, as-
tronomy, and medicine, subjects which had always
engaged the diligent curiosity of the Spanish Arab,
predominated. There, too, were doubtless to be found
many translations of the classics, inheritances from
tibe Grecian school of Alexandria, — thenceforth for-
ever lost,— which had found their way into the Penin-
sula from the distant banks of the Nile. These vol-
umes exhibited in the beauty of their calligraphy and
the magnificence of their adornment all the pomp, the
pride, the luxury, of Saracen art. Beautiful ara-
besques in gold, silver, and many colors, embellished
pages written with a delicacy and regularity whidi
equalled that of the finest type. The bindings were
of inlaid leather; some were embroidered; others were
incrusted with tortoise-sheU, mother-of-pearl, ivory,
and jewels; the clasps were of solid gold. All of
these inestimable stores of learning were heaped in
one immense pile in the centre of the Plaza de la Bab-
al-Rambla, set on fire, and consumed. The impor-
tance of this sacrifice to bigotry may be inferred from
the fact that there was probably in the entire world
no collection of equal extent and value as that de-
stroyed by Ximenes in this historic square, where, in
the time of the emirs, national festivals had been cele-
brated, and the emulation of distinguished warriors
in the martial sports of the tournament excited by
the presence of the beauty and the gallantry of the
Moslem court; where the differences of Castilian
princes had been settled by a chivalric appeal to arms;
where cultured audiences had witnessed the friendly
rivalry of Moorish poets and troubadours, and the re-
ward of the victor had been bestowed by the hand of
royalty, all little suspecting that on the scene of their
pleasures would one day be exhibited such a melan-
choly spectacle.
The pecuniary loss entailed by this vandalism was
244 HlffTOEY OF THE
of itself immense, but the destructive effect it pro-
duced upon society was incalculable. By it periled
unique literary monmnents which it was impossible to
replace; it offered a premium upon ignorance, for
through such deeds alone was the favor of tiie all-
powerful sacerdotal order to be secured; it discour-
aged learning to such a degree that from that time
forth no Moslem writer of distinction appeared to
illustrate the annals or depict the manners of his race;
and it annihilated in a single hour the precious accu-
mulation of ages, from which the modem historian
might have collected data relative to Moorish civili-
zation elsewhere unattainable in the world of letters.
The intellectual degradation resulting from this in-
tolerant act of Ximenes was most deplorable. All
knowledge was thereafter filtered through the narrow
channels of ecclesiastical inspection and thoroughly
cleansed of every suspicion of heresy; the missal and
the breviary supplanted the works of Arabic annalists
and philosophers; and the enduring results of this
crime against learning and of its pernicious example
are still apparent in the remarkably illiterate and
fanatical character of the inhabitants of Granada.
Three hundred volumes on the science of medicine
were saved from the flames, for the library of the
University of Alcala; but no entreaties or remon-
strances from his companions could move the fero-
cious bigot to exempt from tbe sacrifice volumes
whose jewelled covers and clasps of gold represented
in themselves a princely fortune.
The destruction of Arabic manuscripts was the first
step towards the employment of violence. With
characteristic energy, the Primate availed himsel£
of the authority with which he had been armed by the
Holy OflSce. Persons suspected of heresy were sum-
marily seized, imprisoned, tortured; and those who
for the moment escaped experienced all the indignities
MooBiSH Empibe in Eukope 246
which could be inflicted by the hands of ecclesiastical
malice strengthened by boundless power. These
outrages, and the repeated violation of the rights
granted in their treaty with the crown, aroused the
populace to desperation; and the arrest of a widow,
whose wealth had attracted the cupidity of the authori-
ties, was the signal for a dangerous revolt. The gates
of the Albaydn were closed and guarded. The streets
were barricaded. The towers were occupied, and
Ximenes, whom the indignant threats of the people
openly devoted to death, was besieged by an armed
multitude in his palace, from which perilous situation
he was with difficulty released by the Count of Ten-
dilla. The news of the insurrection called down upon
the tyrannical prelate the wrath of his sovereigns, but
the singular credit he enjoyed and the vast influence
he was able to wield soon restored him to royal favor.
It was now resolved to carry matters to extremes,
and the choice of baptism or death was offered to the
Moors, whose rebellion, although provoked by the op-
pression of their masters, was declared to have caused
a forf eitiu'e of all their privileges. The disaffection
spread rapidly to the provinces; the mountaineers of
the Alpujarras and the adjacent rugged coimtry,
whidi were the resorts of bands of desperate outlaws
who entertained intimate relations with the Barbary
corsairs, became involved; and the Catholic monarchs,
so far from the religious triumph which they had
anticipated, saw themselves suddenly confronted by
a war which promised to assume formidable propor-
tions. Space will not permit a detailed description of
the repeated insurrections and final subjugation of
the Moriscoes, and only the more important events of
that memorable struggle can be touched upon. The
mountain ranges of Southern Spain were admirably
adapted to the desultory tactics in which they excelled,
and the prolongation of the struggle was the natural
246 History of the
consequence of the difficulties of the ground, of the
boldness and activity of the insurgents, of the inca-
pacity of the Castilian conunanders, and of the pro-
verbial want of discipline and fatal recklessness of
the Christian soldiery. The general disarmament of
the Moors had deprived them of the greater part
of their weapons, but this disadvantage was eventually
repaired by the spoils of battle and by the enterprise
of Aragonese and Castihan traders, who, imdismayed
by the prospect of detection and punishment, were
always ready, for an extravagant compensation, to
furnish the enemies of their king with arms of the
most approved pattern and workmanship. The oper-
ations of the contending forces were prosecuted with
a cruelty hitherto unknown, even in the bloody annals
of the Peninsula; and the tdtimate triumph of the
Spaniards was signalized by acts of such merciless
vengeance that the foreign soldiers of fortune, enlisted
for plunder and long seasoned by bloodshed, were ap-
palled by their dreadful atrocity. The massacre of
the population of a place taken by storm was the rule
and not the exception; the wounded remaining on
fields of battle were exterminated; prisoners were
subjected to horrible tortures ; every crime suggested
by the incentives of lust, rapine, and hereditary aver-
sion was perpetrated; and the most desirable fate of
a captive was to be consigned for life to the tyranny
of an unfeeling master dominated by every vice, in-
accessible to mercy, and imrestrained by any law either
of God or man.
An army of nearly a hundred thousand men assem-
bled, at the summons of the Spanish sovereigns, for
the suppression of the insurrection, at Alhendin near
Granada. Formidable in numbers alone, this great
host was composed of materials very difi^erent from
the soldiery that had achieved the Conquest. It was
indifferently equipped, unorganized, and absolutely
MooEisH Empise m Eueope 247
deficient in discipline. The flower of the Castilian
youth, inspired by the discoveries of Columbus, had
sought new scenes of adventure on the shores of mys-
terious lands beyond the ocean. Commercial pursuits
had weakened the military spirit; a peace of many
years had impaired the energy of the nation and inca-
pacitated, for the exposure of a perilous service, a
people who had been reared and nurtured amidst the
din of arms. The blessings of internal tranquillity,
almost forgotten in the conflict of centuries, had once
more permitted the unmolested exercise of the me-
chanical arts and the practice of agricultural industry.
The better class of citizens, in the full enjoyment of
security, were loath to resume, for the sake of a re-
ligious principle, whose enforcement promised much
danger and trifling advantage, the hazards of the un-
certain game of war. The army was therefore mainly
composed of the retainers and vassals of the nobility,
whose duty required their presence, and an innumer-
able horde of penniless adventurers, who sought, in
the excitements and vicissitudes of a campaign against
the infidel, an opportunity for the improvement of
their desperate fortunes. Aided by a smaller force
operating from Almeria, the rebellion was, after some
fighting and much cruel retaliation, put down; the
insurgents, impelled by the promise of immunity or
the menace of death, consented to embrace the Cath-
olic faith; the ancient chroniclers relate with becoming
pride that during a single day ten thousand proselytes
were baptized in the Sierra de Filabres alone; and
through material inducements, or from the contagion
of example, the inhabitants of Baza and Guadix, of
the Alpujarras, and of the mountain regions to the
south as far as the sea, were reckoned among those
who acknowledged the authority of the Church and
accepted the doctrines of Christianity.
With the advent of the sixteenth century, a royal
248 HisroBY of the
decree was promulgated, establishing at Granada the
same civil jurisdiction which obtained in the other pro-
vincial capitals of the kingdom. The magistracy was
nominally divided between the Spaniards and the
Moors, but the equaUty was only apparent, and the
preponderance of power virtually remained with the
conquerors. Allured by the delusive prospect of a
voice in the affairs of the government, and despairing
of assistance from their brethren in Africa, whose
good offices they had repeatedly but vainly solicited,
the Moors of the Albaydn finally consented to bap-
tism. They required, as a condition of their compli-
ance, permission to wear their national costume and
to use the Arabic language, privileges which were sub-
sequently made pretexts for oppression. It was also
agreed tibat the Holy Office should not be established
at Granada for the space of forty years; a provision
which ecclesiastical acumen readily evaded by placing
that dty under the jurisdiction of the Inquisitorial
tribimal of Cordova.
Still dissatisfied with the slow progress made by her
ministers in bringing the obdurate Moors wiiiiin the
pale of Christianity, Isabella a second time ordered
Ximenes to Granada. Instructed by his prior expe-
rience, he conducted himself with more discretion than
before; but his proselytes, driven into the Church by
hundreds, without previous instruction, remained, like
their predecessors, profoundly ignorant of its doc-
trines and of the responsibilities imposed upon them
by their enforced conversion. This time the stay of
the Primate was short; his ascetic habits had impaired
a constitution never extremely robust; and a pulmo-
nary affection of a serious character, whose sjrmptoms
were aggravated by imremitting excitement and toil,
speedily developed. The available resources of medi-
cal science were imable to relieve his malady, and,
abandoned as hopeless by regular practitioners, in the
MooBiSH Emfibe in Eubofe 249
hour of his extremity he was induced to submit to the
treatment of a venerable Moorish woman, who com-
bined with Arabic science the mysterious and uncanny
ceremonies of the witch and the empiric. Under her
ministrations the distinguished suflFerer improved with
a rapidity which, under other conditions, would have
been deemed miraculous ; and he was soon able to leave
the scene of his labors, owing his life to the skill of a
member of that race which he had relentlessly perse-
cuted,— ^af ter a career which, however short, had made
a more prof oimd and fatal impress upon the policy of
the Spanish Crown than that of any other dignitary
of his time, and which was destined subsequently to
exert a powerful influence upon the political fate and
the future civilization of Europe.
A sequence of calamities, traceable to royal perfidy
and ecclesiastical usurpation, was now about to de-
scend upon the Spanish monarchy. The apprehen-
sions of the inhabitants of the Serrania of Ronda had
been aroused by reports of the injustice and violence
visited upon tibeir countrymen of Granada. The
Moorish citizens of the ancient capital and its environs
were now all nominally Christians. The persuasive
methods of Talavera and the severity of Ximenes had
enrolled upon the registers of the Chiu-ch more than
seventy thousand proselytes. Under the circum-
stances, the professions of a vast majority of these
were necessarily insincere. It was an example of the
organization of hypocrisy upon a gigantic scale, where
religious principle was subordinated to material inter-
ests, and an outward observance of superstitious rites
was accepted as an equivalent of earnest devotion and
genuine piety. These reputed converts had not, how-
ever, by any means abandoned the faith of their fore-
fathers. They diligently celebrated its rites in secret.
Their children were early, and with secrecy, instructed
in the doctrines of Islam. In defiance of royal de*-
250 HiSTOEY OF THE
crees, they practised many suspicious ceremonies not
recognized even by orthodox Moslems, performed in-
cantations, wore talismans and charms. A concealed
system of commimication was established between
them and their brethren in the provinces; and each
important event that took place in the city was known
within a few hours to every inhabitant of the sierras.
The Moors of the Serrania of Ronda did not receive
the Gk)spel with the same docility as their kinsmen of
the Alpujarras, whose doubts had been speedily re-
moved by the cogent argument of a hundred thousand
armed men. The missionaries, who tried to carry mat-
ters with a high hand, were maltreated and driven
away. The mountaineers rose; the country was swept
by bands of merciless brigands ; the corsairs of Africa
repaired in large numbers to the scene of booty and
adventure; the passes were barricaded; and Ihe re-
gion in the vicinity of Ronda assumed the appearance
of a fortified camp. Offers of amnesty, conditional
on baptism, were received with scorn. An army under
Don Alonso de Aguilar, the Coimt of Cif uentes, and
the Coimt of Urena then entered the mountains. The
Moors, evacuating their villages, slowly retired to the
Sierra Bermeja, where they made a final stand. The
impetuosity and want of discipline of the Christians
lured them into a disadvantageous situation, whence
there was no escape. After a day of fighting, they
were surrounded in the darkness and routed witii
frightful slaughter. Don Alonso de Aguilar, Fran-
cisco Ramirez de Madrid, chief of ordnance of the
Spanish army, and many other cavaliers, were killed;
and the mountain slopes were strewn with the bodies
of soldiers who had been butchered as they fled. The
victory of the Sierra Bermeja was the only important
one gained by the insurgents in the long course of the
Morisco wars. It was productive of no substantial
advantage; and its only permanent effect was to ex-
MooRisn Emfike in Eubope 251
asperate the Queen, who, now regarding herself as
the injured party, devoted henceforth all her energy
to the oppression of a heretic race whose existence she
considered a blemish upon her piety and a scandal to
her dominions.
The submission of the Moors, during the gradual
subjugation of the Peninsula, had left large numbers
in different conditions of life scattered through the
provinces of the various kingdoms. A few had early
apostatized; many were held in a state of servitude;
but by far the larger portion enjoyed a nominal free-
dom, and purchased immunity from molestation by
the payment of tribute. All who complied with the
laws regulating their responsibilities to the govern-
ment were allowed the peaceful exercise of their re-
ligious ceremonies. The principal wealth of the Cas-
tilian nobility consisted in the industry of these their
intelligent and laborious dependents. On what are
now known as the dehesas and despoblados — " pas-
tures" and "deserts" — of Castile and Estremadura,
the Moorish agricultiu*ists produced from an ungrate-
ful soil the wheat which supplied the population of
the entire Peninsula. These invaluable tributaries of
the Spanish Crown had never evinced the slightest
concern for the fate of their fellow-sectaries contend-
ing for liberty and religion on the distant banks of the
Genii. Not only had they failed to manifest their
sympathy, but the extraordinary contributions for the
prosecution of the war levied upon the products of
their thrift largely contributed to the successful ter-
mination of a struggle in whose result they naturally
must have felt a more than passing interest. Had
their feelings been sufficiently ardent to have induced
active and armed co-operation, the difficulties of the
Reconquest must have been vastly increased. As it
was, their apathetic and selfish conduct was far from
'securing them immunity from persecution.
252 History of the
The malignant bigotry of the Queen, flinging to
the winds every sentiment of justice, piety, and hu-
manity, had now usurped over her better nature an
imperious and undisputed dominion; and on the
twelfth of February, 1602, she published an edict or-
dering the banishment of all the Moors of Leon and
Castile. The extraordinary lack of political discern-
ment disclosed by such a step affords painful evidence
to what dishonorable and injurious expedients a mind
of more than ordinary capacity may be impelled by
the fury of religious passion. These objects of her
animadversion were, as a class, her most faithful, obe-
dient, and valuable subjects. They had always ob-
served the laws with scrupulous fidelity. Those most
prejudiced against their blood and their belief had
never imputed to them the crimes of sacrilege, of con-
spiracy, of treason. Under their patient and skilful
hands, the most unpromising regions, heretofore aban-
doned by native ignorance and sloth as totally unpro-
ductive, now blossomed with imsurpassed fertility.
Their industry filled the granaries of the kingdom;
there was no other available source of supply, and
with their expulsion a famine was imminent; in the
future, as was subsequently demonstrated, there were
none competent or willing to take their place. The
slaves of her powerful vassals, serfs who represented
infinite blood and treasure expended in the service of
the crovm, were not originally exempted from the
force of this sweeping decree, and the infringement
of private rights resulting from the arbitrary confis-
cation of this property, without excuse or recompense,
promised disastrous political complications. These
considerations had, however, no weight in the mind of
the obstinate Isabella. The fact that in the midst
of a Christian population an infidel community was
suffered to exist, especially after the Moslems of Gra-
nada had declared their adherence to the Faith, was
Moorish Emfule in Eubofe 258
repugnant to her intolerant nature, and a standing
reproach to the religion she professed. In support of
her policy, she coined the atrocious maxim, worthy
of the ingenious casuistry of a Jesuit, " It is better
to prevent than to punish; and it is right to punish
the little for the crimes of the great." The vicarious
sufferings of the Castilian Arabs were now to atone
for the offences of the rebels of Granada, with whom
they had nothing in common but a similar origin and
an inherited creed, and in whose behalf they had
never exhibited the slightest indication of countenance
or sympathy. The enforcement of this measure,
whose inhuman provisions subjected the unhappy ob-
jects of its severity to the treatment due outlaws and
criminals, was only partially observed. At the very
beginning it was seen that, if carried out to the letter,
a considerable part of the kingdom would become a
barren and uninhabited solitude. The decree was
therefore revoked. A compromise, by which the deli-
cate scruples of the Queen were satisfied, was effected,
— ^baptism was substituted for exile; the scenes of in-
discriminate and wholesale aspersion were repeated;
a large and industrious population bartered their re-
ligious convictions for safety, and, by the force of a
royal proclamation, were transformed from a self-
respecting body of colonists into a nation of hypo-
crites.
With the death of Isabella, which occurred at this
time, the Moriscoes were relieved from the persecution
of a vindictive and persevering enemy. The perma-
nent elimination of her influence from the politics of
the Peninsula did not, however, improve the condition
of the recent victims of her fiery and unrelenting zeal.
The system by which she governed; the infamous
maxims which guided her conduct in the relations ex-
isting between sovereign and subject; the shameless
violation of treaties ; the audacious usurpations of the
254 History of the
clergy ; the prejudices engendered by years of oppres-
sion, were perpetuated by her successors, and adopted
by their ministers as an essential part of the policy of
the crown. The reverence with which her memory is
regarded is to be attributed, not so much to the great-
ness of her abilities, eminent as they were, but to their
misapplication; not to the military achievements of
her armies, but to the sanguinary revenge they in-
flicted upon vanquished enemies; not to the blessings
of a wise, a just, and a stable government, — ^the most
substantial foundation upon which the fame of a mon-
arch can be erected, — ^but to the inauguration of meas-
ures which eventually purged the kingdom of mis-
believers, who were the source of its material wealth
and of its commercial and agricultural prosperity. A
princess who could deliberately repudiate tiie obliga-
tions of national honor can scarcely be regarded in the
light of a public benefactor. The patroness of the
Inquisition has but a slender claim to the admiration
of posterity. The popularity of Isabella is based
upon the fact that she was the representative of con-
temporaneous popular sentiment. In the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries no proceeding was so merito-
rious as the torture of heretics. All questions of po-
litical expediency were rigidly subordinated to the
claims of what was universally regarded as a para-
mount religious duty. The progressive decadence of
Spanish power dates from its very establishment, and
is directly traceable to the incessant intervention of
ecclesiastical authority in civil affairs, and to the awful
consequences resulting from the unlimited application
of the atrocious principle that national faith and pub-
lic honor must be always sacrificed to the interests of
the Roman Catholic religion.
The different aspects imder which the same things
appeared, during the sixteenth century, to people of
a coimnon nationality, living under the same laws and
Moorish Emfib£ in Europe 255
professing the same doctrines, are remarkable. Dur-
ing the bitter persecutions in Castile, the Aragonese
Moslems retained their privileges unimpaired. Not
only that, but while the spirit of fanaticism was
driving the tributaries of Isabella by thousands to sim-
ulated conversion, Ferdinand issued a decree granting
to the Moors of Valencia the enjoyment of their re-
ligious and social rights in perpetuity. On the one
hand, therefore, was the most radical suppression of
individual thought and action; on the other, a tolera-
tion worthy of the most enlightened statesmanship,
and, it must be added, little to be anticipated imder
the circumstances. But the sagacity of Ferdinand
never willingly countenanced the employment of force
in matters of religion. His jealousy of power caused
him to resent the encroachments of the priesthood;
and he secretly discouraged the oppression of a race
which he recognized as controlling the material re-
sources upon whose maintenance depended the preser-
vation of his dignity and prestige.
During the twelve years that intervened between
the death of Isabella and that of Ferdinand, the
Moors enjoyed comparative peace and immunity; and
the advent of Charles V. brought at first no unfavor-
able changes in their political or social conditions.
That prince was scarcely seated upon the throne which
he had inherited, and by whose acceptance there de-
volved upon him responsibilities of tiie greatest mo-
ment and the government of a people of whose dispo-
sition and character he was profoundly ignorant, when
serious internal disturbances began to menace his
authority. In Castile, the Comuneros, a conspiracy
of nobles and municipalities, arose to assert their an-
cient privileges, impaired by forejgn influence; and,
at the same time, the Valencian populace banded
together under the name of Germania, or Brother-
hood^ to repress the growing insolence of the aristoc-
256 HiSTOEY OF THE
racy. The encroachments of the latter had long been
a serious grievance in the kingdom of Valencia. Its
members, ever since the Conquest, had maintained an
insulting deportment with their inferiors, which had
exasperated the latter beyond all endurance. They
borrowed money of wealthy merchants and repaid
them with curses and ridicule. The establishment of a
regency had weakened the administration of the laws;
the nobles were not slow to observe the advantages
which a virtual interregnum afforded the development
of private ambition; and, in the assertion of obsolete
feudal privileges, every wrong which avarice or hatred
could suggest was inflicted upon the citizens of a rich
and defenceless community. The Moors, who were
the vassals of the Valencian nobles, were not infre-
quently the instruments of their malevolence, and
shared with their masters the general obloquy which
attached to their conduct. The organization of the
Germania had an important and disastrous effect
upon the f ortimes of the former. Their lot was cast
with their lords, and the predominance temporarily
acquired by the rebels through the incapacity of the
Viceroy proved fatal in the end to the liberties of the
vassal. The popular cry of infidel was raised by the
insurgents, who nimibered many ecclesiastics in their
ranks, and sixteen thousand Moslems submitted to the
infliction of compulsory baptism. The Emperor, who
seems to have inherited with his dominions a taste for
persecution, was not satisfied while a single Moham-
medan remained within the jiuisdiction of the Spanish
Crown. With great diflSculty he extorted a bull from
the Pope which absolved him from the oath he had
taken to observe the ancient laws and treaties of the
kingdom, and expressly authorizing the reduction to
slavery of every Mussulman whose scruples or obsti-
nacy might prevent him from renouncing the belief of
his fathers. Secure of Papal sanction, Charles now
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 267
issued a proclamation requiring the Moors, under mys^
terious but unspecified penalties, to become Christians
within ten days. The latter, who did not manifest the
submissive spirit of their brethren, maintained a sullen
demeanor, and, disposing of their personal effects for
whatever they could obtain, prepared to go into exile.
The publicity of their intention, however, defeated it;
the authorities forbade the sale of their property as
well as their departure, and nothing remained for
them but apostasy or armed resistance. The former
alternative was embraced by far the greater number.
With such a multitude individual aspersion was im-
possible ; the water of regeneration was sprinkled over
kneeling thousands with branches of hyssop, and more
than one unrepentant infidel, who had submitted with
secret disgust to an obnoxious ceremony, was heard
to mutter, " Praise be to Allah! Not a drop defiled
mer
The rural communities of Valencia regarded the
prospect of conversion with even more disfavor than
did the inhabitants of the capital. The ecclesiastical
commissioners sent to enforce the royal edicts were
excluded from the dwellings of the peasantry, who
refused to hear their exhortations. In some localities
open violence was manifested; the Baron of Cortes,
who had urged submission, was killed by his retainers,
and his body left to be devoured by swine. Resistance
to royal autiiority was soon followed by organized re-
volt, and the Sierra de Espadan became the seat of a
formidable insurrection. Including the banditti who
habitually infested the mountains, and the African
freebooters who hailed every disturbance as a source
of plunder and profit, the army of the rebels amounted
to more than four thousand well-armed men. A
farmer named Selim Carbaic was elected their gen-
eral, whose natural abilities and the valor of whose
followers maintained for months an unequal stnig-
Vou III.— 17
258 History of the
gle with the combined resources of the monarchy.
Overcome at last, two thousand of the insurgents with
their leader perished in a single battle; and a general
amnesty was declared, under the sole condition by
which any Moslem was now permitted to retain life or
liberty. The Moors of Catalonia and Aragon were
tendered the same alternative. Without hesitation
they preferred hypocrisy to martyrdom; and by the
year 1526 there no longer remained within the limits
of the Spanish Peninsula a single individual who
dared to openly acknowledge his belief in the creed
of Mohammed.
This flattering result having been finally accom-
plished, it was now considered advisable to reform the
proselytes. In nearly all localities where the Moris-
coes predominated they occupied an anomalous posi-
tion, so far as their spiritual welfare was concerned,
for they were practically living without any religion.
They neglected to conform to the ordinances or to
observe the canons of the Church whose pale tiiey had
entered under compulsion. The evasion of their
duties was connived at by the priests, who, so long as
their parishioners were quiet and regularly paid their
contributions, closed their eyes to all formal irregulari-
ties, and never troubled themselves with the instruc-
tions which it was their office to impart This indul-
gence was further secured by donatives that exempted
unwilling sinners from penance, whose vexatious per-
formance might always be commuted for a pecuniary
consideration. In the sight of the clergy, spiritual
duties were thus entirely obscured by the more pal-
pable advantages to be derived from worldly benefits
and the maintenance of their flocks in ignorance, — a
policy which at the same time confirmed their author-
ity and increased their revenues. But the Moriscoes,
while they shunned the mass, could not with safety
resort to any other source of religious consolation.
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe 259
They were more than suspected of practising the rites
of Islam in secret; but the jealousy with which they
guarded the privacy of their domestic life prevented
the verification of this suspicion. In the eyes of de-
vout Christians, who did not fail to notice and repro-
bate their shortcomings, they were regarded as some-
thing worse than Pagans. Although they possessed
aD the requisites of good citizenship, and their inter-
course with their neighbors was marked by every evi-
dence of honor and probity, these qualities were ig-
nored when their religious consistency was called in
question.
The visit of Charles V. to Granada in 1626 was
made the occasion for a strenuous appeal for the re-
form of the Moriscoes. Petitions and remonstrances
without number, reinforced with all the arts of sacer-
dotal eloquence, were presented to the Emperor,
urging that radical measures be taken to correct an
evil which was seriously affecting the credit and the
discipline of the Church. A coiomission of thirteen
members, most of them high ecclesiastical dignitaries,
and presided over by Don Alonso Manrique, Grand
Inquisitor of Spain, was therefore appointed, and
began an investigation. There was no difficulty in
anticipating the decision of such a tribimal. That its
decrees might be properly executed, the Holy Office
was brought from Jaen and formally established in
one of the palaces of the dty. Ten sessions sufficed to
determine a question in which were involved matters
of the greatest consequence to the welfare of the king-
dom, the maintenance of national honor, and the jus-
tice and integrity of the crown. Every accusation
against the Moriscoes was received and considered, but
they were not permitted to be heard in their own de-
fence. The determination of the commission was pub-
lished in a royal edict, which prohibited the Moriscoes
the use of their family names, their dress, their Ian-
260 History of the
guage; which compelled the exposure of the faces of
their women to the insulting gaze of the loxmgers in
the streets; which required the abandonment of the
peculiar ceremonies employed in the slaughter of ani-
mals for food; which sanctioned by domiciliary visits
invasion of the privacy of their homes; and forbade
them to ever lose sight of the Inquisitorial palace,
whose officials were directed to henceforth exercise
careful supervision over their conduct, and to pimish
with their customary rigor all infractions of religious
discipline.
The terror experienced by the victims of this atro-
cious decree, which not only violated the conditions
upon which Spanish supremacy depended, but delib-
erately sacrificed every consideration of justice for
which national honor had solenmly pledged its faith,
can hardly be imagined. But the Moriscoes, whose
experience with their spiritual advisers had taught
them the efficacy of certain methods in averting im-
pending evil, had recourse to an expedient which, on
a smaller scale, had repeatedly proved successful. It
was no secret that the royal treasury was empty; and
it was suspected that the depressed condition of the
national finances was largely responsible for the prose-
lyting zeal so unexpectedly exerted against a peace-
able and inoffensive class. In consideration of a
" gift" of eight thousand ducats, the execution of the
obnoxious decree was suspended, during the pleasure
of the Emperor, as soon as it had been signed; but
this indulgence, it was expressly declared, did not
aflTect the jurisdiction of the Holy Office. The para-
sites who surrounded the throne demanded and re-
ceived an equal amoimt for an influence they claimed
to possess, but which was probably never exerted.
Thus a monarch, who posed as the secular representa-
tive of Roman Catholicism, consented to sacrifice the
religious interests of a large body of his subjects and
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubope 261
to compromise the imperial dignity for a smn equiva-
lent at the present day to nine hmidred thousand dol-
lars in gold. No event in Spanish history discloses
more clearly than this the true motives which insti-
gated the prosecution of heresy, or the extraordinary
wealth of those who were the objects of official cupid-
ity and public malevolence.
The Moors of Granada, who had heretofore been
almost exempt from the exactions of inquisitorial
tyranny, now experienced for the first time the dire
powers of the Holy Office. One of the first acts of
Isabella, after the Conquest, was the foundation of
innumerable monasteries. The favorite sites of these
establishments were the suburban palaces of the Mos-
lem princes, it being considered a peculiarly merito-
rious achievement to erect on the ruins of a splendid
villa, devoted to the pleasures of a votary of Islam,
an abode for holy men, who, by a pious fiction, were
supposed to employ their abundant leisure in praying
for the salvation of heretics. In building these struct-
ures the baths were first demolished, on account of the
scandal the sight of apartments devoted to ablution
and luxury caused every good Christian, as well as for
the reason that their use was always considered en-
tirely superfluous in a monastic institution. As a re-
sult of the partiality exhibited by successive princes
towards the monachal orders, the city swarmed with
friars of every description. Their prejudices made
them the bitter enemies of the Moriscoes, while their
numbers and audacity rendered them both influential
and formidable. The fact that the inferior officials
of the Inquisition were principally recruited from
their ranks augmented the terror which their insolence
and rapacity inspired, and no familiar who wore the
Dominican or Franciscan garb was ever known to in-
cline to the side of mercy. To such hands was now
committed the fate of the Moors of Granada. The
262 History of the
compact with the Emperor, by which they had been
confirmed for the time in the enjoyment of their cus-
toms, was broken. Their property was confiscated.
They were subjected to the diabolical tortures adopted
by tiie direst of tribunals for the production of tes-
timony and the confession of guilt. In the famous
Plaza de la Bab-al-Rambla, the scene of many
knightly encounters and of the destruction of Moslem
learning by Ximenes, the condemned underwent the
final penance, the sacrifice of the auto-da-f6. The
annoying restraints imposed upon them by priestly
intolerance were the least oppressive of the many evils
the Moriscoes were condemned to endure. In the fre-
quent controversies which arose concerning the inter-
pretation of imperial edicts and canonical decrees, the
authority of the latter always prevailed. Every offi-
cial, civil, religious, or military, asserted the privilege
of magistracy, and claimed the right to compound an
offence or to impose a penalty. In the art of extort-
ing money, as in the direction of all matters pertaining
to civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the servants of
the Chiwch displayed an extraordinary aptitude. The
regular taxes imposed upon the Moriscoes, a grievous
biu'den in themselves, were augmented a himdred-f old
by impositions unauthorized by law, and which had no
other foundation than the demands of official rapac-
ity. The sums obtained from these enforced contri-
butions were enormous. An idea may be formed of
the probable amount they yielded when it is remem-
bered that the legitimate tax paid annually by the silk
markets of Almeria, Malaga, and Granada added
more than a million dollars to the royal treasury. The
irregular means employed were far more profitable in
their results than those countenanced by legal author-
ity; and there were few demands, however iniquitous,
which a Morisco dared refuse when confronted with
the menacing power of the Inquisition.
Moorish Empibs in EubopIs 26d
In Valencia also the Holy OflSce, supported by
Papal sanction and imperial duplicity, found a ridi
and most fruitful field for its nefarious operations.
It was in this kingdom, so remarkable for its natural
advantages and the industry of its people, that the
Spanish proverb, " Quien tiene Moro, tiene oro," had
its origin. The relation of vassalage which the Moors
of that kingdom in general sustained to the nobility
was far from suflBcient to protect them against the
effects of secular and ecclesiastical prejudice. The
unquestioned orthodoxy of the lord, his generosity to
the Church, the antiquity of his family, the prestige
of his name, his services to the crown, were swept aside
when the question of disciplining his retainers was in-
volved. The slightest suspicion attaching to a Mos-
lem was enough to invite the descent of a horde of
familiars and alguazils, who never failed to discover
evidences of irregularity sufficient to render their
examination profitable. The visitations of these
functionaries were doubly offensive by reason of
the unfeeling and insolent manner in which they
were conducted. They left no comer of a dwelling
unsearched; they destroyed property, insulted women,
and without color of right or pretence of conceal-
ment appropriated such jewels and trinkets as struck
their fancy. Spies of the Holy Office swarmed in the
Moorish quarter, ever alert for signs of heresy. For
these outrages there was no possibility of redress, and
the trembling victim gladly purchased, by the confisca-
tion of his effects, temporary security from greater
misfortunes, which, if his worldly possessions were
sufficient to warrant further interference, he was cer-
tain sooner or later to undergo. The intolerable
nature of these persecutions impelled thousands of
Moriscoes to seek by flight the only available relief
from oppression. The Holy Fathers of the Inqui-
sition were horrified by the retaliatory measures
264 History of the
adopted by the friends of those who, for the welfare
of their souls, were subjected to the salutary restraints
of ecclesiastical discipline. Every time that the
Moors condemned by that tribunal expiated their
heresies in an auto-da-fe, information was promptly
sent to Barbary, and an equal number of Christian
captives perished by fire.
The African corsairs, under the command of the
relentless Barbarossa, at that time held the empire
of the Mediterranean, and by their aid multitudes
of Moriscoes succeeded in escaping to Morocco. In
vain the nobles protested against a policy which de-
preciated the value of their estates, depopulated their
villages, and daily deprived them of laborers whose
services could not be dispensed with and whose loss
could not be replaced; both royal power and popular
sentiment sanctioned the course of the Church, and
the material prosperity of a single province was not
worthy of consideration when weighed with the per-
ishing souls of thousands of suspected heretics. Pecu-
niary arguments were then employed, and after sev-
eral years of negotiation the operations of the Holy
Office were suspended upon the payment of a yearly
donative of twenty-five hundred ducats. Once more
free from the perils of Inquisitorial visitation and
punishment, the Moriscoes at once relapsed into their
former religious indifference; the clergy viewed with
unconcern the unmistakable evidences of apostasy
among their parishioners; the nobles welcomed with
undisguised satisfaction the relief of their vassals, the
increase of their revenues, and the indications of re-
timiing prosperity; while the inquisitors, whose treas-
ury had been filled to overflowing with the gold wrung
by fines and confiscations from the wealthiest subjects
of the kingdom, sought in other quarters new mate-
rial for the stake and the dungeon, to be condemned
Moorish Empibe in Europe 265
to present torture and eternal infamy in the name of
anAU-MercifulGod.
The abdication of Charles V. brought a grateful
respite to the harassed and suffering Moors, The
mighty interests of an empire which extended over
two worlds engrossed the attention of Philip II., and
he had, at first, no time to devote to the persecution of
a handful of alleged heretics lost in a comer of his
vast dominions. The Roman Pontiff, who, perhaps
influenced by motives of humanity, but certainly not
absolutely free from political bias or resentment for
the outrage inflicted by the Emperor upon the Holy
See, had always discountenanced his oppression of
the Moriscoes, now heartily co-operated with Philip
in alleviating the misery of their condition. A brief
issued from the Vatican in 1556 empowered confess-
ors to absolve from the offence of heresy without pen-
ance, and deprived the Inquisition of the greater part
of its jurisdiction and autiiority. The nature of the
young King had not yet been corrupted by absolute
power; nor were his actions now controlled by that
morose and pitiless spirit subsequently developed by
remorse, disease, and bigotry, which, added to the
hereditary taint of insanity which afilicted his family,
rendered him, during the greater portion of his life,
one of the most unfeeling monsters that has ever dis-
graced a throne.
The beneficial effects of leniency upon the Moris-
coes, as contrasted with the employment of violent
measures, were soon disclosed. They conformed, with
seeming alacrity, to the often vexatious regulations
imposed upon their conduct. They wore the Spanish
costume; they adopted, in all public transactions at
least, the use of the Castilian language. Colleges
were founded for their instruction by devout and en-
terprising prelates. Their children, male and female,
were educated in the schools, and assumed the eccle-
266 History of the
siastical habit of the various monastic orders within
whose jurisdiction they were enrolled. From Morisco
seminaries missionaries went forth to instruct and rec-
oncile their doubting countrymen. In imitation of
their patrons, they founded and supported religious
brotherhoods. Their professions were apparently sin-
cere; they began to perform their duties with scrupu-
lous regularity; and it seemed as if at last the hitiberto
delusive hope of Moslem conversion was about to be
realized. But the spirit of ferocious intolerance, ever
predominant in the Spanish character, and which in
the sixteenth century amounted to a frenzy, regarded
with anything but complacency the indulgent con-
sideration extended towards the unhappy objects of
hereditary aversion. With this sentiment generally
prevalent, fresh pretexts for encroachment were easily
invented. In 1560 the assistance of the government
was invoked by the Christians of Granada to restrain
the purchase of slaves by the Moriscoes, who, it was
stated, were in the habit of instructing their servants
secretly in the doctrines of Islam and thereby multi-
plying the number of its adherents, to the scandal of
the Church and the prejudice of the royal authority.
No attempt was made to ascertain the truth or falsity
of this accusation, and the Moriscoes were deprived,
by royal decree, of the right of possessing slaves, a
measure seriously affecting tiie rural and domestic
economy of the entire population of Granada, which
was dependent upon the cultivation of the soil by a
multitude of negroes held by the Moorish farmers in
servitude.
In addition to this virtual confiscation of property
for no valid cause and without indemnity, the Moors
were compelled to produce the arms whose posses-
sion had already been licensed, in order to have them
stamped by the government, and thus contribute still
further to the gratification of official greed. The
MooBiSH Empib£ in Eueope 267
penalty incurred for the possession of a weapon with-
out permission was six years in the galleys; that for
counterfeiting the royal stamp was death. The en-
forcement of these regulations, the first of which
threatened to paralyze agricultural labor, the princi-
pal occupation of the Moriscoes and the main depend-
ence of the revenues of the crown, exasperated beyond
endiu*ance those affected by their enactment. The
loss of their slaves impoverished many. Some surren-
dered their arms and procured others clandestinely.
Others enlisted in the organized bands of outlaws who,
under the name of monfis, roamed through the sierras
and levied at will contributions upon the wealthy
Spaniards of the Vega. Many of these brigands,
through the connivance of their sympathizers, entered
the capital by night in force, bore away the wives and
children of their enemies, and left in the squares and
highways the mutilated corpse of every Christian they
encountered. The numbers of the monfis increased
with alarming rapidity. Their incursions began to
resemble the operations of an organized army; prep-
arations for an insurrection were secretly instituted,
and the assistance of the rulers of Fez, Algiers, and
Constantinople was earnestly solicited in behalf of
those who represented themselves as persecuted Mo-
hanmaedans, abandoned without any other resoiu'ce to
the tyranny of Christian avarice and power.
Untaught by experience and regardless of conse-
quences, the ofiicials of the various civil and eccle-
siastical tribunals piu-sued their extortionate policy
without pity or restraint. The competition existing
between them, and the adverse claims involving con-
tested jurisdiction and disputed plunder which con-
stantly arose, often caused serious conflicts of author-
ity, from which the representatives of the Church and
the Inquisition generally emerged victorious. These
quarrels between these two classes of oppressors em-
268 History of the
bittered them both against their common victims, and
dissension increased instead of alleviating the suffer-
ings of the latter- To make their situation even more
desperate, the decree of Charles V., promulgated in
1526, was now put in force by the King. The Moris-
coes, unable longer to sustain the grievous exactions
which they well imderstood were but preliminaries to
the expulsion of their race, now rapidly matured their
plans of rebellion. In the accomplishment of this
they displayed extraordinary tact and shrewdness. A
considerable estate had been granted to them in the
neighborhood of Granada for the erection of a hos-
pital. Under pretence of soliciting funds for its com-
pletion, trusty emissaries of revolt were despatched to
every Moorish conununity of the kingdom. The col-
lectors employed in this dangerous service visited in
their joiuney one himdred and ten thousand families.
The incorruptible faith of the Moors and their loy-
alty to their race were unprecedented ; for among the
multitudes intrusted with a secret for which a traitor
would have received a fortune not a single individual
abused the confidence of his countrymen. The entire
sum obtained by this means is not known; it must,
however, have been amply sufficient, for the contribu-
tions of those who were fit for military service alone
amounted to forty-five thousand pieces of gold.
Messengers were next despatched to Africa to pur-
chase arms. Secret and well-organized communica-
tion was perfected. The election of a leader now
became imperative. In the old Moorish capital there
lived a young man of amiable disposition and excel-
lent mental capacity, but of prodigal and licentious
habits, named Don Fernando de Valor, in whose veins
coursed the blood of the famous Ommeyade dynasty
of Cordova. A prince by birth, and enjoying the
greatest popularity as a citizen, his prominence in the
community had secured for him a place among the
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe 269
councillors who, under the constitution granted by the
crown, assisted in the nominal government of the city.
Although his dissolute manners and frivolous associa-
tions exempted him from the suspicion of the authori-
ties, and his public observance of religious ceremonies
stamped him as an orthodox believer, he had not for-
gotten the glorious traditions of his royal line, and in
spite of his apparent sloth was active, brave, aspiring,
and unscrupulous. In the house of a wealthy resident
of the Albaydn, and within a stone's throw of the in-
quisitorial palace, the chiefs of the conspiracy con-
ferred upon this youth the perilous honor of leading
a hopeless insurrection. With all the ceremonial of
the ancient khalif ate, he was invested with the royal
insignia; his new subjects rendered him obeisance; he
named the dignitaries of his court, and the assemblage
invoked the blessing of heaven upon the Servant of
Allah and the Representative of the Prophet, Muley
Mohammed-Ibn-Ommeyah, King of Granada and
Andalusia! The performance of this farcical cere-
mony neither inspired confidence nor awakened enthu-
siasm among the Moriscoes of the city. The character
of the personage selected to re-establish the glories of
Moslem dominion was too well known in Granada to
arouse any other sentiments than those of ridicule and
contempt. Intolerable as their condition was, the
wealthy Moors hesitated to hazard their lives and
property in support of a cause in whose success they
had little faith; and the populace, while ever prone to
riot, waited patiently for the signal from their supe-
riors. For this reason, although several uprisings
were projected, and even the hours of their accom-
plishment appointed, popular indecision and apathy
rendered all designs abortive.
In the Alpujaxras, where everything was already
upon a hostile footing, the case was different, and
the wild mountaineers hailed with enthusiasm the ad-
270 History of the
vent of a sovereign and the welcome prospect of war
and depredation. The tempest of rehellion bm^t
forth at once in every settlement of. the sierras. The
excesses committed by the insurgents are incredible in
their atrocity and worthy of a race of savages. Their
animosity was especially directed against the priests,
whom they considered as the instigators and the in-
strmnents of their misfortmies. Some had their
mouths stuffed with gunpowder and their heads blown
to atoms. Others were compelled to sit before the
altar while their former parishioners tore out the hairs
of their heads and eyebrows one by one and then
slashed them to death with knives and razors. Others,
still, were subjected to ingenious tortures and barbar-
ous mutilation; compelled to swallow their own eyes,
which had been torn from the sockets ; to be gradually
dismembered ; to have their tongues and hearts cut out
and thrown to dogs. Hundreds of monks were
seethed in boiling oil. Nuns were subjected to shock-
ing indignities and then tortured to death. The
glaring hypocrisy in which the Moriscoes had been
living was disclosed by their conduct as soon as they
believed themselves emancipated from the restraints
under which they had chafed so long. They exulted
in every form of sacrilege. Dressed in sacerdotal
habiliments, they travestied the solemn ceremonies of
the mass. They defiled and trampled upon the Host.
The churches were filled with laughing, jeering
crowds that polluted every portion of the sanctuary.
Sacred images, donated by pious monarchs and
blessed by famous prelates, were broken to pieces and
burnt. Ecclesiastical hatred had, as an indispensable
sign of regeneration, forced all Moslem converts to
eat pork, a kind of food doubly offensive from inher-
ited prejudice and Koranic prohibition. In retalia-
tion for this annoying requirement, the insurgents.,
with mock solemnity, and invested with all the para-
MooBiSH Empib£ in Eukope 271
phemalia of Catholic worship, sacrificed hogs upon
the Christian altars. Every form of violence, every
outrage which newly-found freedom exasperated by
the memory of long-continued injury could devise,
was perpetrated by the enraged Moriscoes. So un-
bridled was their fury that even the conmion usages
of war were constantly violated; prisoners taken in
battle were put to death without mercy, and it was
publicly declared that not a Christian should be left
alive within the insurgent territory. This resolution,
promulgated without his knowledge, was discounte-
nanced by Ibn-Ommeyah, and he deposed the com-
manders who had by their arbitrary conduct and im-
politic cruelty insulted the honor of his crown, but not
until irreparable wrong had been conunitted.
The news of the insurrection, the exaggeration of
its extent, and the horrors which followed in its train
produced a general panic in Granada. All Christians
who could do so took refuge in the Alhambra. The
Moriscoes, in vain protesting their innocence, barri-
caded themselves in their houses, and such as impru-
dently ventured into the streets perished at the hands
of the infuriated mob. The contest of jurisdiction
which had so long existed between the dvil and mili-
tary authorities, each of whom claimed the supremacy,
and neither of whom was willing to sacrifice his pre-
tensions, even in the face of a cunning and dangerous
enemy, added to the perplexities of the situation.
Thoroughly acquainted with the discord of their mas-
ters, the Moriscoes, already elated by the exploits of
their countrymen, of which they had early and accu-
rate intelligence, began to manifest a suspicious ac-
tivity. The prospect of war called to arms the turbu-
lent and dissolute spirits of the kingdom. The feudal
laws, which were still in force in the Peninsula, pre-
vented, through the disputes of the nobles for prece-
dence, that submission to authority requisite for sue-
272 HiSTOEY OF THE
cessf 111 operations. With these independent bands
there was no question of patriotism; the national
standard was merely a rallying point for pillage, and
that commander was the most popular whose neglect
of discipline afforded the greatest opportunities for
unbounded license. These troops were commanded
by the Marquis de Monde jar, Gk)vemor of Granada,
and the Marquis de los Velez, both of whom were in-
debted rather to their names than to their qualifica-
tions for the prominence they enjoyed, for the one
was without discretion and the other without expe-
rience.
In the campaign that ensued every consideration of
military virtue, of pity, of himianity, was cast aside.
The Christians fought with an energy dictated by
fanaticism and rapacity, the Moors with all tiie reck-
less courage of despair. The Castilian officers, so far
from restraining the excesses of the soldiery, encour-
aged them in order to increase their ferocity and ren-
der reconcihation impossible till all the available booty
could be secured. The Moors of Granada paid dearly
for the apathy with which they had received the over-
tures of their more daring countrymen. The lawless
rabble of the Spanish camp, whidb recognized no re-
straint but that of superior force, was quartered upon
the wealthy citizens of the Albaycin. It is notorious
that even the plain-spoken old chroniclers of the time
blushed to record the outrages inflicted by these sav-
age volunteers, callous to every appeal of decency or
honor. An extraordinary tax of six thousand ducats
was imposed upon the Albaycin for the purpose of
provisioning the army; and the Moorish farmers of
the Vega were compelled under heavy penalties to
furnish every day twenty thousand pounds of bread
at a price arbitrarily fixed by the authorities. Thus
the unhappy Moriscoes of the capital, too timorous to
second an attempt to regain their independ^ice» were
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 278
forced to contribute to the discomfiture of their
friends, to undergo unspeakable insults and frightful
suffering, and in the end to sacrifice their property
and in many instances their lives as the result of their
distrust of a cause which lack of intelligent co-opera-
tion rendered hopeless from the very beginning. The
axrtivity of the Spanish generals, and the superiority
in numbers of their troops, soon gained for them the
advantage. The campaign resolved itself into a suc-
cession of skirmishes and marauding expeditions,
whose monotony was occasionally relieved by promis-
cuous butchery. In consequence of a disturbance pro-
voked by the insolent conduct of a Spanish soldier,
thirteen hundred prisoners, of whom a thousand were
women, were massacred at the Castle of Jubiles. The
plans of the royal commanders were hampered by the
insubordination of the soldiery; their insatiable greed
placed the army in desperate situations, whence by
good fortune alone it could be extricated, and the fre-
quency of desertion seriously threatened the eflSciency
of a force unrestrained either by self-respect or mili-
tary law. Driven from point to point, tiTe army of
Ibn-Ommeyah was finally beaten and dispersed. The
Alpujarras were occupied by lines of fortified posts,
which prevented the assembling of any considerable
body of insurgents; the mountaineers of the adjacent
sierras were gradually reduced to submission, and the
insurrection was at last only represented by the fugi-
tive prince and a handful of followers, whose fidelity
was sorely tried by the tempting reward offered for
the head of their sovereign.
The Moriscoes, terrified by the misfortunes which
they had undergone, offered, for the sake of present
security, to submit to any conditions that might be
imposed, — ^to deportation, to exile, to confiscation, to
the maintenance of the troops that might be detailed
as their guards against future hostility. Different
Vol. III.— 18
274 HlSTOEY OF THE
and irreconcilable opinions prevailed among the offi-
cials of the crown as to the policy to be adopted; one
party advocated amnesty, another extermination. In
the mean time, while their superiors were wrangling,
the soldiers pursued without interruption the agreeable
diversion of rapine. Although hostilities had ceased,
small bands of military brigands roamed everywhere
without control, robbing houses, destrojring property,
ravishing women. Inoffensive peasants, who had
never borne arms, were seized, carried to Granada,
and publicly sold as slaves in the markets of the
city by these outlaws, with the knowledge and con-
nivance of the authorities. The latter quarrelled over
the division of the spoil and the questionable distinc-
tion acquired by conflagration and massacre. No
faith was kept with the vanquished. Safe-conducts
signed by the highest officials were not respected. No
Morisco was exempt from molestation and violence;
no house was secure from the intrusion of prowling
and bloodthirsty ruffians. When a body of Christian
troops passed through a Moorish community every-
thing portable departed with it, the rest was burned-
There was deliberate method in this wholesale destruc-
tion of property. The army desired nothing so little
as peace. War had been profitable even beyond ex-
pectation. The booty already secured was immense,
but the greater portion had as yet escaped the avarice
of the conqueror. The general and the common sol-
dier alike cast longing glances upon the wealth of the
Albaycin; upon the productive estates of the Vega,
still cultivated by Moorish industry; upon the untold
wealth in gold and jewels known to be hoarded by
the residents of Guadix, Baza, and Almeria. Leaving
all else out of consideration, the Moriscoes themselves,
who numbered more than half a million, if condemned
to slavery, would realize a prodigious simi. These
were the sinister motives which urged an indefinite
MooBiSH Emfibe m Europe 275
prosecution of the war, and it was not long before the
desired object was attained. The Moriscoes, driven
to despair by the duplicity of their enemies whose
violence they could not resist, again fled to the moun-
tains and sought the standard of Ibn-Ommeyah. The
Spanish mob of Granada, excited by rumors of con-
spiracy, at once massacred the defenceless Moorish
occupants of the prisons to the number of several hun-
dred. Their personal effects were appropriated by the
governor; their lands were confiscated for the benefit
of the crown; and their widows and orphans were
reduced to beggary. A judgment of the court subse-
quently obtained confirmed this arbitrary act, stating
that its decision was based upon the fact that, " while
some of the prisoners were actually guilty, all were
guilty in intention." The affair was regarded as a
suggestive warning, and in the future the insurgents
did not receive or expect assistance from their friends
in Granada.
Once more the flames of war were kindled in the
sierras, and the scenes of indiscriminate butchery were
resumed. The power of Ibn-Ommeyah, strengthened
by thousands of desperate men fleeing from perse-
cution, by the monfis, by the corsairs, and by numbers
of savage adventurers from the northern coast of
Africa, now became more formidable than ever. That
power he exercised with ferocious severity. The dis-
cipline of his troops was improved. Marauding
parties of Christians from the principal cities were
surprised and cut to pieces. Prominent officials who
had ventured to advocate surrender were promptly
executed for treason. The discouraging and hitherto
hopeless task of enlisting the sympathy and aid of
the Mohammedan princes of Fez and Algiers was
resumed, but with no better prospect of success than
before.
Philip, fully informed of the incapacity and mu-
276 HiSTOEY OF THE
tual distrust of those hitherto charged with the gov-
ernment of Granada, now determined to commit the
subjection of the rebels to a general whose rank and
talents would command the obedience and check the
insubordination of the ill-disciplined bands composing
the bulk of the Spanish army. Don John of Austria,
his half-brother, the natural son of Charles V., a youth
whose opportunities had as yet given little indication
of the inilitary genius he possessed, but in whom dis-
cerning eyes had already perceived the existence of
those brilliant qualities subsequently displayed with
such lustre at Lepanto, was assigned to the command.
The greatest enthusiasm was aroused by this ap-
pointment. Nobles and peasants alike, ambitious of
serving under a prince of the blood, flocked by hun-
dreds to the royal standard. The new commander,
although inexperienced, perfected his arrangements
with all the caution and skill of a veteran. The army
was thoroughly reorganized. Disorder was checked.
Outlaws and beggars were expelled from the camp.
As far as the annoying feudal regulations would
permit, discipline was enforced. Licensed brig-
andage, which had done so much to destroy the effi-
ciency of the troops, was pimished with impartial
rigor. Under these improved conditions the army,
which had hitherto resembled a disorderly mob, now
assumed the appearance of a compact and formidable
force. Meanwhile, the insurgents had not been idle.
Instructed by experience and adversity, Ibn-Onune-
yah introduced many necessary reforms into his civil
and military administration; purchased arms in
Africa; invited the presence of corsairs; procured
supplies; and, dividing his territory into districts
whose arrangement facilitated mutual support and
defence, awaited with resolution and confidence the
approach of the enemy. The first operations of the
campaign were favorable to the Moriscoes, whose
Moorish Empire in Europe 277
successes, while neither material nor decisive, never-
theless resulted in substantial additions to their ranks.
Although able to bring several thousand men into the
field, their want of artillery, ignorance of engineer-
ing science, and traditional dependence on partisan
warfare made their victories worthless. The latter
were obtained in skirmishes where but a few hundreds
were engaged, the nature of the ground and the op-
portunities for siu*prise giving unperceived assailants
the advantage.
Irritated by these reverses, a decisive step, long con-
templated, and frequently from politic motives post-
poned, was now resolved upon by the government.
The rumor of impending revolt was diligently circu-
lated throughout Granada. As no evidence was sub-
sequently disclosed to confirm this report, it was prob-
ably entirely fictitious, but it accomplished the object
for which it was promulgated. A panic seized the
excitable populace, and a universal demand arose for
the expulsion of the Moriscoes. The authorities were
quick to profit by the commotion and the fears which
tiheir own perfidy aroused; and, at a concerted signal,
twenty thousand arquebusiers, with lighted fuses, oc-
cupied the approaches to the Albaycin. The Mo-
riscoes, when ordered to assemble in their churches,
anticipating a massacre, abandoned themselves to
despair. It required all the influence of the municipal
authorities, and the royal word of Don John of
Austria himself that their lives woidd be spared, to
reassure the terror-stricken prisoners. Crowded to-
gether in the aisles, they passed an agonizing and
sleepless night. The next morning the males between
the ages of ten and sixty years, with their hands bound
behind them, were conducted outside the walls, where
a decree of perpetual banishment was pronoimced
against them and their kindred. A few days of grace
were accorded to these unfortimates to dispose of, or
278 HlSTOEY OF THE
rather to sacrifice, their personal property; and then,
divided into several companies, each escorted by a
strong guard, they began their journey tovrards cen-
tral Andalusia, Estremadura, and Castile, whither, for
purposes of security, it had been decided to conduct
them.
The exiles were about eleven thousand in number.
They included the descendants of the wealthiest and
noblest Moorish families of Granada, and, indeed, of
the entire Peninsula. Many of them traced their
ancestry back to the princely families of the khalif ate,
eminent alike for intellectual accomplishments and
military renown. In their keeping were the ancient
traditions of their race; the rare memorials of the
Moslem conquest and domination; the remnants of
Arabic literature which had escaped the destructive
zeal of Ximenes and the exhaustive search of prjdng
alguazils and inquisitors. Their houses still displayed
the splendid decorations peculiar to the palmy days
of the emirate; marble halls and alabaster foimtains;
hangings of embossed and gilded leather; stuccoes
that in elegance of design and delicacy of execution
equalled those of the Alhambra. In the Vega were
many estates, cultivated by their dependents, which
returned each year a large and profitable income. All
of these landed possessions were unceremoniously
appropriated by the Spaniards, and the personal
effects sold by the exiles yielded scarcely a tithe of
their value. Driven by force from their homes, and
despoiled on every side, the Moriscoes pursued their
sorrowful way. Reared in comfort and afifaience and
accustomed to luxury, they were ill-fitted for a long
and toilsome journey. Few of the multitude that
started arrived at their destination. The hardships
incident to travel and exposure to the burning heat
proved fatal to himdreds. Many expired from grief,
from hunger, from disease. Others were wantonly
Moorish Empire in Europe 279
killed by their guards, who plundered, without hesi-
tancy or compunction, both the living and the dead.
When this source of profit was exhausted, the strong-
est men and the most attractive women were sold as
slaves. The condition of the few survivors who ar-
rived at Seville was so deplorable that even the com-
passion of ecclesiastics, whose lives had been passed
in the infliction of persecution and torture, was ex-
cited. The greater portion of the inhabitants, how-
ever, regarded these victims of tyranny with indiffer-
ence or curiosity. The sufferings of tender youth, of
decrepit age, of beauty in distress, awakened no sym-
pathy; and if any feelings were exhibited by the
throngs that lined the highways along which, under
a scorching sun, the fainting exiles staggered, they
were those of bitter enmity and of exultation at the
misfortunes of heretics who had forfeited all title to
humanity through the inherited blood of a despised
and conquered race.
No beneficial consequences resulted from this meas-
ure, as cruel as it was unwise. The insurgents con-
tinued their depredations. Every straggler was killed;
and no foraging party whose force was less than that
of a regiment could hope to return. The Moriscoes
by degrees became more daring, and it was no longer
safe for individuals to venture beyond the limits of
the camp. The encoimters were all to the advantage
of the rebels; and the great city of Almeria, by the
merest accident, escaped falling into their hands. The
latter, however, were not only imable to cope with the
entire power of the Spanish monarchy, but were even
unprovided with the means necessary for the reten-
tion of their paltry conquests. Even in a situation
where unity was more than ever indispensable to self-
preservation, the irrepressible tendency of the Arab
mind to factional disturbance began to manifest itself.
Nine centuries of national disaster had been insuffi-
1
280 HiSTOEY OF THE
cient to repress the tribal hatred and the thirst for
private vengeance which had sapped the vitality and
finally torn into fragments the reakn of a vast and
splendid empire. The Moor was incapable of profit-
^g hy experience. The law of reprisal, that accursed
legacy of his Bedouin forefathers, had never been
lost sight of, even amidst all the cultiu'e and all the
wisdom of his civilization. It was the most powerful
and effective weapon that his enemies possessed, and
it was eternally used to his prejudice. To its aid the
Reconquest was far more indebted than to the energy
of Alfonso VI. or to the craft of Ferdinand the
Catholic. It won more battles than all the conquer-
ing sovereigns from Pelayus to Isabella. No Cas-
tilian prince had ever failed to recognize its impor-
tance or to profit by its employment. And now, in
the remote Alpuj arras, the last resort of Moorish
valor and ambition, it was again to be wielded with
even more fatal and demoralizing effects than had
ever marked its use since the troublous epoch which
followed the decline of the Omomeyade supremacy.
The popularity of Ibn-Onuneyah had of late
greatly suffered through the strictness of the dis-
cipline which he had inaugurated and the oppressive
acts of his advisers, for the most part men of obscure
lineage and grasping avarice. The soldiers, accus-
tomed to the exercise of the greatest freedom in their
conduct and in their treatment of the enemy, viewed
with unconcealed disgust the restraints to which they
were subjected. In the councillors of their king, the
rich Moriscoes, who had forfeited their lives and ex-
pended their treasure in sustaining his pretensions,
saw a band of robbers, who abused the opportunities
of their positions for their own pecuniary benefit.
Especially were those whose wealth made them con-
spicuous the objects of the selfish animadversion of
these base-bom officials. No person of eminence.
Moorish Empiele in Europe 281
whether civilian or military officer, was safe from the
denwiciation of informers. The experience of Ibn-
Ommeyah, and his frequent escapes from premedi-
tated treachery, had made him impulsive, vindictive,
and cruel. Constantly exposed to danger, he was only
too ready to listen to the voice of suspicion, and in
the court of a despot the punishment follows swiftly
upon the accusation. Besides the alienation of many
of his principal adherents from the above-mentioned
causes, Ibn-Ommeyah had recently gained for him-
self, by an egregious act of folly, the enmity of one
of the most powerful tribes in the kingdom.
Among the most distinguished families of Granada
was that of the Beni-Alguazil-al-Karimi, in which
was vested, by hereditary right, the office of vizier of
the district of Ujijar. Inherited rivalry, the pride
of conscious merit, and the jealousy of power had
made the Beni-Alguazil the enemies of the house of
Ibn-Ommeyah. Their hostility, manifested upon
more than one occasion, had aroused the apprehen-
sions of the Moorish prince; and the assassination of
Miguel de Rojas, the chief of the tribe, was, not with-
out probability, attributed to his instigation. In con-
sequence, the Beni-Alguazil, while unwiUing to assist
the Christian foe, maintained a suspicious and sullen
demeanor, and, with the characteristic vindictiveness
of the Arab, awaited patiently the moment of reprisal.
With a perfidy natural to his character, and from
the effects of which he was ultimately destined to
perish, Ibn-Ommeyah had adopted the custom of pro-
moting to favor and apparent confidence those whom
he had already marked for destruction. Among those
who shared this perilous honor was Diego Alguazil,
a member of the rival clan, whose animosity had been
soothed by the gifts and the consideration he received
at the hands of his sovereign. In his harem was a
lovely slave, the perfection of whose charms, impru-
282 HiSTOEY OF THE
dently disclosed by her master, aroused the curiosity
and inflamed the desires of Ibn-Ommeyah. Consid-
erations of policy or justice were of trying moment
where the imgovemable passions of the Moorish king
were concerned; the slave was rudely appropriated
without apology or compensation; and this arbitrary
invasion of the rights of a subject raised up for Ibn-
Ommeyah an implacable enemy. The ambition of
the beautiful Zahra, who aspired to the position of
Sultana, was disappointed by her continuance in an
inferior rank, and, her hopes thus blasted, she found
in her former master a pliant and serviceable instru-
ment of revenge. The support of other malcontents,
dissatisfied with the cruelly and arrogance of their
king, was readily secured; the fears of the royal
guard of six hundred Tiirks were excited by an in-
genious, but discreditable, stratagem; and Ibn-Om-
meyah, torn from the arms of his women and thrown
into prison, perished miserably before morning at the
hands of the executioner. His death seemed not en-
tirely unjustifiable, for he proclaimed with his last
breath his secret and unshaken belief in the Christian
religion. The hypocrisy, which, for the sake of lux-
ury and power, could feign attachment to a creed that
upon the slightest pretext it was ready to betray, was
not imworthily pimished by the treachery of a slave.
Ibn-Abu, a cousin of Ibn-Ommeyah, succeeded to the
empty honors and dangerous responsibilities of a tot-
tering throne. The treasures of the palace and the
seraglio were divided among the conspirators. The
guards, whose fidelity to the new administration was
suspected, were disbanded; the impopular officials,
deprived of the power which they had abused and the
wealth which they had accumulated by extortion and
perfidy, were despoiled and exiled; and the new King,
crowned at Lanjar with all the pomp which the lim-
ited resources that a fugitive court and an impover-
MooBiSH Emfike in Eubope 288
ished treasury could command, assumed, with an ap-
pearance of confidence, the direction of a government
divided against itself and confronted with the com-
bined and resistless power of the Spanish monarchy.
Ibn-Abu, when invested with the royal dignity, of
whose precarious character he was perfectly aware,
but whose acceptance he was afraid to refuse, was far
past the prime of life. In the course of an eventful
and romantic career, he had undergone many exciting
and hazardous experiences. From his youth iden-
tified with the party hostile to the Christians, his
fidelity to the Moslem cause had been severely tested
on niunerous occasions. Implicated with the monfis,
he had submitted to torture and had been sent to the
galleys rather than betray his comrades. Again, for
refusing to disclose the hiding-place of his sovereign,
he was subjected to a shocking and indescribable mu-
tilation. His sufi^erings had confirmed his loyalty and
intensified his hatred; the noble qualities with which
he was endowed endeared him to his countrymen; but
his indecision, his lack of energy, and his inability to
profit by the means at his disposal in the presence of
any sudden exigency unfitted him for the position of
responsibility to wWch he had been so unexpectedly
promoted. In spite of the disadvantages imder which
he labored, he, however, soon plated his forces upon a
more efi^ective footing, and his position was greatly
strengthened by the discord of his enemies.
The reforms inaugurated by Don John of Austria
proved impracticable when their full import became
known to the soldiers and they began to experience
the inconveniences attendant upon military restraint.
Feudal customs also interfered with the enforcement
of discipline; and the lords, fearful of a retrench-
ment of their own privileges, indulged their vassals
in acts of rapine prejudicial to the well-being of the
entire army. The quarrels and recriminations of the
284 HiSTOEY OF THE
Marquis de Monde jar and the Marquis de los Velez,
so far from being extinguished by the appointment
of a commander-in-chief, became more aggravated
and violent than ever. The power of the latter was
hampered by contradictory orders from Madrid, and
the prosecution of energetic measures was prevented
by incessant and acrimonious disputes. As soon as
the prospect of booty was diminished, the army was
threatened with dissolution. Desertions were so com-
mon and their effect was so demoralizing that all re-
views were abandoned, in order that the enemy might
not become acquainted with the diminished numbers
of their antagonists. Scores of officers were cashiered
for peculation; but their successors, unintimidated by
the penalty, followed, without hesitation, their dis-
graceful example. In the markets of the dty, the
government supplies were publicly exposed for sale
by the conmiissaries. The camp was filled with spies.
Not only had many Moriscoes enlisted with the object
of betraying their comrades, but the Spaniards them-
selves constantly sold both official secrets and arms to
the rebels. Entire garrisons mutinied because of the
necessary precautions instituted by their commanders;
and it was not imusual for parties organized for rob-
bery to leave their posts in violation of the express
orders of the general. Of these marauders few re-
turned, but their fate failed to deter others; the love
of plunder prevailed over every other incentive; and
the safety of the troops was often jeopardized by the
misconduct of unprincipled adventurers, whose inso-
lence and insubordination even the highest authority
seemed unable to restrain. These breaches of order
and discipline were by no means confined to the ranks ;
every grade of the military was aflFected; and no less
a personage than the Marquis de los Velez himself
assumed the right to act independently of the com-
mander-in-chief, and to disregard all orders from
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 286
head-quarters unless they suited his convenience or
promoted his interest.
The army of Ibn-Abu amounted to twelve thousand
men, of whom four thousand were thoroughly drilled
arquebusiers. This force, though for the most part
well equipped, experienced in war, aided by the advan-
tages of situation, and fighting for liberty on its own
ground, was unable to accomplish any important re-
sult, even when engaged with a demoralized enemy.
The achievements of tiie Moriscoes, limited to the
blockade of a few fortresses and to marauding expe-
ditions that harassed the cultivators of the Vega, are
scarcely worthy of notice, still less of detailed nar-
ration. In the vicinity of Orgiba and Baza their
troops appeared in force, but retired at once at the
approach of the Christians. It was only by the prac-
tice of treacherous methods that the Moorish tactics
ever prevailed. The want of stability and resolution
which had proved fatal to the permanence of the
Hispano-Arab empire survived in the final operations
of the Morisco rebellion. The superior steadiness of
the Spanish infantry invariably carried the day, even
against overwhelming odds. The Moors were easily
disheartened ; after a trifling repulse it was impossible
to rally them; and, even when protected by fortifica-
tions, they could not withstand the dogged pertinacity
which was a prominent trait of the Castilian.
With the appearance of Don John of Austria in
the field, hostilities were prosecuted with more rigor
and with greater cruelty. The unimportant but
bloody successes of the Moors had infused into the
Spanish soldiery an even more pitiless spirit than be-
fore. The Austrian prince, at first disposed to leni-
ency, soon became, through association and prejudice,
as unfeeling as the meanest soldier in the ranks. The
siege and assault of Galera, which was the turning-
point of the war, exemplified, in a striking degree, the
286 History of the
dominant principle which actuated the minds of those
who directed the campaign. That town, situated upon
an isolated rock, was one of the most strongly fortified
places in Spain. In addition to its position, its facili-
ties for defence were excellent. Its garrison was com-
posed of three thousand veterans. Its supplies were
ample, and the prudence of Ibn-Abu, who fully ap-
preciated its value, had long before filled to overflow-
ing its magazine and its arsenal. Two falconets,
one of which had been captured from the Marquis
de los Velez, defended the castle, an unusual advan-
tage, for the Moriscoes were generally unprovided
even with such insignificant artillery. A concealed
gallery cut through the mountain, and extending
below the bed of the river at its base, provided the
inhabitants with water, whose existence, unknown to
the enemy, made its destruction impossible. In addi-
tion to the garrison, the walls of Galera sheltered a
population of five thousand, including residents and
refugees.
Every precaution that skill and experience could
suggest had been adopted to strengthen the defences
of a place regarded as already impregnable. Barri-
cades were erected at frequent intervals in the streets,
and between them the houses were pierced with open-
ings, to facilitate communication and afford means
of retreat. The town, built in terraces upon the
sloping rock, offered an ascending series of lines of
resistance. Those ordinarily considered as non-com-
batants were animated by a spirit of determination
equal, if not superior, to that of the garrison, and
their presence promised to be an important aid rather
than a drawback in the impending contest.
Twelve thousand men, commanded by Don John
of Austria in person, invested Galera on the eigh-
teenth day of January, 1570. The approaches to the
town were defended with stubborn resolution. When
Moorish Empib£ in Europe 287
forced behind the walls, it became evident that the
position of the Moriscoes was so strong that ordinary
methods of assault must prove useless. Mining was
therefore resorted to; and a passage, terminating
under the citadel, was cut with infinite trouble through
the solid rock. As soon as it was completed, a storm-
ing party was detailed for the attack, and the explo-
sion of forty-five barrels of gunpowder announced
that tiie mine had been sprung. Little damage was
done to the castle, however; the walls remained in-
tact; and the Spaniards were driven back with heavy
loss. Two other mines were opened and exploded,
and three assaults were made simultaneously. One
explosion effected some injury, but the ruins raised
by the other counteracted it; the loss of the insur-
gents was trifling; and again the Spaniards sustained
a bloody and serious repulse.
Another charge, in which the besiegers — ^infuriated
by the fall of their general, who was struck by a
bullet which his armor of proof fortunately deflected
— succeeded in passing the ramparts, procured for
them admission into the streets. Here they were met
by scarcely less formidable obstacles, and their ad-
vance was, foot by foot, contested. Amidst these
frightful scenes, the people of Galera vied in gal-
lantry with the soldiers of the garrison. Old men
fought bravely in the foremost line for the preserva-
tion of their homes. The wounded and dying re-
ceived the grateful ministrations of delicate women,
who fearlessly exposed themselves to fire in the dis-
charge of the offices of mercy. Even children of
tender years, undismayed by the smoke and din of
battle, carried missiles to repel the enemy. The con-
test soon assumed the character of a hand-to-hand
encounter. The barricaded streets, the battlemented
houses — ^built of stone and with few openings —
checked at each step the progress of the assailants.
288 HiSTOEY OF THE
For nine hours with incessant fury the battle raged.
At length the survivors were driven into an angle of
the fortifications from whence there was no escape.
Here, in the face of a relentless foe, the Moriscoes
made their final stand, without the hope of clemency
or the fear of death. Young girls died, scimetar in
hand, with a resolution foreign to their age and sex.
Fathers deliberately killed their wives and children,
and then rushed forward to perish on the weapons of
the Spaniards. Even the veterans of Italy, accus-
tomed to the atrocities characteristic of the wars of
the sixteenth century, were sickened by the frightful
carnage. The population was almost annihilated.
Of eight thousand persons who had composed it,
fifteen hundred women and children alone survived
the final assault, which, not inclusive of the losses of
the besiegers, cost thirty-six hundred lives. The ava-
rice of the victors had spared four hundred helpless
captives, whom Don John of Austria, enraged at the
casualties which his army had suffered, caused to be
butchered in his presence. In this diabolical massacre
the halberdiers of the royal guard took a conspicuous
part, encouraged by the approving gestures of their
commander, who regarded with pious complacency
the extermination of these rebellious infidels.
The siege of Galera is memorable, not only on ac-
count of the gallantry of the defence, but also from
the fact that it indicates the true beginning of the
military career of the future hero of Lepanto. While
in reality reflecting but little credit upon the reputa-
tion of that prince, the popularity he acquired by the
achievement discloses the moral perversity of the pub-
lic mind in that fanatical age. Not a word was uttered
in censure of the savage vindictiveness directed against
the aged and the helpless, a class whose condition
appeals to the most generous impulses of mankind,
but whose fate was universally applauded by bigots
Moorish Empibe in Europe 289
of every degree, as one step more towards the extir-
pation of heresy. A spirit of inherent deviltry
seemed to distinguish for centuries the princes of
the monarchy established by Ferdinand and Isabella.
The progressive decadence of that monarchy from
the day of its foundation — ^imperceptible at first, and
concealing the incurable defects of the Castilian polity
by the spurious glory of unprofitable wars and ruin-
ous triumphs, and the genuine splendors of unparal-
leled discoveries, whose proceeds were employed for
the oppression and debasement of countless millions
of human beings — is one of the most significant and
instructive events in the history of mankind.
The capture of Galera was a dearly purchased vic-
tory. The character of the resistance offered by its
defenders did not afford a flattering prospect for the
success of similar enterprises in the future. Many
important strongholds, as difficult of approach, of
equal strength, and of larger population, were still
in the hands of the insurgents. The fate of the place,
while a warning, served rather to confirm the obsti-
nacy than to arouse the trepidation of the Moriscoes.
Their dauntless courage had left hundreds of their
enemies on the field. The bodies of Moor and Chris-
tian alike strewed the ramparts; and in the streets
through which had surged the ever-advancing tide
of battle had fallen many of the most distinguished
nobles in the Spanish service. Realizing the difii-
culties he was liable to encounter, Don John made a
demand upon the King for men and money. Rein-
forcements were easily obtained, but only through the
clergy, who, as a rule, were always ready to profit by
a crusade, but who generally regarded their spiritual
aid as abundantly sufficient, and were never eager to
furnish substantial contributions, could funds for the
prosecution of the war be procured. This was accom-
plished by the establishment of religious brotherhoods
Vol. JIL— 19
290 History of the ' '^
in every diocese, whose members, by the purdiase of
indulgences, could thus perform a service of signal
merit to the Church and, at the same time, secure
absolution for their sins. The scheme proved remark-
ably successful; and larger sums were eventually
collected than those yielded by the sale of similar
concessions issued for this purpose directly from tlie
Holy See.
Papal influence, at that time predominant in Eu-
ropean politics, had, immediately after the storming
of Galera, tendered to the Austrian prince, through
Philip, the place of generalissimo of the Holy
League against the Turks. The vast international
interests which depended upon the proper exercise of
this office could not be neglected or their protection
deferred until after many months had been consumed
in suppressing the revolt of a few thousand rebels.
By that time the Ottoman fleet would have obtained
the supremacy of the Mediterranean, and an innu-
merable horde of bloodtiiirsty fanatics have descended
upon the continent of Europe. While military pres-
tige was presumably essential to one accepting a posi-
tion of such responsibility and power, the risks were
too great and the field too narrow to seek it in a cam-
paign of such doubtful results as that against the
Moriscoes. Peremptory orders were sent Don John
to hasten by diplomacy what it had been demonstrated
would be both difficult and tedious to secure by arms.
An attempt was therefore made to corrupt the fidelity
of Femando-al-Habaqui, the favorite councillor of
Ibn-Abu, whose wisdom and discernment, like those
of many statesmen of his time, were superior to his
patriotism and integrity. In various interviews,
nominally appointed for purposes relating to the ex-
change of prisoners, the co-operation of this influ-
ential personage was obtained; he was promised an
unconditional pardon ; and the lives of those who sur-
MooBisH Empire m Eubofe 291
rendered voluntarily were to be spared. As second
in command, he was enabled to control a large extent
of territory in the accomplishment of his treacherous
design; all the detachments of Morisco troops out-
side the Alpuj arras and within his jurisdiction were
suddenly withdrawn; the dismayed inhabitants were
abandoned to their fate; many of those taken were
reduced to slavery or sent to the galleys; some suc-
ceeded in escaping to the moimtains; and the entire
district of the River Almanzora, thus driven to sub-
mission, yielded such a multitude of captives that the
general, imable to feed or control them, was com-
pelled to leave them unmolested until arrangements
could be made for their final disposition. A royal
decree recently promulgated had ordered the removal
of all the Moriscoes of the lately conquered districts
to Castile. This measure, nominally adopted for pub-
lic security, had, in fact, its origin in more ignoble
motives; in the country of the insurgents a consider-
able number of Moorish proprietors had succeeded,
amidst the general confusion, in retaining their
estates; and the effectual means of disposing of ob-
noxious neighbors by enforced migrations had demon-
strated its value when the Moriscoes of the Albaycin
had perished miserably on the highways. The un-
fortunate victims of state policy and religious per-
secution were surrounded and herded like cattle; their
niunber is unrecorded, but it must have amounted to
thousands; the few effects which they possessed they
were generously permitted to sell for a trifle; and,
shelterless and almost naked, they were distributed
over the deserts of La Mancha, where the savage
peasantry, considering them as intruders, inflicted
upon these wretched exiles every outrage which ma-
lignity could devise or lawlessness execute. The
presence of the Moriscoes in Castile, at that time a
recent event, no doubt suggested to the fertile mind
292 HiSTOEY OF THE
of Cervantes one of the most entertaining episodes
in the crowning masterpiece of Spanish literature.
The remaining Morisco strongholds, contrary to
general expectation, and discouraged by the treason
of Al-Habaqui, were far from emulating the heroic
example of Galera. Seron, Purchena, Tijola, all
well-fortified towns, submitted without serious resist-
ance. Negotiations, now authorized by Ibn-Abu,
were still carried on with Al-Habaqui, whose treach-
ery does not seem to have destroyed the harmony
existing between himself and his sovereign. The
impatience of Don John for the termination of hos-
tilities induced him to publish a proclamation of
partial and conditional amnesty. Its terms granted
life to all, without distinction, who vrithin twenty
days should surrender; promised that men between
the ages of fifteen and fifty, who within the specified
time should deliver to the proper officials an arque-
buse or a cross-bow, should not be sold as slaves; and
required that the leaders of the revolt, and such as
were unwilling to take advantage of the proclama-
tion, should be given up as an indispensable prelimi-
nary to leniency towards those who submitted. The
ambiguity whidi pervaded the document caused it to
be regarded with suspicion, and the Moriscoes, who
had learned by repeated experience the duplicity of
their enemies, declined to accept conditions whose un-
certainty offered such inducements to abuse and mis-
construction, even if they had not been actually drawn
up for that purpose.
Unable any longer to cope with his adversaries in
the open field, Ibn-Abu adopted the more effective
policy of guerilla warfare. His army, divided into
strong detachments, was posted at advantageous
points whence the operations of the enemy could be
observed and conmiunication easily maintained. In
this way the invaders were placed at a great disad-
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 298
vantage. The Moors retired before their advance;
the towns were evacuated; all property was removed
or concealed; convoys were cut off; and the army
of the Duke of Sesa, who commanded the Christians,
was almost reduced to extremity by famine. It be-
came absolutely necessary to establish a base of sup-
pliesy and the Marquis of Favara was despatched with
a considerable force to Calahorra. The Spaniards
reached their destination in safety; but their move-
ments had not escaped the vigilance of the moun-
taineers; and their return march, conducted without
the precautions adopted by every wise commander,
encountered an ambuscade in the valley of Ravaha.
Here the road, so constructed that four men could
with diflSculty move abreast, was blocked by loaded
beasts of burden, purposely left there by the Moors;
and the soldiers, tempted by the hope of plunder,
broke into disorder to seize them. The measures of
Ibn-Abu had been taken with consummate skill. The
Spaniards, hopelessly entangled in the narrow defile
and completely surrounded, were ruthlessly slaugh-
tered. In former attacks the mountains had always re-
soimded with the piercing war-cries of the assailants,
but now not a sound, save the scattering reports of
arquebuses and the whistling of arrows, broke the
ominous stillness of the scene. The advance guard
and the centre had been destroyed before the Marquis
was even apprized of the presence of an enemy. He
effected his escape only by superhuman exertion, and
of the sixteen hundred soldiers who composed his
command fourteen hundred atoned for the military
crimes of official negligence and disregard of disci-
pline. On the Moorish side not a man was killed, and
less than twenty were wounded. History affords but
few parallels to the battle of Ravaha when both the
numbers engaged and the immunity of the victors are
considered.
294 History of the
This disaster compelled a precipitate retreat, and,
unmolested by the enemy, who had ample opportu-
nities to intercept them, the Spaniards fell back upon
Adra. Such was their desperate condition from
himger that the gardens and orchards in the neigh-
borhood were stripped of everything edible, and tiie
chronicles relate that not even a leaf remained. The
capture of the insignificant fortress of Castil-de-
Ferro, whose garrison numbered less than a hundred,
was the only exploit which relieved the disastrous
monotony of the Duke of Sesa's campaign. The
Alpuj arras, although still occupied by the Moriscoes,
were practically untenable. Every hostile army which
had entered their defiles had marked with utter devas-
tation an area of many square leagues. The fields
were laid waste. The villages were burned. Infor-
mation of the hidden magazines of the inhabitants
was sold by their coimtrymen, and the stores destined
for the winter were carried away or destroyed. At
many points the peasantry had sought refuge in caves.
It was a favorite diversion of the Spaniards to stifle
these wretches with smoke, like so many wild animals
in their burrows. The survivors were hunted like
game through the moxmtains. On a single occasion,
Don John received a most acceptable gift of four
hundred heads and eleven hundred captives. It was
a remarkable circumstance when any considerable
body of insurgents were taken, for indiscriminate
massacre was the rule of every campaign. It was
considered a peculiarly pious and meritorious action
to ransom prisoners and present them to the Inquisi-
tion. The fate for which these unfortunate victims
were reserved made the most shocking enormities of
open warfare seem trivial in comparison.
The relations of Al-Habaqui with the Christians
were now generally known; his influence was con-
stantly solicited by his countrymen; and his power
Moorish Empike in 1Susop£ 296
became so great that even Ibn-Abu himself was com-
pelled to pay court to his minister, and comitenance
proceedings of which he heartily disapproved to avoid
incurring the hostility of a favorite in whom was
practically vested the supreme authority. The latter
considered that the time had at last arrived for the
conclurion of his treasonable negotiations. With the
countenance of Ibn-Abu, and accompanied by seven-
teen Moriscoes of rank, he met the commissioners of
Don John at Andarax. Nothing came of the con-
ference, but the secret understanding between the
minister and the Spaniards was carried out as pre-
arranged. An adroit substitution of a document em-
bodying the concessions of the Spaniards for the one
containing the demands of the Moriscoes completed
the deception of the latter; the arrogance of the Cas-
tilians caused a withdrawal of the envoys; and Al-
Habaqui, with a single companion, appeared before
Don John and, in the name of Ibn-Abu, gave up his
own sdmetar and answered for the surrender of the
insurgents. This farce had but little effect, and was
speedily repudiated by the Morisco king. Then Al-
Habaqui received eight hundred gold ducats from the
Spanish general, with which to raise a company whose
especial mission it was to bring in Ibn-Abu, dead or
alive. The prominence of Al-Habaqui had turned his
head. His imprudent boasts betrayed him; he was
seized by the Turks, imprisoned, and strangled. The
treaty he had negotiated at the sacrifice of every prin-
ciple of honor and patriotism died with him. Ibn-
Abu used every expedient to keep the execution of
bis treacherous minister from obtaining publicity.
Still resolved on resistance, he hoped by temporizing
with the enemy to procure better terms. His resources
were by no means exhausted. Five thousand well-
equipped veterans were under his command. He
entertained hopes of assistance from Africa — ^that
296 HiSTOEY OF THE
ignis f atuus of every Moslem revolution, which prom-
ised so much and always ended in nothing. In the
mean time all was uncertainty in the Christian camp.
Although a formal capitulation by an authorized
functionary had been formally signed, no insurgents
surrendered. The whereabouts of Al-Habaqui were
unknown, and, while his death was unsuspected, his
absence could not be explained. Under a safe-conduct
an envoy was despatched to the Morisco king; he soon
ascertained the truth and carried back a message of
defiance. Preparations were at once made for a re-
newal of hostilities; the Spanish army, in three divi-
sions, advanced upon the Alpuj arras from as many
different directions, and every effort was exerted to
close the war by a vigorously prosecuted campaign.
The situation of Ibn-Abu now became critical. The
country in which he was compelled to operate had been
stripped of everything that could sustain life. Much
of it that a few years previously exhibited a high de-
gree of cultivation had been transformed into a prime-
val solitude, where only the charred remnants of once
flourishing settlements attested the former presence
of man. His army was discouraged by the unrelent-
ing pursuit of the enemy. As usual, the faithfully
promised support from Africa proved a delusion.
The Moorish prince sent his brother, Mohammed-
al-Galipa, an experienced captain, to direct the insur-
rection in the Serrania de Ronda. Betrayed by a
Christian guide, who led him within the Spanish lines,
he was killed, and his escort of two himdred picked
soldiers destroyed. In Valencia, a conspiracy formed
in collusion with the Moriscoes of the Alpuj arras was
detected before it had time to mature, and its insti-
gators were pimished with merciless cruelty. Encom-
passed by a numerous and powerful foe, Ibn-Abu rec-
ognized the impossibility of resistance and disbanded
his army. A few of his adherents took refuge among
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 297
their kindred in Barbary. The majority, however,
unable to escape and disdaining submission, which im-
pUed a slavery worse than death or inquisitorial tor-
ture, remained with their sovereign. All were scat-
tered through the movmtains and found shelter in the
caves of that region, which were known only to shep-
herds and to those whose haunts were in the wildest
and most ruggied parts of the sierra. The march of
the Spaniards was accomplished amidst the silence
of desolation. In the distance at times could be seen
jSying parties of scouts, but no resistance was encoun-
tered. Whatever had escaped the destructive progress
of former expeditions was now annihilated. Soldiers
wandering in quest of plunder occasionally stumbled
upon an inhabited cavern; its inmates were driven out
by fire, and the infliction of torture soon disclosed the
location of others. In one of these the wife and
daughters of Ibn-Abu were suffocated, while he, with
two companions, escaped through a secret opening in
the mountain. The insatiable thirst of blood and
booty which urged on the invaders rendered protracted
concealment impossible. With each new discovery,
other places of refuge were successively revealed
through the unsparing and diabohcal torments devised
by the Castilians. The women were spared and con-
demned to slavery. Male captives under twenty, as
a rule, shared a similar fate; all over that age were
put to death, some amidst prolonged and frightful
sufferings. Rank, innocence, the helplessness of age,
the touching infirmity of disease, important services
previously rendered to the royal cause, the prospect
of future loyalty which might result from clemency
judiciously bestowed, considerations of public wel-
fare, dependent upon the preservation of an indus-
trious people, afforded no exemption from the inex-
orable decree of destruction, enforced with every cir-
cumstance of savage malignity. The tracking of
298 History of the
fugitive Moriscoes was as exciting and far more
profitable than the chase of wild beasts. It was no
unusual occurrence for a party of these terrified
wretches to be pursued for a distance of fifty miles.
No obstacles were sufficient to deter the Spaniards in
the tireless search for their prey; the more arduous
the hardships undergone, the greater the enjoyment
when the victims, vainly suppliant for mercy, were put
to the sword or burned at the stake. This time no
organized enemy was left in the Alpujarras to disturb
in future the peace of the monarchy. More than ten
thousand insurgents were murdered or enslaved in the
space of a month. Wherever the soldiery could pene-
trate, every vestige of human life and artificial vege-
tation were alike swept away. The terraced slopes of
the mountains, reclaimed by infinite toil to profitable
culture, the once smiling and fertile valleys, were re-
stored to their native wildness. No voice remained in
that infinite solitude to dispute the dogmas of ihe
Chiu-ch or to ofi^end the scruples of the orthodox by
the celebration of the profane and detested rites of
Islam.
In the Serrania de Ronda the rebels still continued
active, but the ambition of rival chieftains aiming at
supreme power frustrated each other's plans and
eventually caused the discomfiture of all. The repu-
tation for valor which the mountaineers of Ronda had
attained was national; military operations in that
locality were not prosecuted wiiii the same energy as
elsewhere, but the irreconcilable spirit of faction, ever
so fatal to the progress and stability of the Arab race,
again interposed as a potent factor of disorganization.
A sharp campaign directed by the Duke of Arcos
scattered the forces of the rebels, and the Serrania de
Ronda, while not actually conquered, no longer con-
tained a force capable of even temporary resistance.
The war now substantially ended, it was announced
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 299
by royal proclamation that every Morisco, without a
single exception, should be forever expelled from the
kingdom of Granada. The order was carried out to
the letter, under the supervision of Don John of Aus-
tria. The number of the exiles was from fifty to a
hundred thousand. Superior discipline and the per-
sonal attention of the prince prevented the horrors that
had attended the banishment of the residents of the
Albaycin. Some were sent to Seville and Murcia,
others to Estremadura, La Mancha, and Navarre.
The Castilian peasantry resented their appearance
^ui^oi^g good Christians and resisted the soldiers, whose
presence alone prevented a massacre. As usual, the
lands which the Moriscoes possessed were seized for
the benefit of the crown; their personal property was
sacrificed for much less than its value, and many hith-
erto accustomed to luxury, plimdered of the little they
had saved from Spanish rapacity, reached their new
homes in a state of absolute destitution. The remote
fastnesses of the Alpuj arras still concealed a number
of fugitives, who cherished the fallacious hope that
amidst the rejoicings incident to victory they might
remain unnoticed and forgotten. Among them was
Ibn-Abu, whose followers, the infamous monfis, alike
inaccessible to honor or pity, were ready for every act
of treachery, and some of whom had already discussed
the expediency of obtaining pardon by the sacrifice of
the Ejng. These homeless wanderers soon realized
that they were still the objects of Spanish animosity.
The establishment of regular garrisons and the dis-
banding of the rest of the army were coincident with
the formation of bands of scouts, whose duty it was
to scour the country and captm-e every Morisco that
could be found. In order to stimulate their activity, a
reward of twenty ducats was offered for each insur-
gent. The chase of Moriscoes now became a more
lucrative diversion than ever. The wildest portion of
800 History of the
the sierra was examined foot by foot. Large numbers
of fugitives were taken, and tiie prisons soon became
too small to contain the multitudes that crowded them
to suffocation. The utmost diligence of the authori-
ties was unequal to the task of providing quarters for
the new-comers, even by the wholesale execution of the
old. The most distinguished prisoners were hung.
Others were tortured. Many were handed over to the
Inquisition, which, while never unsupplied with vic-
tims, was glad of the opportunity to make a signal
example of such troublesome heretics. The majority
were condenmed to the galleys, which, all things being
taken into accoimt, was perhaps the most severe pun-
ishment that a prisoner could undergo. To be consid-
ered a mere machine, almost without identity and des-
titute of feeling, chained for days to the oar, exposed
alike to the binning sun and the tempest, subject to
hourly laceration by the scourge of a brutal overseer;
ill-fed and unprotected from the weapons of an
enemy, no fate to which imf ortunate humanity is liable
would not seem preferable to the lot of the galley-
slave. Finally, the available facilities of Granada
proved totally inadequate for the disposition of captive
Moriscoes; extraordinary powers were conferred upon
the commanders of the fortresses and outposts; the
scenes of carnage were transferred from the capital
to every accessible point of the Alpuj arras, and the
objects of national hatred and intolerance daily paid
by hundreds the extreme penalty of misfortune and
defeat.
The capture or death of Ibn-Abu now alone was
necessary for the full gratification of Christian ven-
geance. With trifling diflSculty Gonzalo-al-Seniz,
who enjoyed his confidence and had shared his tent,
was persuaded to betray him. The rewards of treach-
ery were definitely stipulated in advance, the principal
inducements being a pension of a himdred thousand
Moorish Empibe in Eueope 801
maravedis and a promise of amnesty. An attempt to
take the mifortmiate prince alive failed of success;
he was killed in the struggle; of his faithful compan-
ions, some were cut to pieces, some implored the doubt-
ful clemency of the Christians, and others, after many
perilous adventures, succeeded in escaping to Africa.
The body of the Morisco king, strapped like a bale of
goods upon a beast of burden, was transported to
Granada and deposited at the door of the municipal
palace. Then preparations were made for a ceremony
unparallelled in the history of civilized nations, and
whose character shows to what a depth the base de-
scendants of Castilian chivalry had fallen. Procla-
mation was issued for the celebration of a travesty of
regal authority and the offer of a public insult to the
dead. At the appointed time a vast multitude of peo-
ple, attracted by the novelty of the spectacle from
every comer of the city and for a distance of many
leagues around, crowded the streets and squares of the
picturesque old Moorish capital. The line of march
led from the Plaza de la Bab-al-Rambla to the foot of
the Alhambra hill, a route which in the glorious days
of the emirs had been the scene of many a martial
triumph. The procession was headed by the corpse of
Ibn-Abu, held erect by a concealed wooden frame-
work, which was fastened upon the back of a mule.
To insure its preservation, the body had been opened,
the viscera extracted, and the cavity filled with salt; it
was dressed in the scarlet and gold habiliments of roy-
alty; uponitshead was the turban of the khalifs; the
face was uncovered, and the pallid, ghastly features
seemed, in their fixed and mournful expression, to
gaze reproachfully upon the jeering throng. By the
side of the mule walked the traitor Gonzalo-al-Seniz,
bearing the splendid arms of the king he had betrayed,
a cross-bow and a scimetar embossed and damascened
with gold. In the rear marched a company of Moris-
802 HiSTOEY OF THE
coes, exempted from the general proscription for par-
ticipation in this ceremony, laden with the personal
effects and the baggage of the Moslem prince. A
numerous escort of arquebusiers enclosed the cortege,
which was received with becoming pomp by the cap-
tain-general and all the military and civil function-
aries of the kingdom. As 6onzalo-al-Seniz delivered
to the Duke of Arcos the glittering weapons which he
carried, he remarked in the figurative language of the
Orient, " The shepherd could not bring the sheep
alive, but he has brought the fleece/' In the presence
of the assembled dignitaries of the realm the head of
Ibn-Abu was cut off, and afterwards, placed in an
iron cage, was fixed upon the battlements of the gate
of Bab-al-Racha, which faced the Alpujarras. The
trunk was abandoned to a mob of children, who
amused themselves by hacking and disfiguring it until,
wearied of this extraordinary pastime, they consumed
it in a bonfire.
Such was the unworthy fate of the last of the impe-
rial line of the Ommeyades. Eight hundred years
before, Abd-al-Rahman, hunted like a wild animal
through the Libyan Desert, had been summoned from
a life of obscurity and danger to found a great and
powerful empire. Although it rapidly reached its
meridian, that empire required many centuries for its
final overthrow. The proud dynasty of the Western
Khalif ate ended as it had begun, in proscription, in
exile, in treachery, in violence. The causes which
hastened its maturity also contributed largely to its
decay. The aspirations of its sovereigns were, on the
main, noble and generous. Their services to humanity
were of incalculable value and of far-reaching effect.
The fire and sword of tyranny and persecution could
not efface the lasting impression made by the ideas
they promulgated, the science they developed, the lit-
eratiu*e they created. These survived the tortures of
*" Moorish Empire in Europe 808
the Inquisition, the anathemas of the Pope, the tur-
moil of revolution, the funeral pyres of Ximenes. It
is a remarkable fact that while the Hispano- Arabs
brought within the sphere of their influence and cul-
ture the most remote nations, their nearest neighbors
were incapable of appreciating their attainments or
profiting by their knowledge. The inveterate preju-
dice against every phase of Moorish life and manners
entertained by tiie Spanish Christians was fatal to
their intellectual development. They regarded the in-
truders as barbarians, as, indeed, the majority of their
descendants do even to this day. They were brought
in intimate contact with no other form of civilization,
and, rather than adopt what their ignorance and fanat-
icism prompted them to detest and despise, they chose
to rely on their own limited resources. In consequence,
their mental and social condition, so far from im-
proving, gradually retrograded. The Goths of the
age of Roderick were more polished, more intelligent,
actuated by better motives, capable of higher aspira-
tions, susceptible to nobler impulses than the Span-
iards governed by Charles and Philip. In their prog-
ress from the banks of the Vistula to the shores of the
Mediterranean, they had encountered many nations
long subject to the civilizing influence of Rome. Not
a few of them had visited the Eternal City itself.
Some had served in the armies of the decaying empire ;
all had been impressed by the grand and imposing
monuments of its magnificence and power. In the
court of the last of the Grothic kings were men not
unfamiliar with the masterpieces of classic literature.
Its publicists had framed a code of laws which is the
foundation of every modem system of jurisprudence.
In the mechanical arts Gothic skill and industry had
made no inconsiderable progress. While feudalism
had retarded the development of society, its privileges,
contrary to the practice of subsequent times, had not
804 History of the
as yet seriously encroached upon the dignity and pre-
rogatives of the throne. The institution of councils
under ecclesiastical influence was not entirely subser-
vient to the interests of superstition, and often exer-
cised a wholesome check upon the arbitrary designs of
a tyrannical sovereign.
With the Spaniards of the sixteenth centiny, every-
thing was subordinated to a single principle, the exal-
tation of the Church. Its servants were the chosen
confidants of the monarch ; its policy guided his move-
ments, controlled his actions, furnished his ideas, in-
flamed his prejudices. Whatever was worthy of the
name of learning the clergy monopolized and per-
verted. They diligently fostered the ignorance of the
masses, imtil in all the continent of Europe there is
not at the present time a more benighted class than the
peasantry of the Spanish Peninsula. The treasures
of the world were lavished with unparalleled prodigal-
ity upon religious institutions and edifices. A tithe of
the wealth squandered upon these vast foundations,
whose history is tainted with scandal, would have suf-
ficed, imder intelligent direction, to have transformed
the entire country into a garden and to have rendered
Spain one of the richest of nations. Ecclesiasticism
promoted crime and idleness by making beggary re-
spectable, and by countenancing the indiscriminate be-
stowal of alms as a cardinal virtue. The expulsion of
the Jews and the Moriscoes were acts entirely con-
sistent with the general scheme of its polity. They
were indispensable for the realization of religious
unity, to which every consideration of national wel-
fare, public faith, and individual probity were unhesi-
tatingly sacrificed. The atrocities which accompanied
these violent and disastrous measures were regarded
as peculiarly meritorious and most acceptable to an
avenging God. Upon such insecure foundations was
the splendid but unsubstantial fabric of Spanish
Moorish Emfib£ in Eueofe 806
greatness erected. A sad inheritance has descended
to the progeny of those stem warriors who founded
an empire on tiie wreck of civilization, the repudiation
of treaties, and the obliteration of entire races from
the face of the earth.
The war which had effected the conquest and en-
slavement of the Moriscoes lasted a little more than
three years. No period of the same duration in the
history of the Peninsula was fraught with more im-
portant consequences. The Spaniards lost by the cas-
ualties of battle, exposure, and disease sixty thousand
men. The losses of the Moors were much greater;
twenty thousand were killed with arms in their hands,
but no account has survived of those who were mas-
sacred in cold blood. The expense involved in the de-
struction of the most useful element of the population
appalled the corrupt and incompetent financiers of
the kingdom. Extraordinary and unwise fiscal meth-
ods, devised to remedy the evil, only rendered it more
aggravated and desperate. Repeated campaigns of
desolation had turned the whole country into a waste.
Not only was the material wealth annihilated, but the
means of recuperation were forever removed. Under
the iron hand of remorseless persecution, industry had
vanished. In vain the government offered alluring
inducements to immigrants and colonists, — fertile
lands, moderate rents, nominal taxation. Few ac-
cepted these offers and still fewer remained. The
provinces of the South continued a prey to the bri-
gands of the moimtains and the corsairs of Barbary.
Life and property were notoriously insecure. Cas-
tilian pride and indolence were unequal to the patient
drudgery which had made hill-side and valley blossom
with teeming vegetation; and men whose chosen trade
for ages had been war were wholly destitute of the
agricultural experience and skill necessary to repro-
duce these marvellous effects. The royal demesnes.
Vol. III.— 80
806 History op the
in 1592, yielded annually a sum equal to fifteoi thou-
sand dollars ; during the closing years of Moslem rule,
when the kingdom had heen exhausted by incessant
war and rebellion, tiie revenues from this source pro-
duced by territory of equal area and fertility had been
more than ten times as great, Plimdered, tortured,
expatriated, the Moriscoes were still subjected to in-
numerable vexations; the curse of their race was ever
upon them. But they were at last comparatively ex-
empt from the odious imputation of heresy. After
1595 the most rigid inquisitorial vigilance was unable
or unwilling to detect any heterodox opinions or
breaches of ecclesiastical discipline among these tm-
promising proselytes. And yet it was notorious that
they were ignorant of the doctrines of the Church, and
that competent persons were not appomted to instruct
them. Some zealots, indeed, maintained that they
should not be permitted to communicate, and that the
exposure of the Host in their churches was a desecra-
tion; others, on the other hand, refused absolution to
such as would not acknowledge apostasy. Their con-
fessions were often regarded as feigned, and the
priests who received them did not hesitate to violate
the obligations of tiieir order by divulging privileged
confidences to the magistrate. The Morisco could not
change his residence without permission; he was not
allowed the possession of arms; the approach within
forty miles of the kingdom of Granada was punish-
able with death. Notwithstanding these severe regu-
lations, many succeeded in evading the vigilance of
the authorities. Some took refuge in Valencia, where
the feudal lords still protected their bretiu-en; others
concealed themselves in the Alpujarras; many es-
caped to Africa. In their new homes they were gen-
erally treated with far more indulgence than in the
old. Prelates and nobles who profited by their in-
dustry not infrequently interposed their influence to
Moorish Empibe in Europe 807
prevent persecution, interested officials connived at
breaches of the law, and it was a common occurrence
for the alguazil appointed to prevent the observance
of the feast of Ramadhan to pass his time carousing
with those whom it was his office to restrain. The
condition of the Moriscoes was also rendered less in-
tolerable by the secret employment of both civil and
ecclesiastical dignitaries of high rank and extensive
influence, at a regular salary, to guard their rights
and frustrate the iniquitous designs of their enemies.
The once flourishing land of Granada was a desert,
but the demands of orthodox Christianity at last were
satisfied. The devout regarded with unconcealed com-
placency the fertile territory formerly rich in every
variety of agricultural products, and now abandoned
to sterility, but which was deffled no longer by the
contaminating presence of the heretic and the infidel.
But, while the Faith was vindicated by the expulsion
of these objects of pious detestation, the secret of
prosperity had departed with them. The imported
colonists were imable, under new and unfamiliar con-
ditions and heedless of the frugality and patience
which insure success, to render their undertakings
profitable; indeed, most of them could hardly exist.
Their taxes had, in violation of contract and on ac-
count of the pressing exigencies of the state, been
gradually increased; the demands of importunate
creditors and tyrannical officials made them desper-
ate; and these exactions, which exhausted the scanty
returns of an ill-conducted cultivation, kept the im-
f ortunate immigrants in a state of hopeless penury.
They either abandoned their farms or were forcibly
ejected, and in 1697 the royal estates were sold because
it was found impossible to operate them at a profit.
While in Granada such discouraging conditions pre-
vailed, those portions of the kingdom which had un-
willingly received the banished Moriscoes experienced
808 History of the
the beneficial results of their labors. The hitherto
barren regions of La Mancha and Estremadura began
to exhibit signs of unexampled fertility. The new
settlers were peaceable, f rugal» industrious. In Cas-
tile they were generally fanners; in Aragon, mer-
chants; in Valencia, manufacturers. Not a few at-
tained great distinction in the practice of medicine and
surgery; and, like the Jews of former ages, they were
frequently employed by the court and the family of
the sovereign. The life of Philip III. when a child
was saved by the skill of a Moorish physician, a service
which was ill-requited by the deeds of his manhood.
The exiles practically contributed the f imds which
supported the monarchy. The insatiable rapacity of
adventurers had soon exhausted the available wealth
of a magnificent colonial empire. Official corruption
constantly drained the ordinary sources of revenue.
In all financial difficulties taxation of the Moriscoes
afi^orded an unfailing and profitable means of replen-
ishing the treasury. Their burdens were first doubled,
then quadrupled. Every species of imposition was
practised upon them. Their debtors paid them in
spurious coin, struck for their benefit. False jewels
were pledged with them for loans. The chicanery of
the law was employed to defraud them with impunity,
while the most severe penalties were infficted upon
them for trifling breaches of trust. They were sys-
tematically swindled by cheats and usurers. In all
possible ways they were made to feel the immerited
degradation of their caste and the utter hopelessness
of relief. Yet under this weight of malevolence and
injustice they prospered and preserved at least the
appearance of equanimity. Nothing could, with
truth, be alleged against their morals. They were
nominally good Christians. They attended mass.
They conformed to the customs of their rulers, wore
their dress, participated in their festivals, spoke Cas-
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 809
tilian. Their regular and temperate lives and their
buoyant spirits under misfortune promoted extraor-
dinary longevity. It was by no means unusual to en-
coimter individuals whose age had passed the limit of
a century. Early marriages and polygamous unions
caused the population to increase with amazing
rapidity. The census taken regularly by the Moris-
coes to ascertain the proportion of taxes to be levied
upon them and to insure its equitable distribution
demonstrated conclusively that this growth was in a
progressive ratio that was phenomenal in its character.
The enumeration made at Valencia in 1602 show'ed an
increase of ten thousand in three years. Modem in-
vestigation has established the fact that a population
existing imder the most favorable economic conditions
will double itself every twenty-five years. The Moris-
coes were far exceeding that estimate, for their ratie
of increase was triple. This wonderful augmentation
must have been coincident with the highest degree of
prosperity, otherwise subsistence could not have been
provided for the multitudes of children. This con-
dition was not peculiar to Valencia: it was the same
in Aragon, in Castile, in Estremadura, in Andalusia.
The Moors who had failed to conquer their enemies
by arms now threatened to overwhelm them by sheer
force of numbers. The Spaniards, not being suffi-
ciently civilized to take their census regularly or ac-
curately, were ignorant of the numerical strength of
their own population, as compared with that of their
Moorish subjects; but it was evident that there was a
tremendous preponderance in favor of the latter.
The officials became so alarmed that just before the
death of Philip II. he was requested to prohibit any
further eniuneration of the Moriscoes, because it ac-
quainted them with their power and must eventually
prove prejudicial to the interests of the monarchy.
Besides their menacing increase, which no supervision!
810 History of the
however effective, could prevent, they possessed quali-
ties that made them highly obnoxious to their masters.
Their frugality and thrift, their shrewdness and en-
terprise, rendered competition with them impossible.
There was no profitable occupation in which they did
not excel. In agriculture they had no rivals. They
monopolized every industrial employment; all of the
most useful trades were under their control. They
undersold the Castihan peasantry in their own mar-
kets. Even the most opulent, instructed by previous
experience, sedulously avoided every exhibition of lux-
ury; but the Moorish artisan had not lost the taste and
dexterity of his ancestors, and the splendid products
of the loom and the armory still commanded high
prices in the metropolitan cities of Europe. It was
known that the Moriscoes were wealthy, and popular
opinion, as is invariably the case, delighted in exag-
gerating the value of their possessions. While they
sold much, they consumed comparatively little and
purchased even less. Although the offence of heresy
could no longer be consistently imputed to them, spe-
cious considerations of public policy, as well as defer-
ence to ineradicable national prejudice, demanded
their suppression. Their prosperity, secured at the
expense of their neighbors, and a standing reproach to
the idleness and incapacity of the latter, was the meas-
ure of Spanish decay. In the existing state of the
public mind, and under the direction of the statesmai
who controlled the actions of the King, a pretext could
readily be found for the perpetration of any injustice.
The Moriscoes of Valencia, the most numerous,
wealthy, and influential body of their race, protected
by the nobles, had always shown less alacrity in the
observance of the duties of the Church than their
brethren, and had thus rendered themselves liable to
tiie suspicion of apostasy. It was declared that after
^ generation of espionage, prayer, and religious in-
Moorish Emfibe in Europe 311
struction they were still secret Mussulmans. This
opinion, perhaps in some instances not without foun-
dation, amounted to absolute certainty in the narrow
mind of Don Juan de Bibera, Archbishop of Valen-
cia, a prelate of vindictive temper, arbitrary disposi-
tion, limited abilities, and violent prejudices. He
owed much of his reputation for piety to the fact that
he had denounced to the Inquisition more than four
thousand alleged Moorish apostates. Knowing his
feelings towards them, the Moriscoes generally turned
a deaf ear to his admonitions and threats, and thus fur-
ther incurred his displeasure. The energy of Ribera
was incessantly exerted for the ruin of these supposed
heretics, either by exile or by extermination. With
this end in view he addressed several memorials to
Philip III., who had now ascended the throne, in
which the objects of his wrath were accused of every
crime against the dvil and the moral law, — ^treason,
murder, kidnapping, blasphemy, sacrilege. In these
appeals the Moriscoes were called " the sponge that
ab^rbed the riches of Spain." He enforced his argu-
ments by the extraordinary statement that the destruc-
tion of the Armada was a divine judgment for the in-
dulgence exhibited towards these enemies of the Faith,
and that Philip II. was aware of it, for he himself had
informed him of that fact The recent occurrence of
earthquakes, tempests, and comets was also sagely at-
tributed to the same cause. The Moriscoes were not
ignorant of the designs which the Archbishop was
prosecuting to their injury, and endeavored to obtain
the assistance of France and England, both of whidi
countries were then hostile to Spain. They offered
King Henry IV. the services of a hundred thousand
weU-armed soldiers if he woidd invade the Peninsula.
The Duke of Sully says they even signalized their
willingness to embrace Protestantism in consideration
of support, it being a form of worship not tainted
812 HlSTOEY OF THE
with idolatry, like that of Rome. Negotiations were
privately opened with the courts of Paris and London,
and commissions were even appointed by the latter to
verify the claims of the Moriscoes; but no conclusion
was arrived at, and the plot was eventually betrayed
by the very sovereigns whose honor was pledged to the
maintenance of secrecy. An embassy was also sent to
the Sultan of Turkey by the Moors, soliciting his aid
and tendering him tiieir allegiance. No plan which
promised relief was neglected. The furious Ribera
again urged upon the King the dangers that the tol-
eration of such a numerous and perfidious people im-
plied; he alleged their prosperity and their superior
intelligence as crimes against the state; and as abso-
lute extermination did not seem to be feasible, he sug-
gested expulsion as of greater inconvenience, but of
equal efficacy. Once more the nobles interposed in
behalf of their vassals, and while the King was hesi-
tating the Moriscoes endeavored to anticipate his de-
cision by the formation of an extensive conspiracy.
Again tiiey were betrayed, this time by one of their
own number. Public opinion, aroused by these oc-
currences, and further inflamed by ecclesiastical malice
and by the pernicious influence of the Duke of Lerma,
the all-powerful minister of Philip III., now impera-
tively demanded their banishment. This nobleman,
of base antecedents and unprincipled character, and
whose dominating passion was avarice, was Viceroy
of Valencia. His brother was the Grand Inquisitor
Their influence easily overweighed the remonstrances
of the Pope, whose voice was raised on the side of
mercy.
On the fourth of August, 1609, the royal decree
which announced the fate of the Moriscoes of Valen-
cia was signed at Segovia. No precaution which pru-
dence could suggest was neglected to prevent disaster
consequent upon its enforcement. Great bodies of
MooBiSH Empiee in Eubope 818
troops were placed under anns. The frontiers of the
kingdom were patrolled by cavalry. Seventy-seven
ships of war, the largest m the navy, were assembled
on the coast. In every town the garrison was doubled.
Several thousand veterans disembarked from the fleet
and were distributed at those points where the Morisco
population was most niunerous. Such preparations
left no alternative but submission, and the Valencians,
anticipating the final movement which would deliver
the unhappy Moors into their hands, began to rob and
persecute them without pity. Even after all had been
arranged for the removal, the nobles urged Philip to
revoke an order which must cause incalculable injury
to his kingdom. The most solemn and binding guar-
antees were offered for the public safety and for the
peaceable behavior of the Moriscoes. It was demon-
strated that the manufacturing and agricultural inter-
ests of the entire monarchy were involved ; that a pop-
ulation of a million souls, whose industry represented
of itself a source of wealth which could not be re-
placed, would be practically exterminated; that the
educational and religious foundations of the realm
alone received from Moorish tributaries an annual
sum exceeding a million doubloons of gold. It was
also shown that the vassals of the Valencian nobles
paid them each year four million ducats, nearly thirty-
two million dollars. The alleged conspiracies were
imputed to the malice of the monks, who invented
them in the cloister; the heresies to ignorance of the
clergy, too idle or too negligent to afford their par-
ishioners instruction. The evil results of the iniquitous
decree had already begun to manifest themselves.
The cultivation of the soil had almost ceased. The
markets were deserted. Conmaerce languished, and
the Moriscoes, to avoid the insults of the populace to
which they were now subjected, only appeared in the
streets when impelled to do so by absolute necessity.
814 History of the
The Archiepiscopal See of Valencia, which derived its
revenues ahnost entirely from Morisco taxation, was
threatened with bankruptcy, and Don Juan de Bibera,
realizing when too late the disastrous consequences of
the project he had so sedulously advocated, now in
vain endeavored to stem the tide of public bigotry and
official madness. While bewailing his unhappy con-
dition to his clerical subordinates, he was heard to
plaintively remark, " My brethren, hereafter we shall
be compelled to live upon herbs and to mend our own
shoes."
Philip refused to reconsider his determination, and
the nobilily manifested their loyalty by the unflinching
support of a measure running directly counter to their
interests. On the twenty-second of September, 1609,
the edict of expulsion was proclaimed by heralds
throughout the kingdom of Valencia. It represented
that by a special act of royal clemency " the heretics,
apostates, traitors, criminals guilty of Use-majestS
human and divine," were punished with exile rather
than with death, to which the strict construction of the
laws condemned them. It permitted the removal of
such efPects as could be carried, and as much of their
harvests as was necessary for subsistence during their
joiuney ; all else was to be forfeited to their suzerains.
They were forbidden to sell their lands or houses.
Three days of preparation were granted; after that
they were declared the legitimate prey of every as-
sailant. Dire penalties were denounced against all
who should conceal them or in any way assist in the
evasion of the edict. Those who had intermarried with
Christians could remain, if they desired; and six per
cent, of the families were to be reserved by the lords,
that the horticultural and mechanical dexterity which
had enriched the coimtry might not be absolutely ex-
tinguished. These subjects of interested clemency
MoosisH Empise in Europe 815
refused to accept this invidious concession, however,
and hastened to join their countrjrmen heyond the sea.
The wretched Moriscoes received the tidings of their
expatriation with ahnost the despair with which they
would have listened to a sentence of death. Astonish-
ment, arising from the suddenness of the notice and
the inadequate time allotted them for preparation, was
mingled with their dismay. The traditions of cen-
turies, the souvenirs of national glory, the memory of
their ancestors, contributed to endear them to tiieir
native land. There were centred the most cherished
associations of a numerous and cultivated race. All
aroxmd were the visible signs of thrift and opulence
and their results, won by laborious exertion from the
soil. The disfigured but still magnificent monuments
of fallen dynasties recalled the departed glory of
Arab genius and Moslem power. The loss* of their
wealth, the sacrifice of their possessions, portended
the endurance of calamities for which they were ill-
prepared, and of whose dreadful character their most
gloomy apprehensions could convey no adequate con-
ception.
In every Moorish community appeared the signs of
unutterable misery and woe. The shrieks of frenzied
women pierced the air. Old men sobbed upon the
hearthstones where had been passed the happy days of
infancy and youth. Overcome with grief, life-long
friends met in the streets without notice or salutation.
Even little children, unable to comprehend, yet awed
by the prevailing sorrow, ceased their play to mingle
their tears with those of their parents.
As the disconsolate and sobbing multitude, urged
on by the ferocious soldiery taught by their religion
to regard these victims of national prejudice as the
enemies of Christ, left their homes behind forever,
their trials and sufferings increased with their prog-
ress. The government provided them with neither
816 HiSTOEY OF THE
food, shelter, nor transportation. The difficulties of
the march were aggravated by clouds of dust and by
the pitiless heat of summer. Many were bom on the
highway. Great numbers fell from exhaustion.
Some, in desperation, committed suicide. Every
straggler was butchered by the armed rabble which,
equally ravenous for plunder or blood, constantly
hung on the flanks of the slowly moving column.
Many were assassinated by Old Christians, men of
Moorish ancestry, the conversion of whose forefathers
dated before the Conquest, and who told their beads
and muttered prayers after each murder, as if they
had conunitted an action acceptable to God. The
armed brigands who composed the escort vied with the
mob in their atrocities. The men were openly killed,
the women violated. Their property was appropriated
by force. Some died of hunger. Parents, in their
extremity, became so oblivious of the instincts of
nature as to barter their children for a morsel of bread.
When they embarked for Africa they fared even
worse than they had done on land. On tiie sea the op-
portunities for outrage were multipUed, the means of
escape and detection diminished. No pen can portray
the horrors visited upon the unhappy Moriscoes, help-
less in the midst of savage enemies who were insen-
sible to pity, hardened by cruelty, and dominated by
the furious lust of beauty and gold.
The decree was not received everywhere with the
same submission as at the city of Valencia. There the
exiles, overawed by the large military force, yielded
without disturbance. Half -crazed by misfortune,
they even feigned exultation, marched on board the
ships dressed in holiday costume and headed by bands
of music, and in token of delight gave themselves up
to the most extravagant exhibitions of joy. Some
kissed the shore, others plunged into the sea, others
again quaffed the briny water as if it were a delicious
Moorish Empire in Europe 817
beverage. Before embarking they sold much of their
property, and articles of great elegance and beauty —
curiously wrought vessels of gold and enamel, silken
veils embroidered with silver, magnificent garments —
were disposed of for a small fraction of their value.
During these transactions, and in settlement of their
passage to Africa, the Moriscoes succeeded in placing
in circulation an immense amoimt of counterfeit
money which they had obtained in Catalonia, thus lit-
erally paying the Spaniards in their own coin. The
portable wealth of which the kingdom was deprived
by their banishment cannot be estimated. It
amounted, however, to many millions of ducats.
Some of the exiles were known to possess a hundred
thousand pieces of gold, an enormous fortune in those
times. It was ascertained after their departure that
their lords, in defiance of law, had purchased many of
their estates, and had connived at the sale or conceal-
ment of a great amount of their personal property.
Those who succeeded in reaching the cities were re-
ceived with courteous hospitality, but the desert tribes
showed scant mercy to the multitudes that fell into
their hands.
Elsewhere in the kingdom the Moriscoes stubbornly
resisted the decree of expatriation. The Sierra de
Bemia and the Vale of Alahuar were the scene of
the most serious disturbances, and at one time twenty
thousand insurgents were in the field. Armed for the
most part with clubs, their valor was ineffectual in the
presence of veteran troops. The women alone were
spared; the men were butchered; the brains of chil-
dren were beaten out against the walls. The garrison
of the castle of Pop, which for a few weeks defied the
Spanish army, alone obtained advantageous terms.
Of the one hundred and fifty thousand Moors exiled
from Valencia, at least two-thirds perished. A large
number had previously succumbed to persecution or
818 HiSTOEY OF THE
had escaped, and including these the total number of
victims of the inauguration of the insane policy of
Philip III. was at least two hundred thousand. The
continuance of that policy until its aim had been fully
accomplished had already been determined on by the
councillors of the King. The secrecy which concealed
their design did not impose upon those who were the
objects of it. They began by tens of thousands to
emigrate quietly to Africa. Then the decree, which
had been signed a month before, was published, with
an attempt to give the impression that it had been pro-
voked by a circumstance of which it was really the
cause, namely, the agitation of the Moriscoes. The
latter were peremptorily conunanded to leave the king-
dom within eight days. They were forbidden to take
with them money, gold, jewels, bills of exchange, or
merchandise. They were not permitted to dispose of
their estates. In Catalonia their property was confis-
cated, " in satisfaction of debts which they might have
owed to Christians," and three days only were allowed
them in which to prepare for departure. Their little
children were to be left behind to the tender mercies of
their oppressors, in order that their salvation might
be assured. Those of the northern provinces were
prohibited from moving southward; those of Anda-
lusia were directed to emigrate by sea. Within the
allotted time all were in motion. The embarkation of
the exiles destined for Africa was effected without
difficulty. But their brethren of Castile and Aragon
were refused admission into France, by the direct
order of Henry IV., to whose agency was largely at-
tributable their deplorable condition. His opportune
death somewhat relaxed official severity, and a great
number entered Provence. Although they were
peaceable and inoffensive, the French were anxious to
be rid of their imwelcome guests. Free transportation
was furnished them by the city of Marseilles, and they
MooEiSH Empibe in Eueope 819
Mrere distributed through Turkey, Italy, and Africa.
So many died during the passage by sea that their dead
bodies encumbered the b^dh, and the peasants refused
for a long time to eat fish, declaring that it had the
taste of human flesh. The progress of the unfortu-
nates driven northward was marked by daily scenes
of persecution and agony. The commissioners ap-
pointed to supervise the emigration connived at the
evasion of the decree for their own profit. They ex-
torted enormous sums for protection, which their duty
required them to afford without compensation, and
which, even after these impositions, was insolently de-
nied. Those things which the ordinary dictates of
humanity delight to bestow were sold to the hapless
wanderers at fabulous prices. For the shade of the
trees on the highway the grasping and imprincipled
peasant exacted a rental; and the water dipped from
the streams in the trembling hands of the sufferers
commanded a higher price than that usually paid for
the wine of the coimtry. The little which the conmiis-
sioners overlooked was seized by rapacious French
officials, and the condition of the Moriscoes was still
further aggravated by the absconding of those of their
number to whom the common purse had been in-
trusted.
In the mercUess proscription thus imposed upon an
entire people, an insignificant number temporarily
escaped. In the latter were included yoimg children
torn from their parents to be educated by the Chin-ch,
and such persons " of good life and religion" as the
clergy, through interested or generous motives, chose
to recommend to royal indulgence. In 1611 the ex-
emption enjoyed by these classes was removed;
searching inquiry was instituted throughout the king-
dom, and every individual of Moorish blood who could
be discovered was inexorably condemned to banish-
ment or slavery. By the persecution of the Moriscoes
n
820 History of the
and the losses by war, assassination, voluntary emigra-
tion, and enforced exile, Spain was deprived of the
services of more than a million of the most intelligent,
laborious, and skilful subjects in Christendom. Those
who were finally excluded were probably not more
than half of the entire Mooridi population. No sta-
tistics are accessible in our day from whidb an estimate
can be formed of the vast number that perished by
famine, by torture, by massacre. Their trials were
not at an end even in Africa; they were pursued for
sectarian differences, and some who were sincere
Christians returned to Spain, where they were at once
sentenced to the galleys. The skill and thrift of the
Moriscoes, qualities which should have made them de-
sirable, rendered them everywhere unpopular; they
monopolized the trade of the ^arbary coast, even
driving out the Jews; in Algiers the populace rose
against them, all were expelled, and large numbers
were remorselessly butchered. Hatred of their op-
pressors induced many of hitherto peaceful occupa-
tions to embrace the trade of piracy, and the southern
coast of the Peninsula had reason to long remember
the exploits of the Morisco corsairs.
The ruthless barbarity, the blind and reckless folly
of this measure, was followed by an everlasting curse
of barrenness, ignorance, and penury. The sudden
removal of enormous amounts of portable wealth de-
ranged every kind of trade. The circulation of coun-
terfeit money impaired public confidence. In Valen-
cia four hundred and fifty viUages were abandoned.
The absence of the most industrious and prosperous
class of its inhabitants was apparent in every commu-
nity of Castile. Catalonia lost three-quarters of its
population. The districts of Aragon rendered deso-
late by Moorish expulsion have never been repeopled.
Agricultural science and mechanical skill disappeared.
The hatred and disdain entertained by the Spaniards
Moorish Empire in Europe 821
for the conquered race had never permitted them to
profit hy the experience and ingenuity of the latter.
Intercourse with a Moor brought moral and social con-
tamination. Still less could the admission of infe-
riority, which the adoption of his methods implied, be
tolerated by the haughty, the vainglorious, the impe-
cunious hidalgo.
The effects of the discouragement of all forms of
art and industry consequent upon war and persecution
had been felt long previous to the expulsion of the
Moriscoes in every part of the Peninsula. For many
years after the capture of Cordova by Ferdinand III.,
it was found necessary to bring provisions from the
North, not only for the support of the army, but to
rescue from famine the sparse and thriftless popula-
tion of a province which under the Ommeyade khalif s
maintained with ease the great capital, as well as
twelve thousand villages and hamlets.
The decline in the number of inhabitants under
Spanish rule indicates the utter stagnation of trade
and agriculture. In 1492 the population of Castile
was six and three-quarter million; in 1700 there were
in the entire kingdom of Spain but six million souls —
such had been the significant retrogression in two hun-
dred years.
The combined revenues of the Spanish Crown at
the close of the fifteenth century amounted to a sum
equal to three hundred thousand dollars, about one-
thousandth of the annual receipts of the imperial
treasury at the death of Abd-al-Rahman III., seven
hundred years before.
Fifty years after the banishment of the Moors, the
combined population of the cities of Cordova, Seville,
Toledo, Granada, had decreased by more than four-
fifths; it is now about one-tenth of its amount during
the Moslem domination. In 1788 there were fifteen
hundred and eleven deserted towns in the Peninsula.
Vou IIL— 91
822 HiSTOBT OF THE
Toledo, celebrated for its silken fabrics, in the latter
part of the fifteenth century had sixty thousand
looms ; in 1651 it had five thousand ; to-day it has none.
The same industry was pursued with great success at
Seville; in the seventeenth century the number of its
looms had decreased from sixteen thousand to sixteen.
All other branches of manufactures declined in the
same proportion. Even a large part of the kingdom
of Valencia, the garden of Europe, was for years an
uninhabited wilderness. With the Moslem expulsion
the knowledge of many arts, once the source of great
profit, was hopelessly lost.
To the pious Spaniard all these sacrifices were as
nothing when compared with the triumph of the Faith.
The ports were unoccupied, the quays grass-grown,
but the armies of the Cross had conquered. The man-
ufactories had fallen into decay, the streets were silent,
the highways were deserted except by the timorous
traveller and the liu-king robber, but not a Moslem
or a Jewish heretic was to be encountered in His Most
Catholic Majesty's dominions. At the close of the
seventeenth century, throughout the entire Peninsula,
once the centre of learning in Europe, the resort of
scholars of every land, the seat of the greatest educa-
tional institutions of the Middle Ages, not a single
academy existed where instruction could be obtained
in astronomy, natural philosophy, or any branch of
mathematics. A hundred years later no one could be
f oimd who understood even the rudiments of chemis-
try. To-day, among the inhabitants of Spain, accord-
ing to the published tables of statistics, only one person
in every four can read. But what mattered the de-
struction of commerce, the decay of production, the
dearth of intelligence, if the land was purged of false
doctrines? Was it not a source of national congratu-
lation that ecclesiastical authority was once more para-
mount; that half of the able-bodied population, male
MooBisn Empekb m Eubofe 838
and female, were devoted to monastic life; that mag-
nificent religious f owidations, such as the world had
never before seen, arose on every side; that, though
the royal treasury was bankrupt,- the annual revenues
of the Church amounted to nearly fifty-three million
doUars? Surely these manifold divine blessings were
not to be weighed with the transitory benefits derived
from the labors of a mass of perverse and unregen-
erate heretics!
The results, both immediate and remote, of this
crime against civilization thus proved fatal to Spain.
Its principal sources of subsistence removed, the king-
dom was desolated by famine. It became necessary
to extend public aid to many noble families, once af-
fluent, but now impoverished by the suicidal course of
the crown. Popular sentiment, exasperated by dis-
tress, denoimced in unsparing terms the authors of the
national calamity. The Archbishop of Valencia, im-
able to endure tiie daily reproaches to which he was
subjected, and overcome by the sufferings for which
he was responsible, died of remorse. Silence and
gloom occupied vast tracts formerly covered by ex-
uberant vegetation. In the place of the farmer and
the mechanic appeared the brigand and the outlaw.
Deprived of protection, the open country was aban-
doned; the peasantry sought the security of fortified
places, and all occupations whose pursuit implied ex-
posure to the danger of violence were necessarily sus-
pended. The conditions controlling every rank of
society which were established in the Peninsula by the
blind and savage prejudices of the seventeenth cen-
tury are largely prevalent to-day. A dreadful retri-
bution has followed a tragedy whose example happily
no other nation has ventured to imitate; and which,
from the hoiu* of its occurrence, has afflicted with
every misfortune to the last generation the people re-
sponsible for its hideous atrocities.
824 HiSTOBT OF THE
CHAPTER XXVII
GENERAL CONDITION OF EUROPE FROM THE VIII. TO
THE XVI. CENTUEY
700-1500
Effects of Barbarian Supremacy on the Nations of Europe — Rise
of the Papal Power — Character of the Popes — ^Their Vices
and Crimes — The Interdict — Corrupt Practices of Prelates
and Degradation of the Papacy — Institution of the Monas-
tic Orders — ^Their Grreat Influence — ^Their Final Degeneragr
— ^Wealth of the Religious Houses — ^The Byzantine Sjrstem
— Its Characteristics — Power of the Eunuchs — Splendor of
Constantinople — Destruction of Learning — Debased Condi-
tion of the Greeks — The People of Western Europe — ^Tyr-
anny of Caste and its Effects — Feudal Oppression — ^Life of
the Noble — His Amusements — ^The Serf and his Degrada-
tion— His Hopeless Existence — ^Treatment of the Jews —
Prevalence of Epidemics — : Religious Festivals — General
Ignorance — Scarcity and Value of Books — Persecution of
Learning — ^The Empire of the Church — Its Extraordinary
Vitality.
In order that the reader may thoroughly understand
and properly appreciate the moral and intellectual
supremacy of the Spanish Arabs and their prodigious
advance in the domain of science and the arts, I have
thought it advisable, by way of contrast, to present to
him a short and superficial sketch of the religious, po-
litical, and domestic conditions which prevailed in the
society of contemporaneous Europe. The extent of
this vast and comprehensive subject — one which has
exhausted the erudition of many great historians,
whose works of themselves would constitute a consid-
erable library — ^must, therefore, excuse the incomplete
and cursory character of this chapter; while its im-
Moorish Empire in Europe 825
portance as a standard of comparison will account for
an apparent deviation from the general plan embraced
by these volumes.
The elegant luxury and refined civilization of the
Romans had disappeared amidst the universal anarchy
which followed the dissolution of their empire. The
boundaries of great states and kingdoms had been
obliterated. Provinces once famed for their fertility
were now the haunts of prowling beasts and truculent
barbarians. The despotic but generally salutary gov-
ernment of the Caesars had everywhere, save in the
immediate vicinity of Byzantium, been replaced by the
capricious and irregular jurisdiction of petty diief-
tains, whose violent passions were restrained only by
their weakness, and of marauding princes, ambitious
to destroy every vestige of that arcUtectural magnifi-
cence and mental culture whose monuments they de-
spised, and whose example they had neither the desire
nor the capacity to emulate. Instead of a smiling
landscape, everywhere exhibiting the traces of agri-
cultural skill and laborious and patient industry, a
prospect of universal desolation met the eye of the
anxious and hurrying wayfarer. Moss-grown heaps
of rubbish alone marked the site of many a once flour-
ishing and opulent city. The towering aqueducts, —
those engineering marvels of the ancient world, —
whose majestic ruins still excite the admiration of all
mankind, were broken and fallen into decay. The
peerless temples and altars of the gods had been dese-
crated by the hands of sacrilegious Goth, Hun, and
LfOmbard. Bands of brigands, insensible to pity,
swarmed upon the highways. In the cities the equita-
ble decisions of the prsetor had been supplanted by
the extortions of ecclesiastical fraud and barbarian in-
solence. The vices prevalent during the most aban-
doned period of Roman licentiousness had survived,
and had been aggravated by the unfeeling cruelty of
L
826 History op the
the conquerors. No scruples of humanity or delicacy
imggested the concealment of the most revolting
orgies. The streets of the Eternal City exhibited
enormities whose very mention the rules of modem
propriety do not tolerate. Banquets where the brutal
propensities of the turbulent and uncouth guests were
indulged to the utmost constantly afforded provoca-
tion for bloodshed and murder. Knowledge of letters,
understanding and appreciation of the arts, had
already wholly vanished. The literary masterpieces
of classic genius remained unknown or forgotten in
the insignificant collections of scattered libraries, or
had been buried under the smoking ruins of those in-
stitutions of learning which once adorned the capitals
and the provincial cities of Greece and Italy.
By the accident of geographical position, by the
adoption of familiar political maxims, and by the in-
corporation into its ritual of many ceremonies long
endeared to the votaries of Paganism, the Church of
Rome had secured an influence over the minds of men
which imder any other circumstances it could scarcely
have acquired. The revered name and dignity of
Supreme Pontiff imparted authority to its decrees and
gave prestige to its decisions on questions of doctrine.
The five Christian emperors, from Constantine to
Gratian, adopted without alteration the attributes and
wore the insignia of the sacred office established by
Numa and usurped by Augustus. The asstimption of
imperial power is shown by the extent of Papal juris-
diction long sharply defined by the ancient limits of
the empire. The adoption of the Latin idiom enabled
the Church to conmiunicate secretly with its servants
in the most distant countries; while at the same time
it invested the proceedings of its worship with a mys-
tery which awed the ignorant and fanatic believer.
The splendid ceremonial, the imposing temples, the
elaborate vestments, the costly furniture of the altar
Moorish Empibe in Europe 827
enriched with gold and jewels, the incense, the solemn
chants, the consecration of the Host, — ^all powerfully
impressed the superstitious children of the slaves of
ancient mythology, in whose minds still lingered traces
of those traditions which had been received by their
fathers with the implicit faith due to the oracles of the
gods.
In the course of centuries, the primitive simplicity
of the Gospel and the purity of life which distin-
guished the first Christians had been lost in the com-
plex theology, in the imseemly contests for precedence,
in the crimes and the licentiousness which distracted
the society of the Eternal City. From a simple priest,
whose tenure of oflSce was dependent on the pleasure
of his associates, the Bishop of Rome had been exalted
into a mighty sovereign, responsible only to the powers
of Heaven. The palace of the Vatican exhibited all
the vices of the most corrupt of courts. The assump-
tion of infallibility, — ^an inevitable result of the pre-
posterous claims of the Papacy, — ^through the contra-
dictory interpretations of different individuals whose
interests were conflicting led to the most opposite con-
clusions, often to results fatal to the peace and honor
of the Chiu-ch. The faith of the populace was weak-
ened. Infidelity in the priesthood became too com-
mon to excite remark. The universal depravity was
incredible and appalling. The general demoralization
resulting from the example of the clergy, whose athe-
ism and debauchery were proverbial, threatened the
existence of society, a catastrophe which the thorough
organization of the hierarchy alone prevented. Even in
the fifteenth century Machiavelli wrote, " The nearer
a nation is to Rome the more impious are the people."
When the German Schopp called the famous scholar,
Casaubon, an atheist, the latter retorted: " If I were
an atheist I should now be at Rome, where I have
often been invited." The effects of this superb eccle-
1
828 HlSTOEY OF THE
siastical organization were not long in manifesting
themselves. The legitimate resources of power were
aided by every device of fraud, of oppression, of
imposture, of forgery. A succession of able and un-
principled pontiffs fastened on Christendom a yoke
which the intelligence and the science of subsequent
generations have not even yet been able to entirely
remove. The temporal supremacy of the Caesars was
re-established over Europe; the dogmas of Catholi-
cism were preached in distant continents unknown to
the ancient world; and a tyranny far more terrible
in its consequences than that experienced under the
cruel rule of Nero and Domitian was imposed upon
the intellectual aspirations of mankind.
No branch of history affords such a significant illus-
tration of human craft and human weakness as the
story of the ambition, the intrigues, and the vices of
the Popes. In its consideration, the fact must never
be lost sight of that the Holy Father was, as a neces-
sary consequence of his creed, the earthly embodiment
of spiritual perfection, — ^the vicegerent of Almighty
God. Either the admission of a single error of judg-
ment, or a controversy involving the most insignificant
tenet sustained by one pope and disputed by his suc-
cessor, was fatal to the claim of infallibility, which
was the foundation of the entire ecclesiastical system.
The omniscience conferred by the apostolic succes-
sion, which traced its origin to the Saviour Himself,
could never be mistaken. The example of the Su-
preme Pontiff, the relations he sustained to the great
ofiicials of his court, his occupations, his diversions, his
tastes, his habits, his conversation, were of far greater
importance in the eyes of the meanest peasant of some
remote kingdom who acknowledged his mission than
were the most glorious achievements of any temporal
sovereign. The possibilities for the attainment to po-
sitions of such authority and influence as were offered
Moorish Empire in Eueope 829
by the Roman Catholic hierarchy had been unknown
to Paganism. These opportunities enabled men of
base origin, but of extraordinary talents, to reach the
chair of St. Peter, men whose faults were overlooked
or palliated by the indulgent Sipirit of the age on
account of the successful prosecution of their schemes
and the veneration which attached to their caUing.
Thus, among the powers of the earth, highest in
rank, greatest in renown, supreme in influence, pre-
eminent in infamy, was the Papacy of Rome. The
maintenance of an uniform standard of orthodoxy
was little considered by the spiritual potentate whose
will was the law of Christendom. It is well known
to every student of Church history that Jewish doc-
trines predominated in the early days of Christianity
and controlled the policy of its priesthood. The
Pagan ideas and ceremonies inherited from the Roman
pontiffs it never laid aside. Every form of heterodox
belief was entertained at different periods by the in-
cumbents of the Holy See. St. Clement was an
Arian; Anastasius a Nestorian; Honorius a Mono-
theHte; John XXII. an unconcealed atheist. The
contradictory dogmas, the acrimonious disputes, the
frightful anathemas, that resulted from the adoption
of these heretical principles of doctrine were the pub-
lic reproach of the Christian world. As the power
of the Papacy increased, its possession became more
and more an object to ambitious and unscrupulous
adventurers. It was sought and obtained by arts
countenanced only by the vilest of demagogues. It
was sold by one Pope to another; and, like the im-
perial laurel appropriated by the Pretorian Guards,
it was put up at auction by cardinals and became the
property of the most wealthy purchaser. Some of the
Holy Fathers had not taken orders; others had not
even received the sacraments of baptism and com-
munion before being invested with the pontifical dig-
880 HiSTOEY OF THE
nity. In some instances the tiara and the mitre were
placed upon the brows of children. Neither John
XII. nor Benedict IX. had attained the age of thirteen
years when intrusted with the direction of the spir-
itual affairs of Christendom. An infant of five years
was consecrated Archbishop of Rheims. Another who
was only ten was placed upon the episcopal throne
of Narbonne. Alonso of Aragon, tiie natural son
of Ferdinand the Catholic, was made Archbishop of
Saragossa at the age of six. The origin of the vicars
of Christ was sometimes of the most obscure and often
of the most disgraceful character. Stephen VII.,
John X., John XI., John XII., Boniface VII., Greg-
ory VII., were the sons of courtesans. In some in-
stances the infamy was further increased by the addi-
tional stigma attaching to the crime of incest. The
famous courtesan Marozia, who for the greater part
of her life disposed of the Papacy at her will, is
credited with the installation of eight Popes, all her
lovers or her children, one of whom was at once her
son and grandson. The empire she acquired by her
talents and her beauty lasted almost a quarter of a
century. To that epoch is ascribed an occurrence that
many writers have designated as fabulous, but which
is established by evidence far more convincing than
many events that have successfully withstood the most
formidable assaults of hostile criticism. It was long
asserted by chroniclers of the orthodox faith, and uni-
versally credited, that in the capital of Christianity,
hallowed by the glorious deaths of countless martyrs,
linked with the proud associations of the rise and
progress of the spiritual power of the Papacy, and
ennobled by the most signal victories of the Church,
a monstrous prodigy had occurred. It was said that
Pope John VIII., whose sex had hitherto been un-
suspected save by those favored with her intimacy,
while returning from the celebration of a solemn fes-
Moorish Empire in Europe 881
tival, at the head of a procession of cardinals and
bishops and surrounded with the glittering emblems
of pontifical power and majesty, had been seized with
the throes of parturition in one of the most public
thoroughfares of Rome.
The original acceptance of and belief in this por-
tentous catastrophe, and its subsequent denial, form
one of the most curious episodes in the annals of the
Church. For five centuries it was implicitly received
as historic truth. The life of Pope Joan long occupied
a prominent place in the biographies of the successors
of St. Peter, dedicated to eminent prelates, often to
the Pontifi^s themselves. The occurrence — ^whose lo-
cality was marked by the statue of a woman wearing
the Papal insignia and holding a child in her arms —
was minutely described in the works of learned and
respectable Ustorians. This memorial was thrown into
the Tiber by the order of Sixtus V. Her bust, de-
stroyed by Charles VIII. during the French invasion
of Italy, was long an ornament of one of the churches
of Sienna. Until the time of Leo X. certain cere-
monies, which cannot be described, were publicly insti-
tuted at the election of every Pope to determine his
sex. To these even the licentious Borgia was forced
to conform. John Huss, when arraigned before the
Council of Constance, amidst an unbroken silence, re-
proached the ecclesiastical dignitaries assembled to
condemn him, and whom the slightest heretical asser-
tion roused to tumultuous fury, with the imposture
which had so signally demonstrated the weakness of
the vaimted inspiration of the Papacy. More than
five himdred writers, whose interests were identical
with those of the Vatican — ^among them chroniclers,
polemic divines, authorities on the history of the
Church and its discipline, all enthusiastic members of
the Roman Catholic commimion — ^have confirmed the
existence of a female Pope.
882 History of the
But, whether true or false, the disgrace consequent
upon this gigantic scandal was insignificant when
compared with the moral efi^ect of the long series of
crimes which disfigure the annals of Papal Rome.
The shameless venality of the Princes of the Churdi
had from the most remote times disgraced the pro-
ceedings by which was elevated to the throne of the
apostles the inmiaculate Vicar of Grod. So corrupt
was the ecclesiastical society of the capital that no
Pontifi^ who endeavored to live a moral life was secure
for a single hour. Celestine was poisoned at the in-
stance of the cardinals eighteen days after receiving
the tiara. Adrian V. was poisoned in the conclave
itself before his election. The partisans of antago-
nistic claimants of the Papacy pursued each other with
a vindictiveness scarcely equalled by the most intense
bitterness of political faction. Each aspirant to the
pontifical dignity denounced his opponent as an anti-
pope, and exhausted the rich vocabulary of clerical
invective in consigning him to the vengeance of
Heaven. The defeated candidate was subjected to
every variety of torture; to the deprivation of his
nose, his eyes, his tongue; to the suffering of confine-
ment in noisome dimgeons ; to the pangs of prolonged
starvation. The temporal enemies of the Holy Father
fared even worse than his rivals for spiritual suprem-
acy. No deed was considered too flagitious for the
removal of a dangerous and obstinate adversary. In-
nocent IV. employed the trusted physician and friend
of the Emperor Frederick II. to compass his destruc-
tion. The Emperor Henry VII. was poisoned by
order of Clement V. The assassination of the Medici
under Sixtus IV. was planned by that Pope, and car-
ried out before the altar, the signal for attack being the
elevation of the Host by the celebrant, an archbishop.
Half of the population of Rome was sacrificed to
gratify the malignity of Formosus, whose quarrels
MooBiSH Empire in Eubofe 888
long survived him and desolated the fairest provinces
of Italy. Three years after the establishment of the
Inquisition in Spain by Gregory IX. its victims
already numbered tens of thousands.
In the variety and shrewdness of schemes for pro-
curing money the statesmen of no government have
ever equalled the astute financiers of the Apostolic
See. In additidn to the infinite number of vexatious
and cruel expedients suggested by the possession and
exercise of irresponsible power, the Popes employed
means which violated every precept of morality, but
whose successful issue demonstrated the practical
wisdom which had inspired them. Simony was in-
variably practised, and not infrequently defended,
even by those whose manifest duty it was to suppress
it. The wealthiest candidate for the Papacy, whose
physical infirmities indicated a speedy demise, had the
best prospect for the realization of his ambition. The
price of a cardinal's hat varied from one thousand to
ten thousand florins; the pallium of an archbishop
was rated still higher in the ecclesiastical market, for
the dignity of which it was the symbol usually brought
thirty thousand ducats in gold. To meet this tax
demanded at the death of every metrojpolitan, the
new incumbent was sometimes reduced to pledge the
furniture of the altar as security to Jewish usurers,
who alone were able to raise such exorbitant amounts;
and it was a source of complaint among the devout
that Hebrew children had been seen to amuse them-
selves with the utensils consecrated to pious uses, and
that in the unhallowed orgies of their fathers sacred
vessels were habitually profaned which had originally
been destined to receive the body and blood of Christ.
When the exigencies of the Pontiff required it, the
sacrifice of a few cardinals afforded a safe and easy
means of replenishing the Papal treasury by the sale
of the vacant dignities and by the reversion of the
884 History of the
estates of the victims to the domain of the Holy See.
It is a well-known fact that Alexander VI. died from
drinking poisoned wine intended for certain princes
of the Church whom he had invited to share his treach-
erous hospitality. Great wealth was obtained by tiie
sale of absolutions granted by one Pope from the
anathemas of his predecessor. This device suggested
the traffic in indulgences, promising immunity from all
punishment for crime. The avarice of Johii XXII.
prompted him to draw up and promulgate a sdiedule
of fines, so that by the payment of trifling sums the
culprit was completely absolved from the moral and
secular consequences of the most atrocious offences in
the criminal calendar.
In their relations with foreign courts the Popes
brought to bear every source of corruption and vio-
lence for the accomplishment of their ends. They
availed themselves of the prestige attaching to their
sacred office for the encouragement of insurrection
and parricide. They openly sold the investitures of
distant kingdoms. They armed the servant against
his master, the vassal against his lord, the subject
against his king. They prohibited the education of
children as inimical to the interests of the clergy,
who alone were declared worthy to enjoy the bene-
fits of learning. When an obnoxious enemy was
to be removed, they did not shrink from selecting
instruments at whose employment honor and piety
alike revolt, — ^the envenomed poniard, the sacramen-
tal elements mingled with deadly poisons and yet
blessed by the ceremonies of the officiating prelate,
whose instructions impressed the unsuspicious victim
with the belief that he knelt in the very presence of
God. According to Montaigne, the Holy Father was
accustomed to use during the pontifical mass a con-
trivance which counteracted the effects of a conse-
crated draught whidh might otherwise be a messenger
MooBiSH Emfibe in Eueope 885
uf death. From having been the vassals of the Em-
peror, the tributaries of the Saracen Emirs, and the
tools of the Kings of France, the Popes in time arro-
gated to themselves imperial prerogatives; and his
title to the crown was not considered as vested in a
sovereign mitil it had been placed upon his brow by
an ecclesiastic duly commissioned by the Successor of
St. Peter. Through the insidious influence of a super-
stition, fostered by the ignorance of the time, the
authority of powerful monarchs was disputed in their
capitals. Degrading penances were imposed upon
and performed by them without remonstrance. The
humiliation of the prince in the eyes of his people in-
creased, in a corresponding degree, the importance of
the spiritual ruler who could inflict such punishments.
By excommunication and interdict — ^the one cutting
off an individual from the fellowship of believers, the
other aimed at an entire community or kingdom and
involving the innocent with the guilty — ^the vengeance
of the Church was visited upon all, of whatever rank,
Tvho had violated her canons or interfered with her
projects of ambition. It is difficult in our age to ap-
preciate the grave effects of ecclesiastical f ulminations
which the progress of intelligence and the development
of civilization have long since deprived of their terrors.
Of excommunication, anything besides a himian being
might be the subject, from a comet to rats, worms, and
every kind of vermin. The interdict was equivalent
to a dreadful curse inflicted by the vicegerent of God.
With awe-inspiring ceremonies, usually performed at
midnight to increase their impressive effect, the de-
cree of the Holy See was solemnly proclaimed. In
gloomy silence, occasionally broken by sobs and half -
stifled lamentations, the terror-stricken multitude
listened to a sentence which, in their eyes, exceeded,
through the direful consequences it entailed, the
severest penalty that any earthly tribunal could in-
886 HiSTOEY OF THE
flict. The churches were closed. The bells were
silent. The tapers burning on the altars were extin-
guished. The relics were concealed. Before every
house of worship where the Host was enshrined the
consecrated wafer was publicly committed to the
flames. The crucifixes of chapel and cathedral alike,
enveloped in folds of black cloth, were hidden from
the reverential gaze of those on whose heads had fallen
the censure of the Almighty. All religious ceremonies
were suspended save the aspersion, which secured for
the Church the hope of another devotee, the solemni-
zation of marriage, and the final rites which dismissed
the passing soul on the threshold of eternity. The
endearments of conjugal afi^ection, the last blessing
of the parent, the diversions of youth, the familiar
greetings of friendship and esteem, were all pro-
hibited. Surrounded by black-garbed priests bearing
torches, an officiating cardinal, robed in violet, — ^the
mourning of his order, — read the fatal edict which cut
ofi^ absolutely the only medium of conmiimication be-
tween the sinner and his God. From that moment the
people were deprived of those welcome ministrations
which had been their pleasure and consolation from
infancy; which had directed their footsteps; which
had confirmed their wavering resolution in many an
emergency; which had relieved their sufferings; which
had enhanced their happiness and furnished almost
their sole amusements. No opportunity was neglected
to impress the offending children of Rome with the
awful consequences of the malediction which the per-
versity of their rulers had inflicted upon them. Sub-
jects were absolved from their allegiance. The chan-
nels of commerce were closed. Trade of every kind
was suspended. Worshippers, whose piety urged
them, in spite of ecclesiastical menace, to frequent the
portals of the church, were rudely driven back. The
use of meat was forbidden, as in Lent; the familiar
Moorish Emfibe in Europe 887
objects connected with the service of religion disap-
peared; the bells, deprived of their clappers, were
taken down from the steeples; the sacred effigies of
the saints were laid upon the ground and sedulously
concealed from the profane gaze of an accursed peo-
ple; the rich trappings of the shrines, the utensils of
the mass, the vestments of the priests, were collected
and carried away. The festivals which stimulated the
devotion and amused the leisure of the gay and care-
less multitude were discontinued ; the procession, which
impressed all classes with its solemnity and magnifi-
cence, no longer moved with barbaric pomp through
the crowded streets lined with long rows of kneeling
worshippers; the voice of prayer was unheard; mar-
riages were celebrated in churchyards; the bodies of
the dead, denied a resting-place in consecrated ground
and deprived even of the ordinary rites of sepulture,
were cast unceremoniously beyond the walls of cities,
to be devoured by unclean beasts and to poison the air
with noxious odors.
When the ban was removed, the purification of
every edifice, altar, and vessel, the reconsecration of
every relic and image, — writes which demanded heavy
contributions, — evinced the foresight and thrift of the
priesthood.
Such were the frightful methods by which the Pa-
pacy, in an age of ignorance, pimished a nation for
the ofi^ences of a sovereign who had thwarted its
schemes, defied its power, or incurred its enmity. In
the estimation of the credulous — ^and in those days all
were credulous — ^the interdict was not only a general
curse enforced by every circumstance which could
appeal to the prejudices of the devout; it was the
sudden intercepting of the means of salvation, only
attainable through the agency of the servants of the
Church. Mediaeval writers have left us affecting
accounts of the universal wretchedness which the use
Vol. III.— «
888 HiSTOEY OF THE
of this instniment of ecclesiastical tyranny produced.
It rarely failed of success, for no monarch, however
bold or arbitrary, could long withstand its power; and
the mere threat of its exercise was often sufficient to
strike terror into a whole people and to peremptorily
check the well-conceived designs of ambitious royalty.
The interdict only fell into disuse after the founda-
tion of the Inquisition, the most effective and formid-
able weapon ever devised by the merciless spirit of
Papal despotism.
With the financial exhaustion induced by profuse
expenditure in every species of luxury and vice, new
and ingenious expedients were invented for the re-
lief of the pressing necessities of the Vatican. The
institution and frequent recurrence of the Jubilee,
with its concoiu-se of millions of fanatics, each bear-
ing his offering to the insatiable genius of Rome; the
Crusades, which acquired for the Papacy incalculable
wealth by the conveyance of lands for a nominal con-
sideration and the generous contributions of pilgrims;
the Constitutions of Leo, which declared the real prop-
erty of ecclesiastical foxmdations to be inalienable; the
Inquisition, whose origin was more poUtical than
moral, and by whose rules one-half of the property of
the condemned was forfeited to the sovereign and one-
half to the Church, are prominent examples of the
financial ability of the Popes.
The personal characters of the infallible and in-
spired guides of the Christian world cannot be deline-
ated in the fulness of their impious depravity. The
moral supremacy assumed by them as the representa-
tives of celestial power was presumed to excuse the
open indulgence of vices which even the most licentious
temporal potentates sedulously veiled from the eyes
of mankind. For more than two centuries the Papal
court presented an almost uninterrupted exhibition of
profligacy, which scandalized devout believers, whose
Moorish Emfike in Eubofe 889
imagination had invested the Holy Father with the
attributes of divinity, and excited the horror of the
few eminent and consistent Christian prelates who
remained pm*e amidst the general contamination.
Some priests celebrated mass in a state of intoxica-
tion. Others paraded the streets with a train of bac-
chantes singing profane and licentious songs. They
presented their boon companions with the sacred ves-
sels of the altar. Archbishops appointed women of
infamous antecedents to the superintendence of con-
vents. The Vatican swarmed with catamites and cour-
tesans. Colonies of nuns, members of the seraglios of
the cardinals and the Pope, occupied houses adjoining
the sanctuary of St. Peter's. The satellites of the
Papacy obtained the most lucrative emplojrments by
means of unnatural blandishments and ministrations
of unspeakable vileness. The most debased ideas
were entertained of the ecclesiastical functions de-
volving upon the head of the Christian communion.
Ministers of religion were consecrated in stables. Ca-
thedrals were made the theatre of mummeries and
obscene dances. Virgins were torn from the precincts
of the sanctuary and dragged to the Papal harem. In
the time of John XII. no woman was safe from in-
dignity and outrage in the very temple of God. Boni-
face IX. sold a cardinal's hat to a profligate adven-
turer named Bathalzar Cossa, who afterwards seized
the tiara by force and passed from the deck of a pirate
galley to the Apostolic Throne. The latter, under the
name of John XXIII., in a few years attained a repu-
tation remarkable even in the annals of Papal degra-
dation. He was deposed by the Council of Constance
after conviction of every offence of which a depraved
imagination could conceive. The infallibility of his
mission was thus impugned both by his irregular ap-
pointment and by the intervention of his spiritual sub-
ordinates who effected his deposition. It was an axiom
840 HisroBY of the
of the canon law, inevitably resulting from the original
spurious grant of pontifical authority, that no guilt
or heresy of the Pope could divest him of his spiritual
powers or of the sanctity which enveloped his person
as the Vicar of God. A dire necessity alone could
impel a coimcil to violate this fundamental principle
upon which depended the prestige of the Papacy,
The impiety of the Holy Fathers was not less promi-
nent than their defiance of the rules of morality. Boni-
face VIII. openly blasphemed the name of Christ
John XXII. ridiculed the sacraments. At the ban-
quets of John XII., Venus and Bacchus were in turn
toasted by noisy revellers of both sexes, the favorite
associates of that PontiflF.
The admissions of Pius II., in his correspondence
preserved in the Vatican, indicate without concealment
the practice of the grossest libertinage. From the
orgies of Benedict XII. dates the famous proverb,
" Bibere papaliter," " To drink like a Pope." Sixtus
IV., who inaugurated the custom of licensing the
brothels of Rome, derived annually from this horrible
traffic the enormous sum of thirty thousand ducats.
Innocent X. sold to the starving peasantry, at an ad-
vance of a hundred per cent., the grain he had pur-
chased at the price he himself had fixed. Sixtus IV.
gravely decreed that the illegitimate children of the
Popes should, by reason of their birth alone, be placed
on an equality with the descendants of the princely
houses of Italy. The scandals of the coiurt of Avig-
non under Clement VI. and his successors surpassed
even those which had for ages made the Eternal City
a reproach to civilization and Christianity. Of the
latter, Benedict XII. has been conspicuously held up
to the execration of posterity as the violator of the
sister of Petrarch, whose connivance he attempted to
purchase with a cardinal's hat and a purse of a thou-
sand florins of gold. The bull of Alexander VL>
MooBiSH Empire in Eubope 841
which countenanced the slaughter of fifteen million
inoffensive natives of the New World, is a fitting di-
max to this revolting chronicle of crime and infamy.
Well might the indignant Cardinal Baronius exclaim,
that " the Popes were monsters who installed them-
selves on the throne of Christendom by simony and
murder." Few indeed there were of the Holy Fathers
who tolerated even the suspicion of profane learning
in their jurisdiction. Most of them were the impla-
cable enemies of every kind of knowledge. Gregory
I. burned all the copies of Livy that the most rigorous
search could disclose. Gregory VIII., scandalized by
the " superstitious tales" contained in the work of the
great Roman historian, completed, as far as human
energy and malignity could efi^ect, the destructive task
of his predecessor. In consequence, out of a hundred
and forty-two books known to have existed during the
reign of these two PontiflFs, but thirty-five have siu:-
vived. Sylvester II. is said by Petrarch to have been
" Negromante, e di dottrina eccellente," qualifications
which seem rather incongruous with the duties and the
traditions of the Papacy. Nor was the famous Ger-
bert the only Pope devoted to uncanonical and pro-
hibited investigations of the false science of the age.
John XIX. was skilled in hydromancy; John XX.
was an expert in the casting of horoscopes and in
divination; Benedict IX. consulted the familiar
geniuses of the forests and the mountains; Gregory
VII. possessed a manual of enchantment, and shook
clouds of sparks from his sleeves when he pronounced
the Pontifical blessing; Alexander VI. had the repu-
tation throughout Italy of " an abominable sorcerer."
The spirit of infidelity and blasphemy which pre-
vailed in the highest raiiJ^ of the priesthood also in-
fected the occupants of the throne. The lives of some
of the most devout sovereigns presented incredible ex-
amples of cruelty, hypocrisy, and deceit. Ecclesiasti-
842 HiSTOBY OF THE
cal example and the facility of absolution had appar-
ently destroyed all reverence for the precepts of iiie
Gospel, all apprehension of Divine wrath. The con-
tempt often entertained by royalty for the decrees of
the Almighty is disclosed by the impious speech of
Alfonso X-, the Most Catholic King, " If Gk)d had
consulted me when He created the world, I would
have given Him some good advice."
The spurious donation of Constantine, by which the
first Christian sovereign was alleged to have conveyed
to Pope Sylvester I. the title to the Western Empire,
and with it the inherited authority of the Ccesars, was
supplemented in the eighth century by the Forged
Decretals, a series of epistles declared to have been
promulgated by the first Bishops of Rome, whose
names and order of apostolic succession are themselves
either apocryphal or based entirely on uncertain tra-
dition. The inconsistencies, contradictions, and ab-
surdities of the Decretals, which afford abundant
internal evidence of the ignorance of those who com-
posed them, and their entire want of concord on im-
portant points of doctrine, have demonstrated beyond
question their fraudulent origin. But in an age of
superstition their authority was amply sufficient to ac-
complish the object for which they were invented, —
the autocracy of the Popes. The general deficiency of
critical knowledge, assisted by the reverence enter-
tained by the masses for the decisions of the Successor
of St. Peter, caused these glaring forgeries to be ac-
cepted with the same faith which was accorded to the
precepts of the Gospel. They conferred the most ex-
tensive and dangerous prerogatives on the Papacy.
They subjected the claims of every temporal sover-
eign to the extravagant pretensions of the Roman
Catholic hierarchy. The right of regal investiture
was by their maxims declared to be inherent in mem-
bers of the sacerdotal order, and the title of a monarch
Moorish Empire in Eubofe 848
alleged to be imperfect until he had been crowned by
a servant of the Church. By their incorporation into
the civil procedure of Europe, — for centuries domi-
nated by the canon law, — ^they established on a perma-
nent basis the ideas and the principles of Papal su-
premacy. No measure of statecraft has ever advanced
the interests of the Holy See to such an extent as the
publication of the Decretals, nor has any genuine series
of laws exercised over society a more potent influence
than that imposed by these fraudulent epistles upon
subsequent legislation.
The vast ecclesiastical system, whose ramifications
extended to the most insignificant hamlets of every
country in Europe and whose jurisdiction was para-
moimt in the domains of the most powerful monarchs,
carried with it the abuses and vices of the central and
irresponsible authority. The spiritual courts of pro-
vincial metropolitans and bishops presented on a di-
minished scale the greed and sensuality of the Vati-
can. The same organized simony regulated the pres-
entation and promotion of clerk and prelate. The
same iniquitous expedients were adopted for the aug-
mentation of ecclesiastical revenues. Priests and
bishops lived in avowed and imblushing concubinage.
The seraglio of the Abbot of San Pelayo de Anteal-
taria contained seventy concubines. Henry III.,
Bishop of Liege, acknowledged the paternity of sixty-
five illegitimate children. In Spain, the metropoli-
tans, as well as their subordinates, maintained harems
guarded by eunuchs. In Germany, sacerdotal digni-
taries of the highest rank endeavored to overturn the
empire by the aid of idolaters, and enlisted bands
of robbers who plimdered cities and extorted enormous
ransoms from wealthy merchants and defenceless
travellers. In France, the clergy of Verdun regularly
furnished Jewish traders with Christian children who
had been emasculated for the slave-markets of Cor-
844 History of the
dova and Seville. In Italy, the sale of young and
beautiful maidens to the Moors of Sicily and Mauri-
tania, which had invoked the indignant protest of
Charlemagne, was for many years one of the most
lucrative perquisites of the priesthood.
The laxity of morals prevalent in the hierarchy was
fatal to the preservation of ecclesiastical discipline.
Priesbs and nuns, divesting themselves of their sacred
character, which was supposed to present an edifying
example to the laity, contended with each other for
the infamous superiority of promiscuous lewdness.
The contributions of charity, the oblations of the
devout, were squandered in drunken orgies and mid-
night banquets. In certain Swiss cantons a new priest
was compelled, on his arrival, to choose a concubine as
a theoretical safeguard of the honor of his female
parishioners. These connections were authorized by
the laws of some countries, among them the f ueros of
Castile, which permitted the sons of a celibate to in-
herit half his property. The sale of licenses to enter-
tain what were known as " sub-introduced women"
was for centuries a profitable source of revenue to the
bishops of England, and no priest was exempt from
this tax whether he wished to avail himself of its privi-
leges or not. The dignity of the sacred profession in
France had been degraded by the sacrilege of the Car-
lovingians, who appointed their favorite oflScers to the
richest benefices; and the antecedents and manners of
these rude veterans were, as may be supposed, but
ill-adapted to the solemn ceremonies of the altar and
the confessional. Following this worthy example,
churchmen of the highest rank conferred the best
livings at their disposal on panders, lackeys, and
barbers. The coarse and imf eeling nature of the (Ger-
man ecclesiastics did not hesitate to prompt the viola-
tion of every sentiment of honor in the gratification
of its brutal instincts. The holding of pluralities in
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe 845
England had become an evil of national importance.
Many foreign prelates had never even visited the sees
whose revenues they enjoyed. The possession of from
twenty to thirty benefices was not micommon, and
some fortimate individuals are mentioned who held
from three to four hundred. The deplorable condi-
tion of the priesthood was largely due to the enforce-
ment of celibacy on the one hand, and the sale of dis-
pensations to violate it on the other.
The poems, the satires, and the tales which have
come down to us from the Middle Ages reveal the
profligate manners of the clergy, as well as the gen-
eral contempt in which they were held by those whose
consciences were nominally in their keeping. In these
amusing literary productions the priest, the monk, and
the cardinal are almost invariably objects of ridicule.
Their peculiar garb, their uncouth manners, their
lubricity, their gluttony, their avarice, are made the
butt of profane and vulgar witticisms. They are
entrapped in ludicrous and compromising situations.
They are made the victims of severe practical jokes.
The language put into their mouths is a compound
of obscenity and blasphemy. A society which could
coimtenance such scandalous revelations must have
had scanty respect for the clerical profession and its
ministers. Assemblages of eminent episcopal digni-
taries fare little better than individuals at the hands of
the irreverent narrator. Nor can we wonder that such
is the case when we recall the conditions and the acces-
sories associated in the public mind with the Councils
of the Church. At the departure of the Papal court
from Lyons, in the thirteenth century. Cardinal Hugo,
a distinguished prelate, in the presence of an immense
concourse, made the increased depravity of that city,
for which its reverend visitors were confessedly re-
sponsible, the subject of a pleasing jest. The Holy
Fathers of the famous Council of Constance con-
846 HiSTOEY OF THE
voked to reform the priesthood, punish heresy, and
establish a more exalted standard of moral discipline
for the edification of the migodly, beguiled ihe
moments snatched from the labors of pious delibera-
tions and religious controversy in the society of
crowds of buffoons and dancers and of seven hun-
dred courtesans. The institution of the monastic
orders not only contributed greatly to the power of
the Papacy but exercised, as well, a direct and gen-
erally a most pernicious influence on society. An
inmiense body of fanatics, blindly devoted to the See
of Rome, was placed at the absolute disposal of the
Pope, — invaluable allies in the bitter contests between
the Altar and the Throne. The mutual jealousies
and enmities of the secular and the regular clergy
made both the more dependent on the favor of the
Supreme Pontiff. Every individual in a religious
house was sworn to inviolable secrecy concerning all
that took place within its walls, a regulation which
became in subsequent times a convenient precaution
for the concealment of orgies that shunned the light
of day. The assumption of the vows of poverty,
chastity, and obedience imparted to the monk and
the begging friar a peculiar sanctity in the eyes of
the credulous multitude. They mortified the flesh and
suppressed carnal provocations by frequent bleeding
and long abstinence from food. They disclaimed the
aristocratic tastes which were a reproach to the luxu-
rious members of the secular priesthood. They re-
noimced all the allurements, even all the comforts, of
life. Their physical necessities were supplied by alms.
Their fervid oratory, not confined by the pillared
vaults of churches, but which, in the open air, appealed
to the imagination and the prejudices of the ignorant,
their voluntary renunciation of the pleasures of the
world, the ostentatious self-sacrifice of their lives,
made them universal favorites with the people. Men
MooBiSH Empibe in ExntOFE 847
of all classes showered gifts upon them. Women
eagerly sought their services as confessors. Their
visits to the isolated villages of the simple peasantry
Tirere hailed as harbingers of good fortune. Their
abodes offered gratuitous rest and refreshment to the
belated traveller. Their benediction attended the birth
and the christening of the infants of the poorest cot-
tage. Their prayers brought consolation and relief to
the bedside of the earnest Christian and the repentant
sinner alike. At every fireside their temporary and
accidental presence was regarded as a blessing.
But a change soon came over the monastic orders.
The temptations of wealth, luxury, and personal en-
joyment proved too strong to be resisted. The robe
of coarse cloth was metamorphosed into a mantle of
the finest fabric, trimmed with costly furs. The prior
no longer travelled alone and on foot, but rode an
ambling palfrey, followed by a train of obsequious
attendants. The hermitage developed into a stately
palace, whose appointments and surroimdings equalled
and not infrequently eclipsed in splendor the seats of
princes. The monk became a great landed proprietor.
By purchase, by gift, by inheritance, by forfeiture, he
acquired in every coimtry large and profitable estates.
Half of the lands of France were at one time in his
possession. The German nobility complained that
monasteries had absorbed the bulk of the real property
of the empire. The visitation of Henry VIII., which
led to the suppression of the religious houses of Eng-
land, revealed the fact that the regular clergy had for
centuries enjoyed the fruits of the most productive
and valuable portion of the public domain. The pecu-
liar character of its tenure made ecclesiastical proprie-
torship the more oppressive. Its title was in mort-
main, and its estates inalienable. It could always
acquire, but never relinquish, territorial rights. The
transfers of land, which constitute so important an
848 HiSTOKY OF THE
incentive to commercial activity in every community,
were not merely discomitenanced, but were absolutely
prohibited, by its selfish and unjust regulations.
Monastic Uf e, while nominally ascetic, presented in
the more opulent communities a picture of sybaritic
indulgence. In the cloister the refining influence of
literature had, even with the gratification of sensual
appetites, modified in the monk the degrading pro-
pensities and ferocious temper which actuated his asso-
(date, the feudal baron. The dishes were more varied
and delicate; the choicest wines took the place of the
coarse product of the brewery; and the conversation,
while fully as irreverent and licentious as that which
entertained the guests of the noble, was deprived of
much of its repulsiveness by an outward observance
of decency. When overcome with too much hospi-
tality, the genial votary of Bacchus, instead of being
left under the table, exposed to the ridicule of his
companions or the swords of brawlers, was quietly con-
veyed to his cell by his more sober brethren. The
customs of the age imperatively demanded that the
head of a religious house should possess all the attri-
butes of aristocratic birth and gentle breeding. In
the eyes of the Celt especially, symmetry of form and
dignity of carriage were indispensable characteristics
of the ruler of a monastic community. Both abbot
and abbess were selected for corporeal rather than for
moral or intellectual qualifications, — for handsome
features, commanding presence, and elegant manners.
Popular opinion insensibly associated mental supe-
riority and pious inclinations with physical perfection;
and personal deformity was supposed, especially by
the ignorant multitude, to indicate a disposition to
crime. This belief, no doubt unconsciously derived
from the impressions left by the Pagan deities of
antiquity, in whose statues, models of beauty, were
embodied the imrivalled conceptions of the ancient
Moorish Emfibe in Eubofe 849
sculptor, demonstrates the persistent survival of time-
honored tradition and religious prejudice in the human
mind.
With the unlimited opportunities for their grati-
fication, uncanonical practices were at first secretly
indulged in and afterwards openly tolerated. The
refectory, once noted for frugality and pious exhor-
tation, was now the scene of gluttonous feasts and
licentious jesting. Foreign delicacies and wines of
exquisite flavor appeared daily on the table. Monks
and nuns maintained unholy relations under the same
roof. Many priors had acknowledged concubines, and
he who restricted himself to a single mistress was
regarded as a paragon of ecclesiastical virtue. In
contravention of every rule of their order, monks
assumed disguises and wandered over the country in
search of amorous adventures. Through their agency
obnoxious relatives were kidnapped and forced into
perpetual confinement, or, if sufficient pecuniary in-
ducements were ofi^ered, made to disappear forever
from the knowledge of man. In England they fre-
quently figured in disgraceful brawls with other dissi-
pated patrons of lupanars and taverns. The monas-
teries of Spain, France, and Italy presented an even
more disgraceful picture of drunkenness, licentious-
ness, and disorder.
The reputation for dissolute practices sustained by
the convent was in no respect inferior to that of the
monastery. The nuns notoriously aff^ected all the airs
and graces of the most accomplished coquetry. They
arrayed themselves in rich garments covered with
beautiful embroidery, the work of their own skilful
hands. Their chemises of violet silk, their scarlet
shoes, their veils of silver tissue, were the delight of
their admirers and the abomination of the pious. They
wore chains and bracelets of gold and rings set willi
precious gems. They painted their faces. King Ed-
850 HiSTOBY OF THE
gar publicly reproved the nuns of his kingdom for
their attire of purple and their jewels. The inmates
of Fontevrault wore the homed head-dress affected
by the fashionable ladies of the time. The spouses of
Christ adopted every art to attract the attention of
the sinful passer-by. In the orgies which defiled even
the houses dedicated to divine worship their shameless-
ness was proverbial. They bathed in perfect nudity
with monks and deacons. They sang bacchanalian
songs. Their conversation was spiced with blasphe-
mous ribaldry. The universal prevalence of the evil
is proved by the frequency with which it is denounced
by the Councils of the Church. The Council of Co-
lognCy held in 1807, was especially severe in its
reprobation of the custom by which nuns abandoned
for a time the conventual life for a career of debauch-
ery and then resumed their former relations with the
Church, without repentance, and, what was even worse,
without remonstrance from their superiors.
For indulgence in these pleasures prohibited by the
laws of God and man, the revenues of the religious
houses, although in many instances enormous, were
entirely inadequate. The extravagant demands of the
Holy See, which collected its tribute at frequent and
irregular intervals, further reduced the financial re-
sources of the monastic treasury. The ingenuity of
the abbots was not at a loss, however, to devise means
to replenish their exhausted coffers. Noble forests,
many of them contemporaneous with the reign of the
Druidical priesthood, were cut down and sold. Chal-
ices, patens, ciboria, and crucifixes were placed in
pawn with Jewish goldsmiths and merchants. Jewels
were extracted from votive offerings and altar orna-
ments and disposed of at a fraction of their real value.
These thefts of sacred articles were so serious that
inventories of the furniture and utensils of cathedrals
were often taken by the orders of primates and sover-
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 851
eigns, rather with a view to discover the losses than to
put a stop to a practice which under the existing sys-
tem was incurable. Absolutions, some forged, but
many genuine, bearing the Papal seal and ready to
be filled up with the name of the purchaser and the
description of the offence of which he was guilty or
which he was about to commit, were at the disposal of
every criminal. The official visitors of the English
abbeys discovered in the cells of recluses who were
popularly supposed to be laying up treasures in
heaven implements of the counterfeiter and quantities
of spurious coin. With the ministrations to the dying
the duty of the sufferer to the Church was unceasingly
inculcated by the shrewd confessor, until it came to
be considered an act of impiety, ranked with sacrilege
and suicide, to refuse to bequeath a large share of one's
wealth to the servants of God.
The number, riches, and influence of these ecclesias-
tical establishments were enormous. At the end of the
thirteenth century, there were six hundred monasteries
and convents in England, two thousand three hundred
and thirty-seven in France, and fifteen hundred in the
remaining countries of Europe. Many of these sup-
ported communities of more than a thousand monks;
that of the great Abbey of Bangor — ^the largest in
Great Britain — ^numbered three thousand. Towns,
villages, and immense tracts of arable soil, pasture,
and forest were included in their possessions. Multi-
tudes of tenants and vassals tilled these lands, the
lion's share of whose produce found its way into the
storehouses and granaries of the prosperous Fathers.
The religious duties of the latter did not hinder them
from profiting by the advantages of domestic and
foreign trade. They bought and sold almost every de-
scription of merchandise. The usurious rates of in-
terest which they obtained from necessitous borrowers
extorted the admiration of the shrewd and experienced
852 HiSTOEY OF THE
Hebrew broker. They managed tanneries, dealt ex-
tensively in cloth and leather, and imported many
luxuries from the Orient. The wool market of Eng-
land was absolutely controlled by them. The popular
clamor aroused by this monopoly, which dispossessed
and ruined tenants by turning tillable land into past-
ure and depriving large numbers of industrious people
of the means of livelihood, contributed, in no small
degree, to the suppression of the English monasteries.
An inexhaustible mine of wealth was made available
by traffic in relics and the entertainment and fleecing
of pilgrims. The methods of the Holy See in the
sale of sacred objects of more than doubtful authen-
ticity were improved upon by the cunning and au-
dacity of monkish charlatans. Immense quantities of
bones were imported from Italy and disposed of to
the devout at fabulous prices. Most of these sacred
treasures were taken from the catacombs, where was
deposited a practically unlimited supply of Pagan and
barbarian skeletons, whose original owners never
dreamed of the adoration they were destined one day
to receive on the banks of the Thames, the Seine, the
Rhine, and the Danube. When a church was to be
constructed, no difficulty was ever experienced in pro-
curing the relics of the saint to which it was dedicated,
and the mouldering remains of some priest of Jupiter
or Venus were probably not infrequently laid, with
every token of reverence, under the altar of a magnifi-
cent cathedral, whose idolatrous ceremonies would
have presented many striking points of resemblance
with heathen rites to the frequenters of the ancient
temples. Other sacred mementos of equal virtue
often presented a singular mixture of absurdity and
blasphemy. The reproductions of the crown of thorns
and the nails of the Crucifixion were infinite in num-
ber. The list included the coals that roasted St. Law-
rence, the cloth used at the Lord's Supper, a finger
Moorish Empibe in Eubope 858
of the Holy Ghost, and some of the milk of the
Mother of God. The tail of Balaam's ass was for a
century one of the most precious treasures of St, John
Lateran at Rome. When the zeal of the pious
flagged, the genius of the monks resorted to extraor-
dinary means to stimulate this unprofitable apathy.
The sympathies and fanaticism of the superstitious
were appealed to by processional images which could
weep and bleed. Letters were exhibited purporting to
have been penned by the divine hands of the Almighty
and the Saviour. The composition and style of these
productions, it may be remarked, indicate an extraor-
dinary degree of illiteracy in the exalted personages
to whom their execution was profanely attributed.
Many relics were supposed to possess marvellous
healing virtues, an opinion diligently propagated by
those whose interest it was to have it generally enter-
tained. Pilgrims crowded in enormous numbers to
these shrines, whose reputation promised speedy and
certain relief from every physical infirmity. As few
came empty handed, the contents of a single reliquary
were often a more important source of revenue than
all the royal demesnes of a kingdom. In the Middle
Ages the Church of St. Thomas of Canterbury was
by far the richest in Christendom. It had for three
hundred years received the tribute of pilgrims from
every land. Kings had placed crowns and priceless
jewels upon its altar. The great tomb of the saint
was entirely covered with plates of gold, but the pre-
ciouis metal was hardly visible on account of the profu-
sion of gems with which it was incrusted. The value of
the gold and silver obtained by its confiscation under
Henry VIII. was nearly one million pounds sterling,
and this estimate did not include the precious stones,
of which no appraisement was made. Much of this
wealth had been accumulated by the thrifty monks
through the sale of water alleged to contain a portion
Vol. III.— 03
854 History of the
of the blood of St. Thomas shed at the time of his
martyrdom, whose supply, by the miraculous power
of multiplication enjoyed by certain relics, was never
exhausted, and which, aided by implicit faith and re-
ligious enthusiasm, may really have been instrumental
in temporarily relieving diseases induced by disordered
functions of the nervous system.
The power of the rulers of these populous commu-
nities was very extensive. In most instances the abbot
enjoyed not a few of the highest privileges of the
nobiUty. In addition to his spiritual functions, he ex-
ercised the duties of a civil and criminal magistrate,
and in extreme cases could inflict the penalty of death.
He was expected to act as sponsor to children of royal
lineage. While bound to observe the rules of his order,
his interpretation of those rules was final and his de-
cision absolute. In England, if entitled to wear the
mitre, he sat in the Upper House of Parliament by
the side of the bishops. Usually he was a veritable
epicurean, more fond of field sports than of his
breviary, a jovial companion, a connoisseiu* of wines,
an adorer of women. His table, his attire, and his
habits exhibited all the fastidiousness of a sybarite.
Numerous dishes, prepared by skilful cooks, tempted
his pampered tastes. The wines of his cellar were
the choicest and most expensive in the market. His
garments were sometimes of party-colored and em-
broidered silk, sometimes of scarlet cloth lined with
white satin. His boots, of the softest leather, fitted
his burly limbs without a wrinkle. Jewels sparkled
upon his snowy fingers. The retainers of his house-
hold were clad in gaudy liveries. He maintained
jesters and bufi^oons. To the noble amusement of
hawking he was so devoted, and his falcons were so
excellent, that for these reasons he often inciured the
envy of his aristocratic companions and the severe
censure of his more rigid ecclesiastical superiors.
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe 855
Troops of strolling players always found a welcome
and munificent largess for their exhibitions in the
great hall of the abbey. In addition to the nuns, of
whom he was the especial patron, high-bom ladies were
delighted to receive his amorous compliments and to
partake of his dangerous but splendid hospitality.
The inmates of the religious houses entertained far
closer relations with the great body of the population
than did the secular clergy. The original simplicity
of their lives, the apparent fervor of their devotion,
acquired for them a peculiar sanctity which their sub-
sequent irregularities could never entirely abrogate.
Unlike the secular priesthood, whose traditions were
of an aristocratic tendency, their necessities and their
ministrations brought them in intimate contact with the
lower orders of the people, who repaid their services
with fulsome idolatry. Of the two divisions of the
regular clergy, the friars, who only differed from the
monks in that they subsisted on alms, enjoyed the
greater consideration. Their blessing was earnestly
solicited by the traveller on the highway. Ladies wore
their rope girdles in Lent, partly by way of penance,
partly as amulets of sovereign virtue against the
machinations of evil spirits. The spurious relics which
they hawked about were supposed to be endowed with
more miraculous qualities than those retailed by the
bishop in the cathedral. Their eloquence carried with
its pathetic appeals and homely illustrations a convic-
tion denied to the labored efforts of the most accom-
plished and popular preacher.
It was not within the power of human nature to
long withstand the allurements which such opportuni-
ties for luxurious indulgence afforded. Within less
than half a century from their foundation, the mendi-
cant friars of St. Francis could boast of wealth equal
to that of any of the monastic orders. Their common
appellation Cordelier, derived from their hempen
856 HiSTOEY OF THE
girdle, became a synonym of lubricity and drunken-
ness. Both monks and friars enticed wives from their
husbands, and not infrequently reduced the latter to
l^^ggfi'iy* They administered narcotics and aphrodisi-
acs to nuns, and pointed to their contortions and in-
coherent ravings as the ejBFects of divine inspiration.
It was an ordinary occurrence for young girls to don
male attire and take up their abode in a monastery;
and a memorial of the time of Henry VII. of Eng-
land is extant in which the royal protection is sohcited
by the farmers and gentry of Carnarvonshire against
the dissolute practices of the regular clergy. The
profanity of the monks during the celebration of the
mass, and their offensive language in the confessional,
sometimes resulted in temporary suspension from
those sacerdotal functions. Gaming was a common
amusement in which even abbesses had been known to
indulge. Whenever an abbot died the treasury was
plimdered, and its contents distributed among the
brethren fortunate enough to be present.
These excesses were encouraged by the insignificant
penances imposed for their commission. Some escaped
with a reprimand, especially when the prior was known
to be equally guilty. Among the English clergy, mor-
tal sin could be condoned for the trifling sum of six
shillings and eight pence. Bearing a crucifix through
the aisles of the church and a fine of three shillings
and four pence entitled a delinquent to absolution for
incest. Fornication was expiated by an offering of
candles and the repetition of a few Paters and Aves.
As in the case of the laity, a regular schedule existed,
accurately defining the pimishments to be inflicted for
every degree of ecclesiastical misconduct.
The ordinary criminal courts of judicature, through
the operation of privileges extorted from stupid and
fanatical sovereigns by the astuteness of designing
churchmen and the prejudices of a superstitious age.
Moorish Emfike in Eubofe 857
had no authority over a derk until he had heen con-
demned hy a religious tribunal. The course of prose-
cution, in which the sympathies of the judges were
enlisted on the side of the culprit, through the bond
of a common profession, and often by reason of
participation in similar offences, was always slow and
sometimes interminable. By these delays, and the
purposely complicated process of the spiritual courts,
the civil statutes were practically nuUified. The mu-
tual antagonism of the lay and clerical professions
indirectly encouraged the most revolting crimes. As
the learning of Europe was monopolized by the
clergy, every one who was able to read was deemed
a " clerk," and could demand the interference and
protection of the ecclesiastical authorities in case of
arrest. The tonsure was also regarded as prima-f acie
evidence of being in orders, and of equal efficacy in
obtaining immimity, as many of the priesthood were
ignorant of letters. By taking advantage of these
privileges, so dangerous to the welfare of society, des-
perate malefactors continually escaped the conse-
quences of their deeds ; and the criminal, whose scanty
learning or shaven crown suggested a connection with
the aU-powerful hierarchy, was demanded in vain by
the official avengers of the outraged laws. The benefit
of clergy was carried to such extremes in England
that Parliament found it necessary on one occasion to
proceed by bill of attainder against the Bishop of
Rochester's cook, who, wearing the tonsure and as-
sisted by the influence of his master, had defied the
criminal magistracy and tribimals of the realm. The
rendition of a triffing service, the payment of a sum of
money proportioned to the means of the appUcant,
and which was often the proceeds of the crime for
which absolution was requested, relieved the highway-
man and the murderer from all apprehension of the
penalties of secular justice.
858 History of the
Thus had the monastic orders fatally degenerated
from the simplicity and purity of their original insti-
tution. In common with the other branches of the
ecclesiastical profession, they had become infected
with every vice and steeped in every sin. They were
especially noted for their propensity to the most dis-
graceful offences in the calendar of human infirmities,
— ^to drunkenness, fornication, rape, and incest. Men
who habitually defied the canons of morality by indul-
gence in such practices must necessarily have enter-
tained but little respect for a system which, so far
from restraining, was known to secretly encourage
them. As a consequence, hypocrisy prevailed every-
where among the ministers of the Church, from the
Holy Father, l^urrounded by the beauties of his
seraglio, to the mendicant friar, who repaid the ser-
vices of the obsequious peasant by the plunder of his
goods and the corruption of his family. The morals
of the ecclesiastic were, as a rule, far worse than those
of the layman. In Southern France it was a custom,
which precedent had almost invested with the force of
law, for a priest, after the celebration of his first mass,
to invite his clerical friends to a carousal at the nearest
tavern. Bishops read the service in bed. The lower
clergy divided the solemn office of the Eucharist into
several parts, and, demanding a fee for each, quad-
rupled their emoluments. A French Council, in 1817,
menaced with excommunication any magistrate who
should, at soimd of trumpet, expose priests in public,
with their weapons about their necks, — ^an ordinary
penalty for fighting and riotous conduct. The policy
of the Chxu'ch considered the most flagrant injustice,
the most atrocious crime, as venial in comparison with
neglect of the outward obedience of her rules and the
observance of the formalities of her ritual, such as
rare attendance at mass, blaspheming of relics, with-
holding of tithes, eating meat in Lent, labor on holi-
Moorish Emfibe in Eubope 859
days. In the prosecution of the Templars, the articles
of accusation did not regard the charge of inconti-
nence as important in comparison with those of athe-
ism and idolatry, although it was notorious that more
than thirteen thousand concubines were maintained at
the expense of the priories of that Order in Europe.
The violation of the vow of chastity was so common
that only the most outrageous indecency could excite
comment, and the spiritual authorities, whom the
Church had appointed to exercise a censorship over
public morals, hesitated to perform their duties lest
their own delinquencies might thereby be exposed. It
was considered not only meritorious, but convenient,
to have a clergyman for a lover, on account of the
facility of concealment and the certainty of immediate
absolution. The presence of the mistresses of bishops,
priests, and canons insulted the wives of honest nobles
and burghers at coronations and tournaments. The
vicinity of abbeys and convents swarmed with the
natural children of ecclesiastics. These members of
priestly households were liberaUy provided for from
revenues ostensibly collected for pious uses and the
propagation of religious truth. So degraded had
some of the monks become that they utilized even the
House of Grod for the basest purposes. Guyot de
Provins, a writer of the thirteenth century and him-
self the member of a monastic fraternity, relates that
he had seen Cistercians turn church-yards into pigsties
and tether asses in chapels. In addition to immoderate
indulgence in the strongest of wines, the successors
of Fachomius and Antony held eating contests, in
which the palm was awarded to the brother possess-
ing the greatest abdominal capacity. Among these
were the Glutton Masses of England, celebrated five
times a year in honor of the Virgin, when the parish
church was made the scene of the voracious exploits
of the priest and the clerks, who contended for this
860 HiSTOEY OF THE
enviable distinction with an ardor that often termi-
nated in riot. Every effort to reform these depraved
conmimiities proved futile. The abbot who attempted
to correct the vices of his flock was harassed until he
was glad to relinquish his unpromising task or abandon
his charge. If he boldly attempted to enforce his
authority, he stood an excellent chance of being poi-
soned. The famous Abelard narrowly escaped this
fate, and the pronounced and vindictive hostility mani-
fested by the inmates of his abbey finally compelled
him to insure his safety by flight. Even the deter-
mined character of Cardinal Ximenes was forced to
succumb to the obstinacy of his Franciscan brethren,
whose extortions and irregular lives had excited his
horror and disgust. For seven years, WiUiam, Bishop
of Paderborn, employed in vain the authority vested
in his high ofiice to free the monasteries of his diocese
from the scandal produced by the vices of their occu-
pants.
Much of the corruption of the regular clergy was
to be attributed to the impostors and malefactors who
found shelter and safety in their ranks. The assmnp-
tion of the tonsure alone was sufiicient to insure
immunity to the most notorious outlaw. The slave,
impatient under the lash of a cruel master or appre-
hensive of the consequences of inexcusable faults,
acquired security and freedom in the shadow of the
towers of the abbey. The identity of the criminal
and the fugitive, the schemes of the hypocrite and the
knave, were effectually disguised by the cowl of the
friar. The humane and beneficent privilege of sanc-
tuary was abused by the reception and shelter of every
class of dangerous and disreputable offenders against
the public peace. Association with persons of this
abandoned character could not fail to be demoralizing,
even to those of the fraternity who observed their
vows, and must have still further corrupted the idle
MooEiSH Empibe in Eukope 861
and the dissolute who had already embraced the
alluring and luxurious routine of conventual life.
The incapacity, arrogance, and debauchery of the
dergy at length grew intolerable, even to a bigoted
and priest-ridden people. The translation of the Bible
by Wyclif , the teachings of John Huss and Jerome
of Prague, paved the way for the exercise of private
judgment and the privilege of independent thought.
All over Europe a reaction took place. It was least
felt in Italy, where the masses had for ages been
familiar wilii the impostures and crimes of the Pa-
pacy. It was most marked in England, where the
grievances imposed on the laity by their religious in-
structors had become insufferable, and the wealth of
the kingdom had been absorbed by the creatures of
Rome. The heresies of France for a time threatened
the existence of the hierarchy, and were only sup-
pressed by a crusade and the diaboUcal energy of the
Inquisition. Reverence for every form of belief had
been shaken by the universal prevalence of sacerdotal
iniquity. In Provence and Languedoc priests were
insulted by the mob and lampooned by minstrels.
Their services were rejected with contempt, their ges-
tures were mocked, their vices satirized with pitiless
severity. The English populace, exasperated beyond
measure by their wrongs, occasionally proceeded
to acts of violence. In some towns an ecclesiastic
was hardly safe on the streets. No clerk dared to
commit himself or his cause to the verdict of a jury.
A handful of worshippers was lost in the nave of the
cathedral, where thousands once had congregated.
Women went imshriven rather than trust themselves
in the confessional, whose precincts, from being the
abode of religious advice and consolation, had grown
dangerous to the preservation of feminine honor. In
1746 a remonstrance was made to the Primate of
England against the participation of women in pil-
862 History of the
grimages» as the cities of France, Lombardy, and the
Rhine were filled with coini:esans, who had abused
these opportunities for the exhibition of religious zeal.
The authority of the ecclesiastical tribunals was openly
defied, their proceedings derided, their judges in-
sulted, their subordinate officers maltreated. In Lon-
don, towards the close of the fifteenth century, it was
a serious matter to attempt to serve a process of the
Consistorial Court. The power for evil of this once
formidable engine of persecution, which had exercised
an ofi^ensive censorship over every community, had
become hopelessly impaired.
Of such a character were the religious instructors of
the people of Western Christendom for five hundred
years. The original austerity of the monastic orders
had disappeared. In no instance had it actually sur-
vived the first century dating from the institution of
any ecclesiastical fraternity. With it had departed by
far the greater portion of its capacity for usefulness.
The daily lives of the secular priesthood presented dis-
gusting examples of human depravity. Among the
laity, the rich, at least, were secure from damnation;
for by a judicious and liberal offering and the deposit
of a schedule of their sins under the altar-cloth of
a compassionate saint, in a few hours the sheet was
f oimd to be blank and the generous penitent, by the
inmiediate intercession of his patron, was absolved
from the consequences of his transgressions without
the delay or the exposure of confession. The foun-
dation of a religious house was often derived from
the fears or the repentance of a wealthy and supersti-
tious sinner. An immense tract of unimproved land
was conveyed to a colony of monks. In the most
sequestered spot, far removed from the turmoil, the
vanities, and the temptations of the world, an unpre-
tending structure, composed of wattled boughs and
thatched with straw or rushes, was constructed. The
MoosiSH Empibe in Eubofe 868
surrounding forest was stocked with game. A neigh-
boring lake or streamlet furnished a supply of fish.
In many fraternities, however, such food was for-
bidden, for the austerity of discipline sometimes per-
mitted nothing but a meagre diet of herbs and pulse
washed down with water. The obligations of their
profession as well as the necessity of sustenance re-
quired that a portion of their time should be spent in
the cultivation of the soil. A niunber of the brethren
labored in the fields while the others attended to the
domestic and sacred duties enjoined by their monastic
vows. In some monkish abodes the voice of praise was
never silent. Relays of choristers occupied the chapel
without intermission day or night. The summons to
devotion were frequent. To preserve decorum, spies
were appointed to report irregularities of conduct
within the monastery. No monk was permitted to
leave its precincts without a companion, that each
might restrain the other from the indulgence in sinful
thoughts and carnal recreations. In the cloister the
recluse was constantly reminded of the requirements
and obligations of his profession by the fervent exhor-
tations of his superior and the enforced observance of
silence, meditation, and prayer. By self -infliction of
grievous penances, — scourging, fasting, wearing of
shirts of haircloth or mail, immersion in water of icy
coldness, — ^worldly temptations and sensual desires
were effectually suppressed, and mind and body were
devoted to the ostensible and original objects of mon-
achal life, — ^the service and the glorification of God.
In time their modest and contracted habitations
became too small to accommodate the increasing num-
bers or to satisfy the ambitious zeal of the pious breth-
ren. The wealth derived from the assiduous cultiva-
tion of their lands, the profits of their trade, the con-
tributions of royal visitors, and the generosity of their
founders enabled them to erect buildings whose im-
864 HiSTOBT OF THE
posing proportions and exquisite ornamentation are
the delight and the despair of modem architects. The
chiu-ch dedicated to a certain saint was f omided on the
day preserved by tradition as the date of his birtli. A
vigil was maintained, and when the first rays of the
sun reddened the horizon the work was commenced.
As the point where that luminary appeared was taken
for the east, on account of the constantly varying posi-
tion of the sun in the heavens there are but few eccle-
siastical edifices constructed during the Middle Ages
whose walls correspond with the four cardinal points
of the compass. In the ranks of the reUgious brother-
hoods were to be found artisans of every description,
whose professional efi^orts were prompted and encour-
aged by the inspiring spirit of religious devotion.
Such were the dimensions of these magnificent struct-
ures that the chapels of many abbeys — such as St.
Albans, Southwell, St. Ouen, Durham, Canterbury —
are now cathedral churches of some of the richest dio-
ceses of France and England. The architectural
splendor of Westminster is familiar to every traveller.
The buildings included in the great Cistercian Abbey
of Tinteme, which were enclosed by a wall, were dis-
tributed over thirty-four acres. The symmetry and
beauty of the Gothic temples of Normandy are un-
impaired and unrivalled after the revolutions of more
than seven centuries. The ecclesiastical jurisdiction
of some sees extended over as many as seven thousand
mansi, or cottages of serfs; those who only received
the tribute of two thousand were so niunerous as to be
comparatively insignificant.
All the possessions of the clergy were exempt from
taxation. Tithes, at first limited to a tenth of the
products of the soil, were, by ecclesiastical artifice and
Papal rapacity, extended and made to include the
entire yield of every crop, the increase of every herb,
the labor of every artisan. Without taking into ac-
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe 865
count the territorial area in the hands of the See of
Rome at the period of the Reformation, the monastic
guilds and corporations had absorbed half of the
livings of Great Britain. The revenues of some re-
ligious f oimdations in that country were not less
than fifty thousand pounds sterling, reckoning vol-
untary donations alone. In the thirteenth century the
English clergy bore to the laity the ratio of one to f oiu*
hundred in number, while their lands amounted to
thirty-three per cent, of the entire real property of the
kingdom. In Spain dming the same period the pro-
portion of ecclesiastics was one to seven, and fifty per
cent, of the landed possessions under Christian control
belonged to them. The pressing necessities of grasp-
ing and irreverent princes, who did not scruple to
appropriate under various pretexts the riches of the
ecclesiastical order, alone prevented the eventual ex-
clusion of the laity of Europe from all ownership of
or jurisdiction over the soil.
No religious service could be more solemn, no spec-
tacle more awe-inspiring, than the celebration of a
Church festival in one of the grand old abbey chapels
in mediaeval times. The edifice itself was the ideal of
architectural beauty. Through the elegant designs
of painted windows, the light, in iridescent hues, shone
in tempered radiance over the richly sculptured tombs
of prelate and crusader and the checkered pavement
brilliant with its graceful patterns of tile and marble
mosaic. The walls of nave and transept were hung
with tapestry, embroidered sometimes with represen-
tations of scriptural events, sometimes with the fig-
ures of departed abbots or the portraits of a line of
famous kings. The altar, before whose holy presence
constantly burned rows of waxen tapers, glittered
with ornaments bestowed by the hand of opulent
piety and massive reliquaries set with priceless gems.
The resounding notes of the Gregorian chant filled
866 HisroBY of the
the air; the officiating monks in splendid vestments,
the pomp of crucifix and incense, added to the impres-
siveness of the ceremonial and imparted to the scene a
striking representation of divine worship which could
hardly be paralleled in Rome itself. Truly, in its
palmy days the monastery was an important adjunct
to Papal power and grandeur 1
From the consideration of the manifold vices and
flagrant corruption with which the life of monastic
institutions was tainted, it becomes a pleasure to enu-
merate the benefits that these establishments conferred
upon humanity. First in importance is the fact that
they were the depositories of learning during the Dark
Ages. The requirements of the sacred profession,
whose dogmas they were designed to uphold and prop-
agate, demanded the possession of some degree of
knowledge. The standard of intelligence was far
higher in the monastery than in the chapter house of
the cathedral or in the episcopal palace. Many of the
secular clergy could neither read nor write; tiieir ex-
position of the sacraments was pronounced in an inco-
herent jargon, and a canon who understood grammar
was an object of general wonder and respect. The
lewd and profane character of the discourses from
the pulpit was often such that it would not be toler-
ated for an instant by the fastidious delicacy of a
modem audience. The enjoyment of abundant lei-
siu*e, the praiseworthy impulse of accumulating infor-
mation which might prove of advantage, both in
disseminating the truths of the Gospel and in mag-
nifying the importance of their order, actuated a cer-
tain number of the inmates of every cloister to the
transcription of books, to the study of authors, to the
illumination of missals. Some wrote poems in Latin.
Others, like Hrotswitha, the German nun of Ganders-
heim, composed dramas in imitation of the classics.
These literary efforts, while often coarse in sentiment.
MOOBISH EmPIBE IK EXTSOFE 867
immoral in tendency, and crude in execution, seem
prodigies of learning when we recall the dense atmos-
phere of ignorance in which they were produced. In
the abhey were preserved contemporaneous records
not only of all transactions in which that institution
was concerned, but also many details of affairs of
national interest, which furnished in after ages inval-
uable data to the historian. In many convents there
existed schools where novices as well as the chil-
dren of the peasantry could receive rudimentary in-
struction. Books, among which is mentioned the
Fables of ^sop, were chained to tables in the halls
for the benefit of those pupils. The great impulse
given to intellectual progress by Wyclif 's incomplete
translation of the Bible in the fourteenth century is
indicated by the ludicrous complaint of an old monk-
ish chronicler, who lamented that " Women are now
grown more versed in the New Testament than
learned clerks." Coincident with that auspicious
event, the monopoly of letters, so long enjoyed and
perverted by the clergy, came to an end. In cases
where the interests of religion were thought to be im-
perilled, the mobks did not hesitate to obstruct the
path of knowledge. Through their influence the
study of physics and of law was forbidden in the
twelfth century to the students of the University of
Montpellier. In contradistinction to this spirit of
offensive bigotry, it must not be forgotten that the
first printing-presses used in Europe weie placed in
monasteries.
The seclusion of monasticism encouraged to a con-
siderable extent the love of the arts. In beauty of
design and completeness of finish the efforts of the
Grothic architect have never been surpassed. Book-
making was carried to an advanced state of perfection.
Prom unwieldy volumes with wooden leaves, bound
in leaden covers, manuscripts developed into the ex-
868 History of the
quisite specimens of calligraphic and decorative ele^
gance so prized by modem collectors. Some were
written in gold and silver letters on purple vellum-
The illmninations — ^whence was derived the first in-
spiration of modem painting — ^were often the work
of years. The bindings were of carved ivory or of
the precious metals, not infrequently enriched with
jewels. Those volumes destined for the service of the
altar sometimes enclosed a reliquary and became
doubly precious, as well by reason of the sacred me-
mento they contained as on account of their costly
materials and the labor expended upon them. The
art of the sculptor owes much to the diligence and
skill displayed by the mediaeval wood-carver, whose
handiwork is visible in the stalls and altar-screens
of Gothic cathedrals. The embroidered vestments
wrought by nuns during the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries are marvels of ornamentation, patience, and
dexterity. Constant practice in the choir led to a con-
siderable advance in the knowledge of poetry and
music. Nor were philosophical pursuits, despite their
confessed antagonism to the Church, altogether neg-
lected. The name and acquirements of Pope Syl-
vester II. were to his contemporaries as well as to
posterity long suggestive of a compact with the Devil
and the practice of magic. Modem science, in its in-
discriminate censure of mona^ticism, should not forget
that the great natm*al philosophers of the Middle
Ages, Albertus Magnus and Roger Bacon, belonged
to the orders of mendicant friars, for the one was a
Franciscan and the other a Dominican.
In the monastery was dispensed not only medical
aid, so far as the rudeness and ignorance of the super-
stitious practitioner allowed, but also unstinted and
gratuitous hospitality. The conventual establishment
was at once the hospital and the hotel of mediaeval
society. In the thinly peopled districts usually se-
MooBiSH Empibe m Eueope 869
lected by its founders, no public provision was made
for the relief of the sufferings of the invalid or the
necessities of the traveller, and both found within its
waUs a generous and cordial greeting. Its sanctuary
covered the trembling victim of feudal oppression
with the mantle of its comfort and protection. Its
towers, secure in their sacred character, passed un-
scathed through the wreck of dynasties and the perils
of revolutionary violence. The substantial walls of
donjon and barbican went down under the assaults of
Norman, Saxon, Dane, and Lombard, but the abbey,
defenceless save in the immunity afforded by the holy
calling of its inmates, remained unchanged amidst
these scenes of universal disorder and ruin, the deposi-
tory of ancient learning, the refuge of the remnant
of those elegant social courtesies which had survived
the fall of imperial greatness, the asyliun of the per-
secuted, the home of the arts, the preserver of civiliza-
tion in a martial and unenlightened age.
While Rome was the centre of ecclesiastical and
temporal power, Constantinople was the undisputed
seat of the refinement and culture of Christian
Europe. The transfer of the government of the
Empire to the confines of Asia had not, however,
destroyed the prestige which the Eternal City had
obtained by her glorious achievements in arts, in arms,
in literature, in politics, during so many centuries.
The new capital of the Caesars could not properly be
called a Roman city. Its population, after the first
fifty years following its foundation, was more Greek
than Latin, but its most distinctive features were
always Asiatic. The ordinary idiom of its citizens
was that of Ionia and Attica. The despotism of its
court, the manners of its people, bore the pronounced
stamp of the Orient. Its society was cosmopolitan,
and the relations it maintained through the channels
of trade with remote countries constantly filled its
Vol- m. "
870 HiSTOEY OF THE
thoroughfares with picturesque and barbaric costumes.
The brutality of the West, the vices of the East, the
superstitions of Africa, the cruelty of Italy, found a
congenial home on the shores of the Bosphorus. The
successors of Constantine claimed and exercised pre-
rogatives wholly inconsistent with the security of the
community or the principles of equity. They inter-
posed their authority to annul the sentences of judicial
tribunals. They inflicted frightful tortures without
the warrant of law or precedent. They imposed taxes
which impoverished even the wealthiest of their sub-
jects. They permitted their flatterers to extort ran-
soms, trafiic in justice, and dispose of employments
without even the decorous pretext of concealment.
The mutual hatred existing between the bloodthirsty
factions of the capital, the ancient enmity of the
nobles, the jealousy of rival princes, which had more
than once caused disastrous riots, the tiunultuous fury
of the rabble, induced the emperors to habitually dis-
trust the fidelity of those statesmen whose birth and
education best qualified them to direct the policy of
a great empire. As a necessity, therefore, eunuchs
were intrusted with the management of affairs of
state and filled the responsible ofiices of the imperial
household. Surrounded by a crowd of dependents
and flatterers, these monsters were the fountain of all
honor and the recipients of all homage; while the
sovereign of the East, shorn of his actual power, was
left to the society of monks and parasites. An ex-
cessive love of pomp and of magnificent attire was a
marked trait of the Byzantine character. The impe-
rial train often included more than twenty thousand
servants, the majority of whom were eimuchs. The
eunuch was the most conspicuous personage in the
government, in the hierarchy, in commercial adven-
ture, in social amusement, in political intrigue. He
discharged the functions of a general often with
Moorish Empire in Eubofe 871
credit, sometimes with consmmnate skill. His secre-
tive habits and demeanor admirably fitted him for the
tortuous paths and insidious methods of diplomatic
intercourse. He was a power in the Byzantine hie-
rarchy. Members of his caste were exalted to high
positions in the ecclesiastical order. Some attained to
the supreme dignity of Patriarch, an office for cen-
turies of greater importance than that of Bishop of
Rome. Others controlled the wealthiest sees of the
Eastern Church. Monastic life seemed to possess a
peculiar attraction for them, and many convents in
Constantinople were peopled exclusively by the vic-
tims of man's deliberate cruelty. Some of these in-
stitutions contained nearly a thousand inmates. The
prominent part taken by this odious class in establish-
ing the standard of modem orthodoxy, through its in-
fluence on the ladies of the imperial household in the
early days of Christianity, is familiar to every reader
of Church history. The insatiable avarice and rapac-
ity of the eunudi impelled him to the accumulation
of wealth through the legitimate channels of foreign
commerce and domestic enterprise, as well as by the
more questionable means of servility and corruption.
His ships were known in every port of the Mediterra-
nean. He was identified witli the largest mercantile
establishments of the capital. In every social assem-
bly he was conspicuous, in every conspiracy his con-
cealed but powerful hand was felt. His equipage was
^6 gayest, his train the most imposing on the streets.
In the circus he took precedence of haughty patri-
cians, whom he far eclipsed in splendor of costume.
Ever with an eye to his own aggrandizement, he whis-
pered treason in the ears of the nobles and instigated
the rabble to revolt. The sentiments of gratitude, of
sympathy, of charity, were unknown to him. The
frightful punishments inflicted by the court on politi-
cal offenders were notoriously suggested by his malig-
872 HiSTOEY OF THE
nant genius. With the loss of his procreative power
seemed to have vanished every trace of honor, of jus-
tice, of humanity, of loyalty, of devotion. He was
execrated by the Byzantine populace, whose feelings
were expressed by the current saying, " If you have
a eunuch, kill him ; if you have none, buy one and kill
him!"
The government of the Byzantine Empire exhib-
ited a curious mixture of irresponsible power and ab-
ject dependence. The emperors displayed all the in-
signia and all the arrogance of despotism, while at the
same time they were really the slaves of their para-
sites. The career of a sovereign was certain to be a
short one if he manifested an inclination to indepen-
dence and to the assertion of his legal prerogatives. In
the court of Constantinople poisoning was reduced to
a science, and eunuchs, astrologers, priests, and char-
lataniS were ready instruments of ambition and re-
venge. The formalities attending the intercourse of
members of the royal family and tJie aristocracy were
so complicated as to require a long course of study to
master them. They were reduced to a code, familiar-
ity with whose rules was considered the greatest ac-
complishment of a courtier. AVhile this frivolous cer-
emonial was being sedulously perfected, the constantly
receding frontiers of the Empire were abandoned to
the encroachments of the barbarians of the Baltic and
the Caspian. The state revenues were squandered
by ecclesiastics and insatiable favorites. Rapacious
tax-collectors displayed the character and adopted the
customs of licensed brigands. Their extortions be-
came so excessive and the distress of the people was
so great that three-fourths of the inhabitants of the
monarchy were oflScially inscribed upon the public reg-
isters as mendicants.
From the eighth to the twelfth century Constanti-
nople was, in all probability, the most opulent and
Moorish Empibb in Eubofe 878
populous dty in the world. It had inherited the tra-
ditions of the ancient Roman capital, while it had in a
great measure discarded the policy which had made
those traditions famous. The most exquisite of the
works of art that had escaped the fury of the bar-
barous hordes of Scythia and Gaul had been conveyed
within its waUs. Its streets were lined with magnifi-
cent mansions, colonnades, temples. Everywhere rose
suggestive mementos of that great power whose
name had been renowned and feared from the High-
lands of Scotland to the banks of the Oxus. In forum
and garden the mean and stolid visages of sainted
monk and anchorite stood side by side with the noble
busts and statues of the most illustrious heroes and
citizens of classic Rome. The royal palaces were mod-
elled, some after the beautiful villas which had once
adorned the Campagna, others after plans suggested
by the Saracen architects of Bagdad. The churches
also bore evidence of the imitative character of B3rzan-
tine art, which borrowed its inspiration from Greece
and the Orient. It is said that in 1408 there were three
thousand of them in the city. Monolithic columns of
different colored marble supported their domes, —
sometimes as many as five in number, — ^roof ed with
tiles of gilded bronze. Their walls were incrusted
with lapis-lazuli and jasper. The sculpture in relief
was covered with gold. Elaborate patterns of ara-
besques in mosaics embellished the walls and formed
the pavements. The fountains were of silver and their
basins were filled with wine instead of water, for the
benefit of the Byzantine mob, whose struggles often
diverted the indolent leisure of the monarch and his
luxurious court. A separate dwelling was used by the
Emperor during each season of the year, and the
appointments and furniture of each of them were
adapted to the atmospheric vicissitudes of the climate
of Constantinople. In all the decorations of these
674 HiSTOEY OF THE
sumptuous edifices jewels were lavished in ostenta-
tious and semi-barbaric profusion. The perverted in-
genuity of the Byzantine inventor was expended in
the construction of curious toys that might delight the
simplicity of childhood, but which could hardly be ex-
pected to engage the attention of royalty, even in a
degenerate age. One of the masterpieces of these skil-
ful artisans was a tree of the precious metals with
foliage occupied by golden birds, whose shrill notes
filled the halls of the palace. Notwithstanding its
vast expenditure of treasure, such were the resources
of the Byzantine monarchy that even after its terri-
tory was contracted almost to the walls of the capital,
it still embraced the wealthiest commimity in Christen-
dom. The unrivalled commercial facilities enjoyed by
Constantinople more than counterbalanced for cen-
turies the disadvantages of political incapacity, na-
tional idleness, and official corruption. The losses
resulting from ecclesiastical quarrels, the sanguinary
revolutions of political factions, the ravages of Cru-
saders and the pestilence were speedily supplied from
the cities of Greece and the colonies of Asia Minor.
The heterogeneous elements of its population, thus
recruited from so many sources, early caused it to as-
simie the appearance and the character of the most
cosmopolitan of cities ; and as the capital was the type
of the entire region subject to the sovereign, it has
been remarked, not incorrectly, that the Byzantine
Empire was a government without a nation.
So marked, however, was the religious and intel-
lectual debasement of contemporaneous Europe that
the weakness and crimes of the Greek emperors passed
unnoticed amidst the recognized superiority of the
civilization which their wanton extravagance polluted.
The extent and magnitude of their commerce, the
splendor of their embassies, the munificence with
which they rewarded their allies, afforded the most
Moorish Empise in Eubope 875
exaggerated ideas of their importance and power.
The pomp which invested their presence concealed the
deplorable conditions under whose restraints they were
compelled to direct the affairs of their empire. The
political imbecility of the Greeks was, therefore, not
visible to their neighbors. These observed only the
gorgeous theatrical effects which sustained the pres-
tige of a decaying monarchy, and the alliance of the
princes of Constantinople was solicited alike by the
khalifs of Bagdad, Cairo, and Cordova, by the em-
perors of the West, and by the kings of England. In
the social polity of the Greeks the court was every-
thing and the people nothing. The natural law of
progress, by which man is encouraged to accumulate
wealth by the knowledge that he can enjoy it unmo-
lested, and is impelled to intellectual pursuits through
the hope of political advancement, — ^a law practically
annulled by the Caesars of Rome, — ^was entirely abol-
ished under the emperors of Byzantium. Little se-
curity could be expected from a government which
attempted to extorb from the wretched peasant, whose
harvests had been swept away by the barbarian, the
same tax demanded from the prosperous merchant,
and made no allowance for the destitution for which
its own incapacity and corruption were responsible.
The most pernicious ideas relative to the duties and
privileges of citizenship had been imported from
Italy. The people were divided into castes. The aris-
tocracy considered all occupations carried on for profit
as disgraceful to a patrician. It was a maxim with
the populace, and one which it would have been dan-
gerous to controvert, that the state owed it sustenance
and amusement. In maintaining such a principle, the
lower classes could have no motive for labor, and the
rabble of Constantinople had not forgotten that the
Roman citizen who so far disregarded his dignity as
to become an artisan was ignominiously driven from
876 HiSTOEY OF THE
his tribe. The only career open to the aspiring ple-
beian was through the Church. To obtain a command-
ing position in the hierarchy, the favor and assistance
of a eunuch or of a princess of the royal family was
indispensable. The duties of the priesthood required
the possession of little intelligence and less education.
The affairs of palace and cathedral were usually ad-
ministered by emasculated monks, indebted for their
places to the ostentatious devotion or convenient ser-
vility by which they demonstrated their usefulness in
furthering the designs of ambitious patrons. While
the general licentiousness which scandalized the papal
court did not prevail to an equal extent among the
clergy of Constantinople, the lives of many of the
patriarchs were stained with vices equal in baseness
and impiety to any that defiled the character of the
worst of the pontiffs. Soldiers, eunuchs, parasites,
and tools of intriguing statesmen were elevatai in turn
to the most eminent dignity of the Eastern Church.
Some carried with them into the episcopal palace the
manners and the license of the camp. Others, by en-
listing the services of the monks and the populace,
fomented sanguinary and disastrous revolutions.
Others again, by the monstrous extravagance of their
behavior and the irreverence which they displayed in
the discharge of their sacred functions, aroused the
indignation and incurred the censtu-e of the devout
Of the latter, Theophylactus offers a conspicuous ex-
ample. The sale of ecclesiastical preferments fur-
nished him regularly with means for the gratification
of his unholy passions. He was raised to the patri-
archal throne of Constantinople at the age of twelve
years. He introduced into the Greek ritual absurd
ceremonies and licentious hymns which, strange to re-
late, survived him for almost two centuries. To this
practice are traceable the riotous and obscene festivals
of the Middle Ages, when religion was travestied and
Moorish Emfise in Europe 877
the rites of the Church profaned by license as gross
as that which characterized the excesses of the de-
cadent empire of the Caesars. He deprecated the
wrath of the Devil with heathen sacrifices. In his
stable were two thousand horses, which were fed on
almonds and figs steeped in wine, regaled with costly
liquors, and sprinkled with the most exquisite per-
fumes. Not infrequently in the midst of the mass he
left his congregation to visit the stall of some favorite
charger. Could piety or virtue be expected from a
people whose spiritual necessities were ministered to
by such a prelate?
With moral degeneracy came also intellectual de-
crepitude. A scanty but inestimable remnant of the
vast stores of learning which had instructed and de-
lighted the Pagan world had been rescued from the
hands of the ruthless barbarian and preserved on the
shores of the Bosphorus. But the scarcity of writing
materials and the ignorance and prejudice of the im-
lettered ecclesiastics into whose hands many of these
treasures fell insured their destruction. Great nmn-
bers of the productions of classic authors were erased
from the precious parchment to make room for the
legendary miracles of fictitious saints. Others per-
ished by mould and mildew in the dripping vaults of
monasteries and churches. Near the Cathedral of St.
Sophia there stood in the eighth century a great basil-
ica of unique and elegant design called the Octagon.
It was approached by eight magnificent porticos sup-
ported by pillars of white marble. The edifice itself
displayed the taste and skill of the Grecian architect,
whose type, while suggestive of the decline of an art
once carried to a perfection without parallel, was, even
in its decadence, superior to the masterpieces of all
other nations. Erected by Constantine the Great for
purposes of religious worship, Julian had consecrated
it to literature, had deposited within its haUs his ex-
878 HisroBY of the
tensive library, and had established there an academy
in imitation of the famous Musemn founded by the
Ptolemies at Alexandria. Here a corps of teachers,
maintained at the expense of the state, imparted in-
struction gratuitously on all branches of theology and
the arts. The library was open to every student of
whatever creed or nationality. A number of expert
calligraphists and scholars were constantly employed
in adding to the collection, or in reproducing manu-
scripts that had been damaged by abuse or neglect
The professors of this university — ^the only institution
worthy of the name in the entire realm of the empire
— ^were held in the highest reverence. Sometimes their
opinions were taken on important questions of law and
diplomacy. Often their mediation was solicited by the
heads of contending factions. By the pre-eminence
of their acquirements and the weight attaching to their
decisions, they averted many a national catastrophe.
The incumbents of the most exalted places in the
Church were frequently taken from their ranks. Dur-
ing the season of its prosperity no institution of learn-
ing outside of the dominions of the khalif s wielded such
a salutary influence or was regarded with such respect
and homage by all classes of mankind as the Octagon
of Constantinople. In the reign of Zeno, when it was
consumed by fire, this famous edifice contained a
library of a hundred and twenty thousand volumes.
Among the treasures lost in the conflagration was a
wonderful manuscript of the works of Homer, more
than one hundred feet long, composed of serpent skins
inscribed with characters of gold. Restored by the
emperors to some degree of its former splendor, Leo
the Isaurian, who, after repeated interviews, had
failed to convert to his iconoclastic views the teachers
of the University, determined to effectually silence
those who had so signally refuted his arguments. Se-
cretly, and during the night, an immense quantity of
MooBiSH Empise in Eueofe 879
combustibles was distributed about the building, the
torch was applied, detachments of troops prevented
all attempts at rescue, and the assembled wisdom and
learning of the Byzantine Empire perished in one in-
discriminate ruin. From this inexcusable act of van-
dalism dates the disappearance of many of the great-
est works of the poets, philosophers, and historians of
antiquity. What the iconoclast had begun the cru-
sader completed. The storming of the capital by the
Latins dealt another destructive blow to literature.
The martial fanaticism of the West saw nothing to
admire and much to execrate in the immortal produc-
tions of Pagan genius. The ignorant monks who fol-
lowed in the train of the Count of Flanders and the
Marquis of Montf errat showed scant consideration to
such of the classics as fell into their hands. The pre-
cious remains that survived this age of violence, super-
stition, and intellectual apathy rested uncared for and
forgotten in the seclusion of private libraries and the
sacred recesses of the cloister until they were resur-
rected by the insatiable demand for knowledge which
distinguished the people of Europe during the fif-
teenth and sixteenth centuries.
In every phase of social as well as of intellectual
life, the national inferiority of the Byzantine was
manifest. He could copy with a fair degree of skill,
but he could not originate. He absorbed little and
created almost nothing. The works of art in which he
took most pride were rather indebted for their value
to the nature of their materials than to the labor and
ingenuity that had produced them. In the style of
ornamentation,— especially as regards the pattern of
textile fabrics and tiie settings of jewels, — ^the Sjrrian
taste, which delighted in floral designs and the forms
of grotesque animals, predominated. There was little
in the work of the Byzantine sculptor to call to mind
the simplicity and delicacy that pre-eminently distin-
880 HiSTOSY OF THE
guished the exquisite products of the Attic chiseL
Yet its imitative tendency induced the genius of the
Eastern Empire to borrow from all its neighbors, and
especially from Greece, whose art had greatly retro-
graded even before the accession of Constantine.
The adoption of Christianity as the religion of the
state was most unfavorable to sculpture, which was
associated by the ignorant with the representation and
worship of the gods of antiquity. The term " Byzan-
tine," as applied to decoration, is most comprehensive,
and, employed by writers at will, has become indefinite.
When examples of this style possess marked charac-
teristics, however, and can readily be identified, they
show clearly the impress of foreign influence, result-
ing commercial activity, and intimate diplomatic rela-
tions of the Greek Empire with nations of the most
discordant customs and religious traditions. The mu-
ral designs in mosaic pecuUar to Constantinople, were
reproduced in temples dedicated to the ceremonial of
widely difi^erent creeds, as the Mosque of Cordova, the
Church of St. Mark at Venice, and the Cathedral of
St. Isaac at St. Petersburg.
The division of society into castes was the most
serious and insurmountable impediment to progress
encountered by the people of the Greek Empire. Pub-
lic opinion was voiced by the court at the instigation
of the clergy. There was one law for the members of
the imperial household and another for all who did not
enjoy that adventitious privilege. What was a crime
in the citizen was scarcely considered an error in the
patrician. The tradesmen, who to some extent con-
stituted a middle class, were not wealthy or influential
enough to own slaves, — a criterion of social impor-
tance,— ^and in nine cases out of ten sympathized with,
if they did not actually support, the claims of the
rabble. The cultivator of the soil, uncertain whether
he would be permitted to enjoy the fruit of his labors.
Moorish Empibe m Europe 881
through the rapacity of the imperial officials or the
relentless fury of the barbarians, pursued his useful
vocation to little purpose. In a region proverbial for
fertility, under a sky unusually favorable to the
husbandman, there was no uniformity in the amount
of the yield, no certainty of even a moderate harvest.
Under the same atmospheric conditions a year of fam-
ine often succeeded a year of the greatest abimdance.
The most lucrative branch of commerce was the slave-
trade. The Saracen pirates, who swarmed in the
Mediterranean, exchanged their captives in the mar-
kets of Byzantium for Baltic amber, Chinese silks,
Arabian spices, and Indian jewels. These slaves, both
male and female, were sold to Jews, who disposed of
them to the Moslems of Persia, Egypt, Mauritania,
and Spain. The manufacture of eunuchs was not
only a profitable industry, but was often resorted to
with a view to the future political or ecclesiastical pro-
motion of the unfortunate subject. Parents muti-
lated their children in the hope that they might rise to
the administration of important dignities in the palace
or the Church. Unsuccessful aspirants to the throne
were compelled to imdergo this painful and dangerous
operation, and were then confined for life in some
secluded monastery. The abject degeneracy of the
nation further revealed itself by the infliction of even
more inhimian and revolting punishments. Political
conspirators were flayed alive. Vivisection was prac-
tised upon criminals not sufficiently adroit or wealthy
to escape the vigilance of the magistrate. Ofi^enders
guilty of public sacrilege were scourged, crucified, or
burnt. With the intellectual debasement indicated by
the enjoyment of himian suffering were mingled the
most puerile superstitions. Every class of society,
from the emperor to the peasant, was a firm believer
in visions, omens, auguries. The flight of birds was
observed, the entrails of a slaughtered animal exam-
882 HiSTOET OF THE
ined with an eagerness never surpassed by that of the
votaries of Paganism. The occurrence of an inau-
spicious event, an unusual dream, an apparent prod-
igy* overwhehned the unhappy Byzantine with dis-
may. Still tinctured with the idolatrous superstition
of his fathers, he secretly placed gifts upon the de-
faced altars of ruined temples, consulted the silent
oracles, endeavored to propitiate the neglected gods
by nocturnal sacrifices. Belief in the evil-eye was imi-
versal, a delusion not extinct even in our day among
the more ignorant peasantry of Italy, who think that
the possession and exercise of this myterious power
is one of the prerogatives of the Pope. In such a
community the charlatans who thrive by the weakness
of mankind were not wanting. Astrologers were con-
sidered necessary appendages to the grandeur of the
imperial court. They abounded in every quarter of
the city, and were regarded by the populace with feel-
ings of mingled fear and veneration. Even members
of the priesthood, terrified by some unfamiliar natural
phenomenon, which their ignorance suggested might
portend an imminent calamity, did not hesitate to
openly visit these impostors.
To the hands of these two great powers, the Papacy
of Rome and the Empire of the Greeks, were virtually
intrusted the destinies of the vast and constantly in-
creasing population of Europe. Their evil influence
over the minds of men was incalculable. What the
unprincipled methods and insolent pretensions of tiie
former failed to effect was supplied by the political
duplicity of the latter. While of ten apparently at
variance, they were in reality, though unconsciously,
seeking to compass a common end, — ^the moral, social,
and intellectual degradation of humanity. No con-
ceptions of honor, consistency, generosity, or pa-
triotism affected the policy of either. Is it sur-
prising that under such circumstances and with such
MooBisH Empire m Eubofe 888
masters the society of the Christian world should have
remained for many centuries absolutely stagnant,
without advancement in the arts, without incentives
to literary effort, without exertion in the fascinating
domain of science, almost without the consolation of
hope beyond the grave ? When we consider the bound-
less opportunities for good in the grasp of these two
great enemies of human progress, and tiie energy and
ability employed by one of them especially to stifle all
inquiry and every aspiration for mental improvement,
we may realize the extent of the darkness which en-
veloped the society of Europe for nearly a thousand
years, and appreciate the efforts of the Mohammedan
nations, whose self -instructed genius illumined with
such a brilliant light the path of civilization and
knowledge.
The most pernicious and debasing conditions of
Byzantine society prevailed to even a greater degree
in the brutalized communities of Central and Western
Europe. In no country of that continent did there
exist a firmly established or legally constituted gov-
ernment. The authority of the sovereign was nominal
and complimentary, — obeyed when it was more con-
venient to do so than to dispute it, and practically
recognized rnider protest. The order of succession was
perpetually violated. Ambitious vassals overturned
thrones won by the valor of great diief tains, or ruled
with despotic power in the names of their feeble
progeny. Anarchy prevailed throughout those prov-
inces whose population- was not intimidated by the
immediate presence of the court. Property and life
were at the mercy of banditti in the pay and under
the protection of powerful nobles, who complacently
shared the spoils and the infamy of these highway
plunderers. The savage and absurd customs imported
by barbarians from the forests of Germany and Brit-
ain usurped the office of laws approved by the wisdom
884 History of the
and practice of Roman jurisprudence. The decay of
that science under the later emperors, and ^specially
under the system established by Constantine, must be
attributed to the increasing interest in religious doc-
trines and theological controversy, which ignored the
talents and ambition once exercised in the profession
of the civil law. The priest had become the successful
rival of the advocate, and ecclesiastical preferment
was prized more highly by the educated than the
triumphs of judicial learning and forensic eloquence.
The arm of the strongest determined the justice of a
cause without the formalities of evidence and argu-
ment. A graduated tariff of compensation for bodily
injmy existed, and any offence could be expiated by
the payment of a stipulated srmi. The imposition and
collection of taxes were not regulated by any estab-
lished principles, and the obvious rules of political
economy were violated in the application and enforce-
ment of the fiscal regulations. Amidst the universal
disorder, the Church lost no opportunity to increase
her acquisitions and consolidate her power. She en-
couraged the continuance of the incredible ignorance
and inhumanity of the age. She resolutely set her
face against every attempt of the laity to shake off
the fetters imposed upon it by violence and super-
stition. She punished with atrocious severity the
slightest manifestation to question the genuineness
of her pretensions or the validity of her canons.
The warlike and pugnacious spirit of an age gov-
erned by force affected even a profession generally
associated with the offices of mercy and peace. For
centuries among the Saxons it was the bishop and not
the king who conferred the distinction of knighthood.
In martial assemblies no difference existed in the ap-
pearance of the prelate and the warrior. The panoply
and weapons of the field were often also a feature of
ecclesiastical convocations. Godfrey, Archbishop of
Moorish Emfise m Europe 885
Narbonne, presided in complete armor over councils
called to determine points of religious doctrine. The
Bishop of Cahors, in Provence, refused to say mass
unless his sword and gauntlets had been previously-
deposited on the altar. The Treasurer of the Cathe-
dral of Nevers appeared in the choir armed to the
teeth and with his hawk upon his wrist. In Langue-
doc, during the thirteenth century, it was the practice
of priests to settle questions in dispute by fisticuffs.
After the destruction of the Roman Empire, the
first attempt to reorganize society was made by the
institution of the Feudal System. It was an instance
of the selection of the lesser of two evils. In consid-
eration of protection, the vassal paid homage to his
lord and promised him military and other services
under certain ill-defined conditions. Defective and
susceptible of enormous abuses as this arrangement
was, it alleviated to some degree the misery of the
lower orders. Its jurisdiction was coextensive with
the dominions formerly embraced by the empire of
Charlemagne. The temptation it held out to oppres-
sion more than neutralized the benefits it occasionally
conferred. It organized and perpetuated the most
vexatious of thraldoms, the tyranny of caste. It ap-
propriated all property in the soil, and a person not
of noble birth or ecclesiastical distinction was doomed
to the humiliating dependence of vassalage or serf-
dom. The nominal liberty originally enjoyed by the
descendants of the ancient Roman colonists was easily
forfeited by the non-payment of taxes, whose amount
was regulated by the caprice of the lord; the failure
to perform military service or even the neglect to
observe obligations of trifling importance of them-
selves was sufficient to reduce the offender to a con-
dition of servitude.
The serfs were divided into two principal classes,
known to the technical jargon of the law as villains in
Vol. III.— 95
886 HiSTOSY OF THE
gross and villains regardant. The authority of tiie
lord over both of these was absolute and irresponsible;
the former were attached to his person and, like other
chattels, could be sold or otherwise disposed of; the
latter belonged to the soil and could under no circum-
stances be alienated. In every case villains were in-
ventoried and valued as beasts of burden. They ex-
perienced all the hardships that greed and malice could
invent or cruelty inflict. Not only were they exposed
to the violence and rapacity of their superiors, but they
were subject to the exaction of certain privileges
which could only have been tolerated in an age wholly
devoid of the principles of honor, justice, and decency.
A conveyance for the transfer of a fief scarcely
deigned to mention the wretched creatures who in the
eye of the law formed a part of the glebe, and one
from which the latter derived its principal value. The
avarice of unfeeling lords compelled the peasant to
labor throughout the night and to share the lodgings
of the cattle. Around his neck was soldered a metal
collar, sometimes of brass, often of silver, on which
were engraved his name and that of his master. His
manhood was entirely destroyed; he possessed no
rights, enjoyed no liberties, participated in no diver-
sions. His identity was lost, his very being was
merged into the soil on whose surface he toiled from
early childhood until released by death. No more
pathetic and forlorn example of the deplorable effects
of human tyranny and human suffering exists than
that presented by the life of the villain regardant of
the Middle Ages.
The code of seignioral rights which governed the
lord in the relations he maintained with his vassals is
one of the most curious and remarkable collections in
the entire system of jurisprudence. Voluminous trea-
tises have been written upon it. Dictionaries have
been compiled in explanation of the obscure and tech-
MoosiSH Emfibe in Extbofe 887
nical terms by which its customs are designated. The
abuse of its prerogatives has led to more than one
event whose effects have been experienced in the fall
of empires, the institution of anarchy, the weakening
of religious sentiment, the destruction of social order.
By the provisions of this code, whose authority was
usually presmned to be based upon charters or capitu-
laries conferred by reigning monarchs, the suzerain,
always an individual of noble lineage or clerical im-
portance, was invested with all the powers of des-
potism, so far as the jurisdiction of his estates was
concerned. The infliction of the death penalty was
within his discretion. He could impose taxes at will,
and there was no check upon his rapacity except that
suggested by considerations of private interest. The
rights of legalized plunder were multiplied to an as-
tonishing degree — for every important action of life,
for the performance of every labor, for every change
of condition, for birth, death, marriage, for the gath-
ering of harvests, for the construction of buildings,
for the keeping of animals, permission was required
and a contribution demanded. The virtue of the fe-
male serf was absolutely at the mercy of her lord. She
was the subject of the most flagitious and degrading
section in this code of infamy. The charters or the
prescriptive regulations of many fiefs conceded to the
lord the exercise of certain prior rights over the bride
of a vassal. Where such a privilege existed, none of
any rank who owed homage to prince or noble were
exempt from its enforcement. Known in different
countries by various names, — ^in France, as Cuissage;
in Italy, as Cazzagio; in Flanders, as Bednood; in
Germany, as ReH-Schot; in England, as Maidenrent,
— ^it was one of the most widely diffused of all feudal
exactions. The gentlemen of the clergy practised it
most assiduously; they were among the first to adopt
and' the last to relinquish it. This odious privilege
888 History of the
attax^ed to the estates of most of the great abbeys and
sees of Catholic Europe. Its exertion might be com-
muted for a sum of money, but this was a matter ai-
tirely dependent on the caprice of him who enjoyed it
In (Afferent localities the interpretation of the general
law which sanctioned its use was, by common consent,
enlarged, and its indiscriminate infliction was not in-
frequently imposed upon the serfs of a neighbor as a
penalty for trespass and other misdemeanors. Mod-
em propriety will not tolerate the enumeration of the
curious and revolting details concerning the " Droit
de pr61ibation," with which the ancient charters of
mediaeval times are filled. The evils resulting from
this custom frequently aroused the indignation of
even the meek and plodding villain, and incited him
to assassination and rebellion. It is an extraordinary
circumstance, however, that the victim most nearly
affected by the operation of this iniquitous law, whidi
had a direct tendency permanently to impair domes-
tic happiness and cast a stigma upon the offspring
of every family, never complained of its hardships.
Among all the remonstrances and memorials presented
during the Middle Ages to monarchs and legislative
bodies which have been preserved, and many of which
are signed by women, not a single instance can be
found where a female vassal requested the abolition
of a custom whose continuance was a constant menace
to her modesty and virtue.
The essential principles of feudalism were territo-
rial and martial. The right to receive homage implied
the possession of real property and the privilege of
private warfare. The soldier was the controlling
power in the state. Questions affecting the integrity
or loyalty of an individual, the liability for civil for-
feiture or criminal punishment, the settlement of a
boundary, the vindication of personal honor, were re-
ferred, not to a judicial tribunal to be determined by
Moorish Empire in Europe 889
the application of well-established rules and prece-
dents, but to the wager of battle. In cases where
heresy was suspected, other and even more absurd
tests, such as the ordeals by fire and water, were
adopted. No rational ideas existed for the ascertain-
ment of truth or the dispensation of justice. Every
nation was subject to a haughty and cruel aristocracy,
whose tyranny was sometimes tempered and some-
times aggravated by the influence of the clerical order,
as its interests or its passions at the time might dictate.
Whenever a rebellious spirit was evinced by the peas-
antry, and the authority of the barons was not strong
enough to suppress it, bands of foreign mercenaries
and outlaws were enlisted, who were paid with the ef-
fects of the serfs which had escaped the rapacity of
the suzerain. The maintenance of a system which
countenanced the settlement of private feuds by the
sword and admitted the virtual independence of the
nobles was, of course, inimical to the dignity and
power of the sovereign. In France the seignioral fiefs
bestowed by charters numbered five thousand, and
their lords exercised jurisdiction over thirty thousand
villages. There were abbeys whose domains were
tilled by as many as twenty thousand serfs attached
to the glebe. This enumeration did not include the
villains in gross, who sometimes exceeded in number
all the other retainers and dependents of the lords.
The greater portion of the vast territory administered
by the hierarchy imder the customs of feudalism was
obtained from wealthy pilgrims and crusaders, who
sacrificed their earthly possessions to the thrifty priest-
hood for a trifle ip the vain expectation of securing a
celestial inheritance. By means of this folly, as well
as through the efi^ects of ecclesiastical oppression and
torture, France lost thirty-three per cent, of its popu-
lation during the thirteenth century. In Saxon Eng-
land the peasants had absolutely no guaranty of pro-
800 EbSTORY OF THE
tection. Their property was appropriated and their
persons enslaved by the petty kings and piratical
chieftains w^io contended in incessant warfare for con-
trol of the affairs of Britain. The conquest by the
Normans was productive of little improvement. A
tyranny of race and caste arose, aggravated by the
worst features of the Feudal System, and the despised
and humiliated Saxon was degraded almost to the
level of a brute. During this unhappy epoch the law
of force was pfp*amount throughout Europe. The
moral influence exerted by the clergy through the
mediimi of superstitious fear afforded the only in-
stance where obedience was not dependent upon the
sword. Where the privileges of feudalism were com-
bined with the exactions of sacerdotal avarice and in-
tolerance, the lot of the serf was indeed grievous. But
in cases that did not compromise the prestige or affect
the revenues of the hierarchy, the Church not infre-
quently interposed to protect the victim of aristocratic
persecution and injustice. The savage baron, all but
omnipotent elsewhere, dared not invade the hallowed
precincts of her sanctuary. Under the beneficent
shadow of her altar the fugitive peasant was safe
from the vengeance of his oppressor. By the tender
of her mediation in the quarrels of powerful chief-
tains, peace was re-established over extensive provinces
where anarchy and implacable hatred had long held
sway. And it was by her aid, combined with the ef-
forts of the outraged Third Estate, and encouraged
by monarchs whose prerogatives had been usurped,
that the offensive and cruel rights of feudalism were
finally abolished. The Crusades struck a fatal blow
at the system by impoverishing the lords through the
alienation of their estates and the consequent over-
throw of their power. For this service, if for no other,
posterity owes to the priesthood an incalculable debt
of gratitude. So firmly rooted were many of the
MooBiSH Empibe m Eubofe 891
practices of the Feudal System that to this day they
have not been entirely eradicated. Ceremonies mi-
questionably derived from seignioral privileges are
still observed in remote districts of France and Italy.
The statutes of England and her colonies have not
yet been purged of provisions and terms which sug-
gest to the legal antiquary the mutual obligations of
vassal and suzerain.
The relative position of nations in the scale of bar-
barism or civilization is largely determined by the
nature of their tastes and favorite occupations, by
their pastimes, by the means which they invent or
adopt to add to the comforts and conveniences of
daily life. During the greater portion of the period
under consideration in this chapter, the existence of
the people of Europe, without distinction of rank or
resources, was a purely animal one. The necessities
of the fortress, the camp, and the hovel were easily
supplied. Articles of the simplest construction and
most inexpensive materials, whose uses must have oc-
curred spontaneously to the most unimaginative mind,
and are now considered indispensable in every house-
hold, were imknown. The castle of the noble partook
of all the forbidding characteristics of a prison. Its
frowning donjon, its impassable moat, its embattled
walls, its jealously guarded portals, were suggestive
of tyranny and disorder. The interior was not more
inviting. The halls were cold and cheerless; the
gloomy chambers, into whose damp recesses the rays
of the Sim struggled with difficulty through narrow,
unglazed windows, the stone seats, the massive furni-
ture and mildewed tapestry were typical of the coarse
simplicity and unsettled condition of society in that
age. The banqueting hall, where hospitality was dis-
pensed on state occasions with rude magnificence, was
at almost every meal the scene of gluttony and uncon-
trolled inebriety.
899 HiSTOEY OF THE
The decorations and their surroundings exhibited
the greatest possible incongniity. Hangings of silk
and velvet embroidered with gold were suspended
against whitewashed walls. Plate of the precious
metals was served upon tables of rough and uneven
boards. The mailed foot of the knight and the dainty
slipper of the chatelaine reposed upon imdressed flags,
whose coldness was somewhat counteracted by a cover-
ing of straw or fragrant herbs. In the viands abun-
dance was considered rather than excellence of flavor,
which, however, on extraordinary occasions was sup-
posed to be supplied by the use of rose-water profusely
sprinkled over every dish. The repast, where incred-
ible quantities of food were consumed, was diaracter-
ized by coarse jests and barbaric revelry. The favor-
ite beverage was beer, often brewed in the castle and
indulged in to disgusting excess; for through its
potency the festivities became the fatal cause of inde-
scribable Ubertinism and sanguinary encounters. The
guests were served by squires and pages, youths of
rank, who, inmates of the castle, acquired there a
knowledge of arms as well as an acquaintance with
the more doubtful accomplishments of gaming and
amorous intrigue. The intimate associations and do-
mestic character of mediseval society arising from a
sparse population removed all suspicion of menial ser-
vice from this duty, which was considered highly hon-
orable, and was gladly performed by the proudest
noble at the board of his royal suzerain.
The amusements of the feudal lord were confined
to war or its substitute, the chase. In the intervals of
peace the tournament supplied the necessary practice
in arms as well as the military pomp and excitement
of the field. One of the favorite diversions of both
the nobility and the wealthier clergy was fljring the
falcon. All extraordinary importance attached to the
possession and use of these birds of prey. Property
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 898
in them was inviolate. They were inseparably con-
nected with the aristocratical or personal privileges of
the owner, and could not be alienated, even with his
consent, for the ransom of their master. Persons of
plebeian station were not permitted to purchase or
keep them. They were universally recognized sym-
bols of suzerainty. Kings, bishops, abbots, ladies
never went abroad without these birds upon their fists.
Warriors carried them in battle. Prelates deposited
them in the chancel while they recited the service of
the altar. The regulations of falconry constituted a
science only to be mastered after months of assiduous
study. The education of these birds required the ex-
ertion of great skill and boundless patience. Each
falcon was carried upon a glove which could not be
used for any other. It bore the arms of the master,
and was often embroidered with gold and ornamented
with jewels. In many kingdoms the office of Grand
Falconer was one of the greatest distinction and im-
portance. In France the emoluments of this dignitary
were eighty thousand francs a year, and gentlemen of
rank eagerly competed for the subordinate employ-
ments at his disposal.
The supreme ambition of baronial life was the fame
that attached to martial deeds and romantic adventure.
The first care of the noble was to secure himself
against the treachery and violence of his neighbors.
His castle, perched upon a lofty eminence, was fur-
nished with every device to render it impregnable.
The most incessant vigilance was adopted to provide
against surprise. In front of the gateway, or pro-
jected from the summit of the keep and overhanging
the moat, was a gibbet, a significant reminder to male-
factors of the consequences of violated law or resisted
oppression. By the over-scrupulous, immunity was
purchased from the Chiu^ch with the proceeds of the
spoliation of the helpless. On all sides — ^in the bloody
d04 History of the
traditions of the moated stronghold, with its suhterra-
nean dungeons and its instruments of torture; in the
license of the armored troop that rode down the ripen-
ing harvest and levied blackmail on the trader'and the
pilgrim; in the perpetual labors of the uncomplaining
serf; in the outraged modesty of weeping woman-
hood; in the summary execution of suspected offend-
ers against feudal privilege, — everywhere were visible
the brutalizing effects of unrestrained cruelty and ir-
responsible power.
But with all their defects, the baronial institutions
of medisBval times bestowed upon society advantages
that in some measure compensated for the evil which
they too often occasioned. The military tastes of the
age gave rise to the laws of chivalry and the institution
of knighthood, whence in turn were derived graces and
amenities of social intercourse hitherto unpractised by
the savage warriors of Gallic and Saxon Eiu^pe.
The tournament was, as might be imagined, the
most popular of the diversions of the Middle Ages.
From far and near multitudes flocked to the scene
of martial skill and splendor. The town where it
was held presented the aspect of an immense fair.
For leagues around the country was dotted with tents,
and with pavilions surmounted by the pennons of the
chivalry of many lands. The retinues of prince and
noble not infrequently assimied the dimensions of an
army. The followers of Gottfried, Duke von Lowen,
at Trazignies in 1169 numbered three thousand. At
a tournament near Soissons in 1175, Count Baldwin
von Hennegau appeared with an escort of a hundred
knights and twelve hundred esquires. The blazons of
the most ancient and celebrated houses of Europe
were conspicuous in the vast encampment. Kings fre-
quently held their courts within its precincts. All
classes were in holiday garb. The magnificence of the
spectacle was enhanced by gorgeously caparisoned
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubope 805
Lorses, damascened harnesses, waving plumes, many
colored silks, sparkling jewels, the parade of men-at-
arms, the pomp of marching squadrons, the resplen-
dent charms of female beauty. The contest, repeat-
edly, but without effect, prohibited by the edicts of
Pope and Council, was conducted with all the ferocity
of battle. The thirst of blood predominated over
every other sentiment. It was not an unusual occur-
rences for scores of knights to be carried lifeless from
the lists after one of these fierce encounters.
The point of honor which inspired the conduct of
the mediseval champion of distressed innocence and
avenger of privileged oppression had no existence
among the most civilized races of antiquity. The in-
dividuality implied by its exercise could not be com-
prehended by commimities whose members, while ca-
pable of renouncing every tie of kindred in behalf of
the interests of the state and of imdergoing the most
severe privations to sustain the national supremacy,
were prevented by the peculiar circumstances of their
surroundings from appreciating the qualities which
ennobled even the vices of the knight of the Middle
Ages. Without this prominent and compensating
feature the condition of society during the tenth,
eleventh, and twelfth centuries would have been one
of imredeemed and unequivocal barbarism.
The coarse though abundant fare of the castle
board, the more delicate but still far from dainty
viands of the monastic refectory, the boisterous amuse-
ments which occupied the leisure and menaced the
safety of the participants, the drunken revels of glut-
tonous banquets, the incessant perils of domestic war-
fare, to which baron and monk were alike exposed,
were suggestive of absolute happiness and luxury
when contrasted with the conditions under which was
sustained the miserable existence of the serf. His
habitation was shared by beasts of burden, the com-
806 HiSTOBT OF THE
panions of his daily and nightly toil. Composed of
unhewn logs or of sticks wattled with rushes, thatched
with straw and plastered with mud, its primitive and
defective construction afforded little security against
the vicissitudes of the climate or the inclemency of the
seasons. Through a hole in the centre of the roof the
smoke emerged and the storm descended; the walls
were blackened with soot; the earthen floor was cov-
ered with a trampled litter of hay, mingled with bones
and the decaying fragments of many a repast which
the occupants had never taken the trouble to remove.
Of furniture there was almost none; a bench, per-
haps, and a table of unsmoothed planks answered the
simple requirements of the hapless villain. He re-
posed upon a heap of straw with a block of wood for
a pillow; the few culinary utensils he possessed were
of the rudest description, and had been fashioned by
the hand of the owner. No provision was made for
the decencies of life or the safeguards of virtue, whidi
were indeed unknown; the family occupied a common
apartment, and often a single bed, while the grunting
of swine and the lowing of oxen, which animals ranged
at will through the dwelling, were sounds too familiar
to disturb the slumbers of the drowsy household. The
accumulated filth of years, combined with indescriba-
ble personal neglect and revolting customs, attracted
and multiplied swarming multitudes of every species
of vermin. The garments of the peasant, usually of
skins, descended uncleansed and unchanged from
father to son through many generations, bearing in
their contaminated folds the germs of pestilence and
death. Where the circumstances of the serf were not
sufiiciently prosperous to afford even this protection
against the weather, his shivering limbs were wrapped
with ropes of straw. His head was uncovered, often
even in the depth of winter. The most obvious pre-
cautions of hygiene were neglected; the simplest pre-
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubope 897
cepts of medical science had not yet penetrated to the
isolated communities of Western Europe or were
sedulously discountenanced by the interests of super-
stition; and the plague, assisted by favorable climatic
conditions, as weU as by the physical debasement and
the fears of the people, at each visitation numbered
its victims by myriads. With game in every grove and
fish in every stream, tiie famishing peasant was often
reduced to appease his hunger with unwholesome roots
and bark when the meal of chestnuts and acorns, his
most luxurious fare, was wanting. The severity of
the forest laws visited upon the poacher, even when
impelled by the pangs of starvation to trespass on the
seignioral demesnes, the most barbarous of punish-
ments. Around the monastery and the castle were
visible the signs of unskilled and reluctant cultivation;
but not far away was a wilderness diversified with vast
forests, majestic rivers, and pestilential marshes. In-
tercommunication was irregular and limited to popu-
lous districts; many villages of no inconsiderable
dimensions were as completely separated from the out-
side world as if they stood on islands in the midst of
the ocean. Barter of commodities necessarily prevailed
in the almost entire absence of money; there was no
opportunity for the establishment of trade; no incite-
ment to agricultural industry ; no work for the artisan.
The accumulation of property was effectually discour-
aged through the incapacity of the laborer to retain
or enjoy it when his hopes were constantly frustrated
by the insinuating artifices of the priest or the sig-
nificant threats of the noble. The extortions of the
inexorable tax-receiver, the inhumanity of licensed
hirelings, the enormities countenanced by baronial
tyranny, carried dismay into every hamlet. Epidemics
appeared without warning, and spread with mysteri-
ous and appalling rapidity; the death-rate was fright-
ful; fatal symptoms developed almost with the first
898 HiSTOEY OF THE
attack, while in the ignorance of rational treatment
the application of relics and the mummeries of the
clergy proved signally ineffectual to avert what was
considered the vengeance of Heaven.
Confined in the lazar-house with himdreds of his
fellow-sufferers or banished to a lonely hut, far from
the haunts of men, the hapless leper dragged out his
melancholy existence in pain, in disgrace, in penury.
The law declared him civilly dead. With a ceremony
not less solemn than that performed over the remains
of a Christian actually deceased, the priest announced
his final separation from the society of mankind. His
body was enveloped in a shroud. He was laid upon
a bier. With the repetition of the legal formula which
consigned him to a life of odiimi and sorrow, a few
garments and necessary utensils were placed in his
hands. He was forbidden to eat with any person but
a leper; to wash his hands in running water; to give
away any object he had touched; to frequent places
of public resort; even to enter the house of a relative
or a friend. With his shoulders covered with a tat-
tered scarlet mantle, — ^a danger-signal, visible from
afar, — ^hideous to the sight, emaciated to a skeleton,
and horribly scarred with disease, he crouched by the
wayside, soimding his* rattle to arouse the compassion
and solicit the charity of the passer-by. Deprived of
civil rights and debarred from invoking the protection
of the law, he was, however, not wholly an outcast,
for with the exclusion from these privileges he became
the ward and vassal of the Church. So loathed and
dreaded was his malady— often considered a divine
penalty for crime or sacrilege — ^that no physician could
be induced to employ the scanty medical science of the
day for the alleviation of his sufferings; and, even if
wealthy, he was abandoned to the suspicious ministra-
tions of wizards, barbers, and charlatans. Shunned
as accursed and repulsive during his lifetime, when
MooBiSH Empire in Eubofe 899
dead he was unceremoniously buried under the floor of
his hoveh
The segregation of lepers in the Middle Ages, as a
measure of public safety, was productive of singular
results in subsequent times. The disease, which at dif-
ferent periods seems to have been both infectious and
contagious, gradually disappeared. But the preju-
dice attaching to the posterity of the unfortunate out-
casts, formerly cut oflF from all intercourse with their *
fellow-men, and who formed isolated commimities,
still remained. The origin of that prejudice was-
completely forgotten. The people in their ignorance
attributed the cause of their enmity to religious dif-
ferences. It was believed that the objects of their
unreasoning aversion were variously sprung from the
Goths, the Jews, the Saracens, the Albigenses. Mod-
em research, however, has definitely established the
fact that the former pariahs of Southwestern Eiu^ope,
known in Languedoc and Gascony as Capots and
Gahets, in Brittany as Cacous, in the Pjrrenees as
Cagots, in Spain as Agotes, were the descendants of
mediaeval lepers. A century has hardly elapsed since
these victims of popular antipathy have been divested
of that suspicion of uncleanness which was their an-
cient and unhappy heritage.
In the disorganized state of society which every-
where prevailed, facilities for the profitable and
friendly intercourse which promote the intelligence
and contribute to the temporal welfare of nations
could not exist. Even in provinces of the same coun-
try the professional robber and the bandit noble united
to imperil the life and seize the merchandise of the
trader. The courses of the old Roman highways, un-
used for centuries, concealed by rubbish and sometimes
overgrown with forests, had been utterly lost. There
was no provision made by the state for the protection
of commerce, and the universal insecurity discouraged
400 HlffTOBY OF THE
the schemes of private enterprise. The mortality re-
sulting from habitual violation of the most obvious
sanitary laws, from the use of insufficient and innu-
tritions food, from the hardships of incessant toil, and
from daily exposure to the elements, effectually re-
tarded the increase of population. That district was
fortunate indeed where even a uniform standard was
preserved. In many localities in kingdoms where
modem civilization has achieved her most signal
triumphs, a solitary shepherd pasturing his flock, or
a tottering hovel standing in tiie centre of a dismal
waste, alone proclaimed the presence of man.
The condition of the towns, where an improvement
in the manner of living might reasonably have been
expected, was in but few respects superior to that of
the scattered villages and isolated settlements of the
country. Even the main thoroughfares were narrow,
tortuous, and dirty. Without drainage or adequate
municipal supervision, they were receptacles for the
refuse of the household and the offensive carcasses of
dead and decaying animals. Even as late as the reign
of Francis I., the hogs belonging to the monks of St.
Anthony, who asserted and exercised special privi-
leges for the animals sacred to their patron, wandered
at will through the fashionable quarters of the metro-
politan city of Paris. From the overhanging bal-
conies filthy slops were dashed, without warning, upon
the head of the unwary passer-by. By night, daring
criminals, secure from the risk of punishment, plied
their lawless calling in these dismal and unlighted
lanes. He who ventured, unattended, to thread the
maze of alleys that wound through even the most fre-
quented quarters of great cities did so at peril of his
life. Each comer formed a convenient lair for the
lurking assassin. The projecting gables of the houses
aided in obscuring the gloomy footways. As the citi-
zen stood in constant fear of robbers, his dwelling was
1
Moorish Emfieub in Europe 401
always barred and silent. No light was visible any-
where save the flickering gleam in the lantern carried
by the trembling pedestrian, always on his guard
against some prowling assailant. Sometimes the mud
was so deep that locomotion was impossible for the
bearers of sedans, and women were carried from place
to place upon the backs of porters, as the narrow and
crooked streets precluded the use of vehicles drawn
by horses. In the habitations of even those considered
wealthy, a general air of discomfort was prevalent.
The apartments were dark, ill-ventilated, and unclean.
In the windows plates of horn and sheets of oiled
paper supplied the place of glass, which was practi-
cally unknown. No carpet covered the floors, which
were strewn with rushes. The foul surroundings as-
sisted materially in the propagation of fevers and the
spread of contagion. Provision for frequent ablu-
tion, so conducive to personal comfort as well as to
immunity from disease, was unheard of. In many of
the most populous capitals of Europe not a single
public bath could be found. The attire of the pros-
perous burgher and merchant was prescribed by sump-
tuary laws dictated by the jealous spirit of the aris-
tocracy, who could not tolerate a display of plebeian
splendor to which their own resources were unable to
attain. Their garments were limited to coarse woollen
stufl^s, whose cut and fashion were regulated accord-
ing to the capricious decisions of the court. The use
of golden ornaments and jewels, so indispensable to
the gratification of female vanity, was prohibited to
the wives and daughters of their households, who were
also restricted to a sombre and unattractive garb. In
some instances this contemptible exercise of authority
went still further. It dictated the quantity and quality
of the food and the beverages to be consumed at the
table of the citizen, the description and the price of
Ihe light which illumined his home and of the fuel
Vol. III.— JW
402 HiSTOEY OF THE
that warmed him. If he had anything to sell, he was
paid by his superiors in the product of a debased coin-
age or with coimterf eit money, whose manufacture
was everywhere prosecuted with comparative impu-
nity-
Drunkenness was so prevalent in England during
the reign of Edgar that restrictions were placed upon
the quantity of liquor to be consumed, — ^the amount
allowed each guest being indicated by a mark on the
side of the cup or the drinking-horn. The observance
of these tyrannical and senseless ordinances was
secured by a harassing system of espionage and in-
formers, and their violation was punished by ruinous
fines and by condemnation to the stocks or the pillory.
The publication and enforcement of sumptuary laws
necessarily prevented the development of conmierce,
already greatly retarded by the prevalent barbarism
and poverty of the age. Countries enjoying unlim-
ited natural resources of soil, minerals, timber, and
water-power, and whose noble streams only required a
portion of the energy and enterprise of man to bring
the fertile regions they traversed into intimate contact
with the humanizing influences and exquisite products
of the highest civilization, were as backward as the
savage kingdoms of central Africa are to-day.
A good index of the force of the bigoted prejudice
and public intolerance of the time is discernible in
the treatment universally received by the Jew. He
was the financier, the physician, the merchant, the
broker, the sdiolar of the Middle Ages. He man-
aged with eminent success the fiscal departments of
vast empires and kingdoms. In the great catastrophes
which overwhelmed entire nations, — ^amidst the want
and despair occasioned by earthquakes, wars, famine,
pestilence, — ^his shrewdness and his resources always
ajfforded relief to the suffering induced by the preva-
lent evils, although it must be confessed rarely without
Moorish Empire in Europe 408
exorbitant compensation. His medical talents and
surgical skill brought him under the ban of the clergy
as a dealer in magic; but neither the statutes of
Parliament nor the anathemas of priests could de-
prive him of the protection and friendship of or-
thodox monarchs, or of even the Sovereign Pontiff
himself. True to the adventurous and acquisitive
dharacter of his race, he introduced the knowledge
and use of foreign commodities in lands rarely
trodden by the foot of the stranger, defying the
storms of sea and ocean, braving alike the unprincipled
rapacity of the noble, the violence of the highwayman,
the perils of remote and unexplored solitudes. In
maritime cities he established depots for the importa-
tion and exchange of every description of merchan-
dise. His credit and his tact enabled him to negotiate
loans for improvident princes, which, more than
once, saved distressed nations from bankruptcy.
Amidst the multifarious variety of his occupations, he
found time for the recreation derived from the pur-
suits of literature. In this sphere, as in all others to
which he devoted his talents, he attained to the highest
distinction. In philosophy, in astronomy, in chemis-
try, in mathematics, his opinions were regarded by his
contemporaries with the reverence attaching to oracles.
His poetry and his eloquence delighted such courts as
those of Cordova and Bagdad ; his erudition instructed
and his genius illumined schools like those of Salerno,
Montpellier, and Narbonne.
How then did society reward such inestimable bene-
fits? Alas 1 for the credit of humanity, it must be con-
fessed that the intolerance fostered by centuries of
hatred obliterated every generous impulse, every senti-
ment of gratitude. The remembrance of the decision
of the Sanhedrim, the story of the sacrifice on Cal-
vary, extinguished in the minds of the fanatical popu-
lace the sense of any subsequent obligation. The anni-
404 HiSTOEY or the
versary of that tremendous event was the signal for
insult and outrage. The most heinous accusatioriSy
many of them extravagant and improbable in their
very nature, were brought by popular clamor, insti-
gated by ecclesiastical malice, against the defenceless
Hebrew. His commercial relations with the East had
introduced the leprosy. The plague was caused by
poison which he had thrown into the wells. The meat
he sold was sometimes whispered to be human flesh;
and the milk he dealt in not yielded by the cow, but
drawn from the breasts of the females of his house-
hold. He kidnapped children, whose blood he made
use of in the concoction of magical potions. On Good
Friday, aided by his kinsmen, he re-enacted the
tragedy of Golgotha, the victim being a Christian
youth who played, perforce, the rdle of the Saviour,
and who, with unavailing struggles and lamentations,
endured the humiliation and agony of the Crucifixion.
Kings, merely by proclamation, appropriated the Jews
of their reahns as the absolute property of the crown.
Then, by virtue of this arbitrary proceeding, they con-
fiscated the possessions of these victims of royal ava-
rice, under pretence of fines or ransom. Under these
significant circumstances it requires no extraordinary
degree of discernment to perceive that the wealth of
the Jews was the principal cause of their persecution.
By their talents and industry they had reached the
highest posts in the learned professions; had monopo-
lized the trade; had controlled, to a greater or less
extent, the policy of every government in Christen-
dom. Under Charlemagne and Louis le Debonnair
their condition was more prosperous than under suc-
ceeding monarchs for eight hundred years. In every
walk of life they received the consideration merited by
their commanding abilities. Their influence was un-
rivalled. They maintained royal state. Great conces-
sions were made to their convenience and religious
Moorish Empire in Extbofe 406
prejudices. Their prosperity excited the envy of the
rabble. Their influence with the monarch enraged the
courtiers. The clergy, whose profits were reduced by
their enterprise and whose monopolies they antago-
nized by their insinuating arts, regarded them with the
double hatred engendered by imperilled temporal in-
terests and ferocious bigotry. Among every class and
rank their superior intelligence was believed to be due
to sacrilegious bargains with the powers of darkness.
The prejudice attaching to their name and religion
always afforded a specious pretext for persecution.
In every Christian kingdom they were the objects
of poptdar execration. They were unceremoniously
robbed by the government. They were banished with-
out notice. Their debtors were encouraged to repudi-
ate contracts made with them. The ofiicials of the In-
quisition took exquisite pleasure in burning Hebrews,
always selecting the most wealthy for its victims. Of
the one hundred and sixty thousand persons burnt or
disciplined during the twenty-eight years comprising
the administrations of Torquemada and Ximenes as
Inquisitors-General, the majority were of that unfor-
tunate race. The cause of a Jew was prejudged be-
fore every tribunal, and it was often difficult for him
to obtain a hearing, and still more to secure the protec-
tion to which he was legally entitled. Under such
intolerable oppression it is not strange that he should,
by the adoption of unprincipled methods and by the
exaction of enormous usury, have endeavored to com-
pensate himself, in some degree, for the degradation
and hardships he was compelled to undergo. This
course, however, only intensified the popular hatred
until the term Jew was considered the epitome of all
dishonor, deceit, and unprincipled viUany. These dis-
creditable prejudices, dictated by general ignorance
and by the sacerdotal malice of the Middle Ages, are
still, it is well known, far from being eradicated even
406 HnrroBY of the
by the superior understanding and liberal opinions of
the twentieth century.
The universal distress which aflBicted the peasantry,
as well as the poorer classes of the cities, is reveal«l
by the inhumanity with which they were accustomed
to treat their offspring. Robbed and oppressed by
both priest and baron, and barely able to eke out a
miserable existence by themselves, they regarded the
birth of an infant as a domestic calamity. Parents
deliberately abandoned their children in unfrequented
places to perish by starvation or to be torn to pieces
by birds of prey. Many were drowned like puppies.
Some were buried alive. Others were deposited at
the doors of diurches and convents, where they were
often killed by dogs. The extent of the evil, as well
as the prevalent immorality existing in a single coun-
try, may be inferred from the fact that the Hospital
of Santa Cruz, foimded by Cardinal Mendoza of
Spain in the sixteenth century, received and sheltered
during twenty years more than thirteen thousand
foundlings.
The great epidemics that from time to time raged
throughout Europe afford glimpses of the life and
character of the people not readily obtained from
other sources. Medical science recognizes to-day that
the principal causes of such visitations are private
uncleanness and the accumulation of filth in public
places. During the Middle Ages, the regulations of
sanitary police were wholly unknown. On every side
heaps of garbage and putrefying offal met the eye
and offended the nostrils. The necessity for the thor-
ough ventilation and drainage of dwellings was uiisus-
pected. The prejudice against bathing, which univer-
sally existed, was partly due to the example of the
clergy, who were not supposed to have time to spare
from their sacred duties to care for their persons, and
partly due to contempt for the Mohammedans, whose
MooBiSH Empire in Eubofe 407
lustrations were a peremptory religious duty. As
Christianity spread, the practice of ablution gradually
declined. The Roman tihermse, one of the wonders of
the capital, were at first abandoned and afterwards
utilized as quarries for the palace and tibe cathedral..
A general idea prevailed that the ceremony of bap-
tism removed all necessity for the subsequent appli-
cation of water to the body. Filth became a test of
devotion, and, following the example of their spiritual
guides, the multitude came finally, by the natural law
of association, to regard the unsavory manifestations
of personal neglect as prima-fade evidence of Chris-
tian orthodoxy. Thus, sanctioned by public opinion
and confirmed by ecclesiastical authority, a stigma was
placed upon cleanliness, and a premium ofi^ered for
corporeal foulness and offensive surroundings. Those
who violated the established custom were in danger of
being denounced as heretics. It was one of the most
serious accusations against the Emperor Frederick II.
that he was addicted to the frequent use of the bath.
Among the upper classes of society, the unpleasant
consequences of untidy habits were in a measure neu-
tralized by the excessive use of strong perfumes, such
as musk, dvet, and ambergris. Among the lower
orders many of the physical conditions of life were
indescribable. In the vicinity of towns, as well as of
isolated habitations, equal negligence of the laws of
health prevailed. From the moat, with its stagnant
waters reeking with the refuse of the castle, to the vast
marshes, with their exhalations poisoning the air
around the hut of the shepherd, the atmosphere was
charged with the miasma of death. When to the
effects of such surroundings were added the depress-
ing influences of contagion and terror, the results were
appalling. The plague of the sixth century, whose
course raged unchecked from the Bosphorus to the
Atlantic^ desolated entire coimtries; the Black Death
408 HiSTOEY OP THE
of the fourteenth carried off seventy-five million per-
sons, one-half the inhabitants of Christendom. So
favorable to the spread of the pestilence were the cli-
matic conditions of the coimtry and the personal habits
of the people of England that the majority of them
perished in a few months by a single visitation of this
dreadful epidemic. It so diminished the population
that the pursuits of mechanical industry were seriously
and permanently affected. Wages became higher
than ever before, and legislation concerning the vexed
question of the mutual rights of employer and em-
ployed was inaugurated, a question which has not been
settled to the present day. The vicinity of the dying
and the dead carried witii it almost certain infection.
Even the extraordinary brilliancy of the eyes of pa-
tients suffering from delirium was supposed, in con-
formity with the prevailing superstition, to convey a
malignant and fatal influence upon all within the
range of their glances. The air was so tainted that
domestic animals, cattle, horses, sheep, even the birds,
died by hundreds of strange and fatal distempers.
The mortality was so great in some districts that the
helpless convalescents were unable to perform the
burial rites for their friends and neighbors. Ships
encumbered with the corpses of their crews drifted
about in the ocean without sailor or helmsman. Men
became insane through fright, and thousands com-
mitted suicide. The wealthy flocked to the churches
and poured their gold upon the altars; but for once
ecclesiastical avarice was forgotten, and the timid
priests, through dread of the scourge, often refused
the proffered treasure. Ajs a result of the universal
consternation inspired by the calamity, negligent and
hasty interment was, in many instances, responsible for
the rapid propagation of the pestilence. Multitudes
of corpses, covered only with a thin layer of earth,
were placed in shallow trenches. Others were cast into
f
, Moorish Emfeelb in Eubofe 409
the livers, to be in time lodged against their banks,
fresh sources of contagion and death. Through all
these scenes of physical and mental agony no scientific
medical aid was available. The few skilled Jewish
practitioners, who, graduates of the schools of the
Moslem, had ventured into the dangerous precincts
of Christian courts, were looked upon with suspicion
as professors of sorcery and members of a proscribed
and accursed race. In the South of France it was xm-
lawf ul to consult them or to receive their prescriptions.
No correct theories were entertained concerning the
cause and prevention of disease, even by the intelligent
and educated. The malady was attributed to the active
intervention of the devil or his agents, and the sick
were bound and brought, dozens at a time, to the
Church as the most suitable place for exorcism, where,
in general, their sufferings were speedily terminated
by agony and neglect. There was no comfort for the
terrified but the whispers of the confessional; no re-
source for the pest-stricken sufferer but the Host and
the reliquary. Indeed, it was but natural that these
should be appealed to for succor, for it had long been
assiduously taught that Divine wrath was the imme-
diate cause of all physical misfortune. The pestilence
was now considered a tremendous judgment for the
derelictions of mankind. The ravings of insanity and
delirium were declared to be due to possession by
demons, only to be relieved by bell, book, and candle,
and aU the manifold impostures of sacerdotal mum-
mery. During the continuance of the plague the
Church prospered amazingly, as she always does
prosper by the woes and the misery of mankind. Her
gains were far greater than during the Crusades. The
zeal of the devout, the superstitious fear and remorse
of the wicked, alike paid enormous tribute to her
rapacity. Valuable estates were devised by dying
penitents to her ministers. Sumptuous cathedrals
410 History of the
were raised and endowed by the grateful piety of
those who attributed their recovery to the intercession
of her saints. Monasteries and chapels were founded
by those whom her prayers were supposed to have
rescued from the very jaws of death. The portable
wealth of empires poinded daily into her treasury. But
all these sacrifices, all this generosity, all this religious
display, afforded no perceptible relief. If they proved
anything, they demonstrated effectually the worthless-
ness of cure by the resorting to shrines and the appli-
cation of relics. The pestilence ceased its ravages on
account of the want of material, not because its prog-
ress was stayed by priestly intercession. But while its
violence abated and its characteristic symptoms dis-
appeared, its effects remained, and it bequeathed a
frightful legacy to posterity. Although respectable
medical authority has contended for a different origin
of the disease, tliere can be little doubt in the minds
of those who have thoroughly familiarized themselves
with the subject that syphilis is either the result of a
recrudescent form of leprosy or of a modified morbid
condition developed from the plague. Such is a por-
tion of the foul inheritance for which ilie twentieth
century is indebted to the ignorance, llie filth, and the
superstition of the Middle Ages.
Wretched as was the physical condition of the peo-
ple of Europe, their moral state was even more de-
plorable. The revolting characteristics and manners
of the clergy have already been considered in these
pages. Under sudi instructors, whose admonitions
were so palpably at variance with their unholy Uves,
it cannot be wondered at that society was permeated
with treachery and hypocrisy. It is one of the most
remarkable of mental phenomena that man should
earnestly solicit the intercession of the members of
a sacred profession with Heaven, while at the same
time he demonstrates unequivocally by his actions
MooBisH Empibe in Exjbofe 411
that he has no respect for their calling and no faith
in their prayers. Such was largely the case of the
Roman CathoUcs of the Dark Ages, They lavished
their wealth with unstinted profusion upon the
Church. They greeted her ministers with servile
tokens of respect and homage. They sought her
advice in worldly affairs; they obeyed her oppressive
edicts; they voluntarily relkiquished their natural
rights at her despotic bidding. But when opportu-
nity offered, the insincerity of these professions be-
came unmistakably evident. In the midst of the
apparent blind and devoted subserviency to the prin-
ciples of a debased reUgion, ancient Pagan ideas were
constantly manifesting themselves. The worship of
fairies, often scarcely concealed, was wide-spread
throughout the Christian world. The knight placed
far more confidence in his armor, consecrated by
heathen ceremonies, than in the reUquary that was
attached to his saddle-bow or the Agnus Dei sus-
pended about his neck. The anxious housewife on
the eve of a feast preferred to address her petitions
to some popular and beneficent Pagan spirit, accus-
tomed to good Uving and luxury, than to a female
saint with whom abstinence was a duty, and whose
Ufe had been passed amidst the privations of the
convent or the hermitage.
The death of a pope was hailed with indecorous joy
in every quarter of Rome. The election of a new
pontiff was the signal for disorder, riot, massacre.
Yelling mobs filled the streets, singing impious and
obscene songs. The most indecent actions were per-
petrated in the face of open day. The papal palace
was repeatedly sacked and its precious contents de-
stroyed. The mansions of the cardinals and the
nobility were plundered. It was not safe for these
dignitaries to appear in public until the popular ex-
citement had subsided, and the death of the spiritual
sovereign of the Christian world was often concealed
412 HiSTOBY OF THE
until his successor had been chosen, in order to pre-
vent the scenes of anarchy certain to result if this
precaution was not taken. So far from conceding
divine attributes to the pontifical character, the
Roman populace habitually and openly derided its
pretensions to infallibility. It not infrequently in-
terfered with the freedom of the conclave and, in-
timidating the cardinals, dictated the selection of a
pope. If such was the disrespect manifested by the
inhabitants of the papal capital towards the head
of the Church, little courtesy could be expected by his
ecclesiastical subordinates anywhere. The veneration
they claimed by reason of their calling was offered
only by the more ignorant of the masculine sex and
by women. The latter, more weak and credulous in
their nature, were the bulwark of superstition, as in-
deed they have always been in every age. But with
the educated the case was far different. As has been
already remarked, the ecclesiastic was represented in
the most popular writings of the time as a foolish,
licentious, and degraded hypocrite. Public opinion
would not have tolerated this holding up the sacerdotal
profession to derision had there not been ample provo-
cation for such a course. There are good reasons for
believing that the awkward and disgraceful predica-
ments of profligate clerks described in- the entertain-
ing pages of the Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles, Boccaccio,
Poggio, the Queen of Navarre, and similar collections
were actual occurrences. It is indisputable that many
of these tales were obtained from the ardiives of re-
ligious houses and the humorous traditions of monastic
life. The existence of universal corruption among the
regular clergy indicated by these satirical authors re-
ceives a significant illustration from the fact that they
invariably include the nunnery and the brothel in the
same category, and indiscriminately designate the
heads of these establishments by the title of " abbess."
Moorish Empibe in Europe 418
In the religious festivals and dramatic representa-
tions there also appeared conspicuous indications of
the prevalent irreverence and mockery of the age. The
most solemn and awful events of sacred history were
absurdly burlesqued amidst the jeers of a scoffing and
delighted mob. The grotesque features of these cere-
monies were a survival of the Roman Saturnalia not
yet extinct among the less enlightened peasantry of
Europe. The most holy mysteries of the Church were
parodied in obscene and sacrilegious scenic exhibitions.
The actors in these profane representations were
selected from the lower orders of the priesthood.
They assumed the characters of popes, cardinals,
bishops. Sometimes they were dressed in the vest-
ments and equipped with the insignia of their rank, —
the tiara, the mitre, the crosier, the crucifix; but often
they donned the party-colored attjre of the profes-
sional fool and jester and carried his truncheon. The
mass was celebrated in due form, but accompanied
with a thousand extravagant and often indecent gest-
ures by these privileged buffoons. Men entirely nude
were conducted into the churches and deluged with
pailf uls of holy water. Old shoes burned in the cen-
sers filled the atmosphere with a sickening stench. A
repast was spread upon the altar, and all who desired
regaled themselves while the representative of the cele-
brant recited the impressive service of the Church.
In the mean time, the aisles were swarming with
maskers, whose coarse jests and lascivious contortions
evoked the applause and laughter of the audience.
Men gambled within the rail of the chancel. Every
excess was indulged in without check or remonstrance
during the continuance of these festivals. Debauch-
ery ran riot even in the most holy places. Priests,
stripped of their clerical vestments, danced half -naked
in the streets. The bells were removed from the
church-towers and concealed. Diuing the Feast of
414 HiSTOEY OF THE
Asses, a donkey with his rider was conducted into the
choir, and the responses of ihe congregation were
made in imitation of the mmielodious voice of that
useful but proverbially stupid animal. In this in-
stance, sausages seasoned with garlic supplied the
place of frankincense. In tiie celebration of another
festival, a fox, dressed in the habiliments of the Pa-
pacy, was carried in state by an escort of mock car-
dinals. A quantity of poultry was distributed at in-
tervals in the streets through which this singular pro-
cession was to pass, and when the fox, dropping his
tiara and trailing his purple robes in the dust, occa-
sionally attempted to seize a hen, the delighted multi-
tude fairly rent the air with acclamations.
The dramas, known under the name of miracle and
moral plays, were often fully as depraved in tone and
as demoralizing in effect as the festivals. They owed
their origin to the lively imagination and love of spec-
tacular display characteristic of the Greeks of Con-
stantinople. In some instances, the actors repre-
sented Scriptural personages, in others the virtues and
vices of an allegory. The greatest incongruities of
locality, time, and character were introduced without
question or criticism. With the absurdities of the plot
were mingled impious sentiments and vulgar witti-
cisms. Notwithstanding the coarseness and profanity
of these dramas, their value in controlling tiie minds
of the impressionable poptdace was fully recognized
by the hierarchy. Generally enacted by members of
the priesthood, funds were appropriated from the
treasury of the Church for their celebration, and in-
dulgences granted to induce pilgrims to attend them.
The dramatic spectacles of the Middle Ages were,
however, not confined to representations of a nomi-
nally religious character. As early as the tenth cen-
tury, the plays of the nun Hrotswitha were enacted
in monasteries and convents for the amusement of
MOOBISH EmPIBE IK EuEOFE 415
tfaeir inmates. These productions, imitations of the
comedies of Terrence, far sm'passed the latter in free-
dom of language and action. Their coarseness is such
that they will not bear translation. The poems of the
same author, whose life was ostensibly devoted to pious
thoughts and communion with the saints, are even
more extraordinary. The sentiments they express and
the scenes they depict are the last which the reader
would ordinarily expect to find in compositions pro-
ceeding from such a source, and must have been sug-
gested by an extensive and varied experience.
These things, necessarily transitory in their char-
«ter, have Ar^ei wM.'^the grjign«.nee and
credulity of mediaeval life. But more permanent
memorials, carved upon the corbels, capitals, and archi-
traves of edifices dedicated to divine worship, disclose
more forcibly, if possible, the want of reverence for
the rites of the Church, and the callous indifference
of the priesthood to what cannot be construed other-
wise than as a deliberate insult to religion. Monks,
priests, and bishops in full canonicals are depicted
with the attributes of cunning and filthy animals, such
as foxes, wolves, asses, and baboons. The hog is a
favorite subject, and seems to have been considered by
the mediaeval sculptor as possessing traits peculiarly
applicable to delineations of monastic life and char-
acter. These grotesque caricatures are frequently in-
terspersed with indescribable obscenities. A partial
explanation of their occurrence may be found in the
fact that they were sculptured by the monks them-
selves. The latter were the only class of their age
skilled in the practice of the mechanical arts. In their
order was centred the architectural as well as the liter-
ary knowledge of the time. They built and decorated
their own churches and abbeys. It is difficult to recon-
cile the spirit which could conceive and execute such
representations with that which could endure their
416 HiSTOEY OF THE
publicity, especially in the temples of Gk)d. For the
fact is only too well established that mediaeval church-
men were far from being noted for toleration. Still,
the ruling sentiments of society in those days were far
different from those which obtain in ours. Its stand-
ard of morality was lower, but, at the same time, it
was evidently not disposed to conceal its favorite vices.
One thing, however, is certain, the failings of the
clergy were so open and notorious as to have become a
common jest, in whose merriment even the subjects
themselves were not ashamed to participate. It is not
a pleasing reflection upon the state of public morals
that its teachers had not only become insensible to
contempt for their violation of htunan and divine laws,
but encouraged and even rewarded the preservation
of their monstrous vices in imperishable materials for
the amazement and disgust of posterity.
With the fall of the Roman Empire the knowledge
of letters, in common with every other accomplish-
ment, had departed. From the time of Charlemagne,
no instruction was accessible save that transmitted
through the doubtful medium of ecclesiastical institu-
tions. That monarch had imparted a great impulse to
learning by the foundation of academies; by attract-
ing to his court the wisdom of other lands; by the
appointment of monastic chroniclers; and by the en-
couragement of the Jews. As it was the policy of
the Church to keep the masses in ignorance, the
scanty and general information to be derived from
that source was restricted to members of the privileged
classes. The general and incredible abasement of the
people in those times may be inferred from the fact
that so late as 1590, when a mouse had devoured the
sacramental wafer in one of the churches of Italy,
it was gravely discussed by an ecclesiastical council
convoked for that purpose, in the presence of a pious
and wondering audience, whether the Holy Ghost
MooBiSH Empdee m Eubofe 417
had entered the animal or not, and if the demands of
religion required that it should he killed or be made
an object of worship 1
Many of the priesthood could neither read nor
write, and, having memorized the service by rote, cel-
ebrated mass like so many parrots, as ignorant of
what they were saying as their stolid congregations.
Bishops made their marks upon important documents
with their fingers dipped in sacramental wine. The
books used in the service were more esteemed for
their pecuniary value than on account of the precepts
they contained. Their golden, jewel-studded covers
often attracted the cupidity of the brethren, who de-
faced, pawned, or bodily abstracted the volumes as
opportunity offered or their carnal necessities re-
quired. Almost incredible difficulties attended the
dissemination of learning. In addition to the hostility,
negligence, and incapacity of the clergy, who were its
privileged custodians, great expense was involved in
the manufacture of books. Parchment was gener-
ally of wretched quality and commanded extravagant
prices. The supply to be obtained by the erasure of
ancient manuscripts was limited, and, in the universal
decline of the arts, the knowledge of its preparation
had been lost. The skins which were brought to the
monasteries were required to be cleaned and smoothed
by the writers themselves before they could be ren-
dered available. The time required for the completion
of a book was a serious impediment to the scholar. The
transcription and illumination of a manuscript often
consumed years of arduous labor. With the Hebrews,
the copying of the Scriptures was a proceeding not
less solemn than the invocation of the sacred name
of Jehovah. The materials were prepared, witii every
precaution, by the orthodox of the Jewish faith. The
most dextrous and pious calligraphists were employed.
Every other occupation was abandoned until this holy
Vol. ni--«7
418 HiSTOBY OF THE
task — ^whose performance was considered as not less
important than the celebration of the rites of the syna-
gogue— ^had been completed.
As a rule, the productions of the scribe and the
illuminator were considered too valuable to be used
for any other than religious purposes. The donation
was accompanied with the ceremony of music and
prayer as the missal, often enclosed in an exquisite
golden casket, was deposited upon the altar.
It was only through political or pecuniary necessity,
or to obtain the favor of royalty, that these specimens
of art were allowed, even temporarily, to leave the
hands of their owners. In 1190 the Bishop of Ely
pawned with the Jews of Cambridge thirteen volumes,
to aid in obtaining the ransom of Richard Coeur de
Lion. To secure the loan of a single missal, a king
of France was compelled to give a bond, with his
nobles as sureties, and to deposit with the cathedral
chapter a quantity of plate of enormous value. One
of the kings of Northumberland gave a productive
estate for a copy of the Gospels. The Elector of
Bavaria offered a dty in exdiange for a manuscript,
and was refused. The illuminated romance of chiv-
alry, worth more than its weight in gold, was the most
highly prized possession of the opulent baron. So
valuable, in fact, were these treasures that tibose des-
tined for public inspection were fastened to the walls
with massive chains, and guardians were appointed to
turn over the leaves. Peter de Nemours, Bishop of
Paris, on his departure for the Crusade, presented to
the Abbey of St. Victor " his great library, consisting
of eighteen volumes;" a gift at that time worth a
prince's ransom. It will be seen from these examples
that during the Middle Ages books were not always at
the command of the greatest princes, and a collection
of a few hundred volumes was a marvel; that of
Queen Isabella contained two hundred and one, of
MoosisH Empibe in Europe 410
which sixty-seven were treatises on theology. Other
circumstances contributed to their scarcity. Written
usually in a learned language, it required a special
education to read them, to say nothing of their com-
position. The expensiveness of writing materials pre-
vented many from acquiring familiarity with the use
of the pen. The dimensions of leaves designed for
various purposes were established by law, but the
original sizes into which a sheepskin could be folded
have been preserved in the quartos, octavos, and duo-
decimos of the modem bookseller. As a menace to
the irreverent and the dishonest, the author frequently
appended to his manuscript a malediction on whomso-
ever should steal or mutilate the product of his indus-
try. The donor also added his imprecations upon the
head of the borrower when the book was presented
to a church or monastery. As the modem languages
of Europe were not formed, communication by other
than oral means was not possible among the unedu-
cated; and the art of writing was in some localities
entirely lost. With the great mass of the people the
word " library" was understood to mean the Holy
Scriptures ; they were ignorant of the existence of any
other books. The immense advantages accruing to the
clergy from the habitual use of an idiom unfamiliar
to the vulgar, as well as from the monopoly of the
simplest rudiments of knowledge, were not lost upon
these shrewd observers of human nature. The chiu*ch
became the point whence royal edicts were promul-
gated and where commercial bargains were concluded.
Proclamations were issued at its doors. Contracts
were entered into before its altar. Oaths were taken
upon the Scriptures and the crucifix. The Host was
used in the detection of criminals and in the solenmi-
zation of treaties. Land was conveyed by the mere
transfer of a twig or a dod of earth in the presence
of clerical witnesses. The cross still traced upon legal
490 HiSTOBT OF THE
documents by the hands of the illiterate, in lieu of
a signature, is a suggestive reminiscence of an age
when the potency of ecclesiastical influence was recog-
nized in every important transaction of life.
The persecution of learning was systematized and
maintained, first, by the creation of theological odium,
and subsequently by the institution of such tribunals
as the Holy Office ; not through a desire to preserve a
becoming reverence for religious worship, but from a
consciousness of the inability of the existing system to
withstand the examination of reason. Heresy was a
convenient and ever available pretext for crushing
that independence of thought which threatened the
integrity of doctrine or the permanence of sacerdotal
supremacy. The Inquisition was, when its real object
is considered, as has already been stated, a temporal
rather than an ecclesiastical device. Its unspeakable
atrocities and their effects are too well known to
require description. In refutation of its claim as a
means of moral purification may be introduced the in-
disputable fact that during the period of its greatest
power the worst atheists, blasphemers, and criminals
in Europe were to be found masquerading in the cowl
and the surplice. The outrages it conmiitted on
humanity must be regarded as the legitimate results
of the papal system, which, inheriting to a great ex-
tent the organization, the prestige, and the traditions
of imperial authority, encouraged, by immunity pur-
chased with corruption and by the profligate example
of the Holy See, the neglect of every duty and the
commission of every crime.
The exercise of tibe faculties of the htmian mind in
the Dark Ages, when they were permitted to develop
and be employed for the benefit of the Churdhi, — ^their
only profitable patron, — ^are eminently suggestive of
the capacity which it possessed when afforded encour-
agement The cathedrals, the carvings, and the mis-
Moorish Empibe in Europe 421
sals, which, in their respective departments of art, far
surpass the efforts of modem times, are appropriate
examples of the scope and fertility of mediaeval
genius.
I have now endeavored to depict the general and
more striking features which distinguished^ society
during the Middle Ages coincident with the period
of the Hispano-Arab domination. The description,
from the limited space allotted to the subject, is neces-
sarily imperfect. Volumes might still be composed on
the events and customs of that dismal period whose
most prominent characteristic is the intellectual degra-
dation of mankind. The reader cannot have failed
to remark, in every instance — ^whether merely the
trifling incidents of private life were affected or
whether the interests of extensive kingdoms were in-
volved— the incessant interference as well as the un-
questioned predominance of the ecclesiastical power.
He cannot but respect, if he is unable to admire, the
commanding genius of an organization which could
appropriate and utilize with success the profound
policy, the consmnmate skill, the incomparable talents
for administration, the heartless selfishness, of its
political exemplar and religious prototype, the Roman
Empire. He may turn with disgust from its crimes
and its horrors; from papal grandeur built upon for-
gery and maintained by fraud and torture; from the
shamelessness of monastic life; from the duplicity of
a system which could avail itself of the uncertain
caprices and hideous brutality of barbarian kings;
from the repulsive chronicles of famous churchmen,
with their long catalogue of appalling cruelties, their
obscene and portentous legends. But while disap-
proving of its methods, he must admit its eminent
adaptability to secure the end at which it aimed, and
acknowledge that since the institution of society no
government has ever exercised such a powerful influ-
422 HiSTOBY OF THE
ence over the bodies and minds of men as the Papacy.
From that influence no potentate, however great, was
free. The reputation of many a mediaeval monarch
and statesman with posterity is based, in reality, not
upon talents and merit, but upon the standing and
relations he maintained during his lifetime with the
sacerdotal order.
In the universal ignorance of mankind, the familiar
phenomena of nature contributed to the ascendency
of unprincipled charlatans, who based their hopes of
success and its necessary incidents, wealth, power, and
glory, on the invention and sedulous propagation of
falsehood. The personification of everything material
and immaterial, the globe of the earth, the sparkling
orbs of the visible heavens, the sudden and often un-
expected effects of the action of the imponderable
agents, the most ordinary operation of nature's laws,
were classed as supernatural manifestations, were
engrafted upon religion and received the obsequious
homage of fear and superstition. The wily ecclesi-
astic never forgot that
" Das Wunder ist des Glaubens liebstes Kind."
Gnomes, witches, goblins, those imaginary denizens
of the spiritual world whose weird and mischievous
antics were so well authenticated as to strike the simple
masses with terror and to cause even the learned to
shudder when their sins had not been removed by the
godly solace of confession and absolution, were en-
listed as the allies of the politic Ch\u*ch. By tiie aid
of such auxiliaries and the ability to profit by every
phase of htunan weakness and every incitement to
human ambition, she has maintained her authority even
imder the most discouraging circumstances until her
achievements in defiance of law and progress, arduous
as they seem, are even less remarkable than the appar-
ently eternal duration of her empire.
MooBisH Emfibe m Eubofe 428
CHAPTER XXVIII
THE HISPANO-ARAB AGE OF LTTERATUBE AND SCIENCE
760-1450
Intellectual Stagnation of Europe during the Period of Moslem
Greatness — High Rank of Scholars in Spain — ^Attainments
of the Khalif 8— Character of Arab Literature — Progress of
Science — The Alexandrian Museum — Its Wonderful Dis-
coveries— Its Contributions to Learning — Its Influence on
the Career of the Mohammedans — The Arabic Language
— Poetry of the Arabs — Its General Characteristics — ^The-
ology and Jurisprudence — ^History — Geography — Philoso-
phy — Libraries — Rationalism — Averroes — Mathematics
— Astronomy — Al-Hazen — Gerbert — Botany — Al-
chemy— Chemistry — Pharmacy — ^Albertus Magnus, Robert
Grossetete, and Roger Bacon — Medicine and Surgery —
Ignorance of their Theories and Scientific Application in
Mediaeval Europe — Prevalence of Imposture — Fatality of
Epidemics — Great Advance of the Arabs in Medical Knowl-
edge— Hospitals — Treatment of Various Diseases — The
Famous Moslem Practitioners — Contrast between the Chris-
tian and the Mohammedan Systems — ^Enduring Effects of
Arab Science — Its Example, and Benefits the Creative In-
fluence of Modern Civilization.
While the Christian world was enveloped in dark-
ness, and all learning save that of worthless meta-
physics and polemic theology had been banished from
the minds of men; while England wasf distracted by
Danish and Norman invasion, and barbarous monks
defied the authority of her kings in the very presence
of the throne; while Charlemagne was desolating the
provinces of Germany by sweeping and merciless pro-
scription; while ecumenical councils were proclaiming
the virtues of celibacy and the sanctity of images;
while the populace of Rome was amused by the scan-
424i HiSTOBY OF THB
dal of a female pope; during this period of intel-
lectual stagnation the Moorish princes of Spain and
Sicily, alone among the sovereigns of the West, kept
alive the sacred fires of art, science, and philosophy.
The thirst of empire, stimulated by the fervor of
religious enthusiasm, had subjected to the Moslem
sceptre a territory exceeding in extent and opulence
the vast and fertile area which, in its most prosperous
age, acknowledged the authority of the Caesars. The
Arab capitals of Cordova, Cairo, Damascus, and Bag-
dad did not yield in magnificence of architecture, in
pomp of ceremonial, in the skilful adaptation of the
mechanical arts, in the accumulation of prodigious
wealth, in the opportunities for luxurious indulgence,
to the traditional precedence of imperial Rome. In
scientific attainments no comparison exiisted between
the vague and unprofitable speculations derived from
the schools of Greek and Latin philosophy and the
results obtained from the practical application of
principles conducive to the development of the human
reason and the promotion of the welfare of mankind.
In the intellectual as well as in the physical world
the success of the Arabs was unprecedented. During
the most splendid period of the Spanish-Mohamme-
dan empire, ignorance was accounted so disgraceful
that men who had not enjoyed opportunities of edu-
cation in early life concealed the fact as far as pos-
sible, just as they would have hidden the commission
of a crime. On the other hand, the learned — ^trusted
by the sovereign, the oracles of the schools, the de-
positaries of influence and power — ^never relaxed their
efforts for the development of their talents and the
increase of their knowledge ; and such was their ardor
and their perseverance, that they gave rise to the
popular proverb, " There are two creatures that are
insatiable, — ^the man of money and the man of sci-
ence." The thorough instruction imparted by the
Moorish Empibb in Eubofe 425
Hispano-Arab institutions of learning was highly
appreciated by foreign nations, and students went
from the most bigoted communities of Europe to enter
the Universities of Cordova and Seville. In every
branch of polite literature the indefatigable Moslem
manifested his genius and his diligence. His versatile
talents and his prolixity are at once the wonder and
the despair of the most patient and studious reader.
One remarkable personage, Ibn-al-Khatib, of Cor-
dova, who died in the tenth century, is credited with
nearly eleven hundred works on metaphysics, history,
and medicine. Ibn-Hasen composed four hundred
and fifty books on philosophy and jurisprudence.
Another writer left behind him eighty thousand pages
of closely written manuscript. It was no unusual cir-
cumstance for a dictionary or an encyclopaedia to
number fifty volumes. Conunentaries on theology,
religious tradition, and law were almost infinite in the
extent and diversity of their topics. The historical
productions of the Spanish Arabs were probably the
most minute and voluminous ever published by any
people, and their scrupulous fidelity to truth has been
repeatedly established by the comparison of their de-
scriptions with the ardiitectural monuments which
have descended to us, and by the corroborative evi-
dence of distant and often hostile writers. The
authors are usually deficient, however, in the applica-
tion, and often even in the knowledge, of the canons
of historical criticism; their love of the marvellous
occasionally interferes with their judgment, and their
descriptions, overloaded with florid rhetoric, belong
rather to the province of the orator than to that of the
accurate and discriminating historian. More than a
thousand chroniclers have illustrated the annals of
Moorish Spain. Their style, at once turgid and ob-
scure, often renders their meaning unintelligible, while
their text is overburdened with puerile anecdotes,
426 HisroBY of the
Koranic allusions, and perplexing Oriental metaphors.
Generations passed in another land, under conditions
of extraordinary political and industrial activity,
seemed powerless to eradicate or even to substan-
tially modify the mental characteristics of a race bred
amidst the solitude and dominated by the prejudices
and the superstitions of the Asiatic Desert. The stub-
bom persistence of these traits is one of the most
singular phases of its life and history. Its polity and
its religious belief were foreign to, and irreconcilable
with, those that prevailed elsewhere in Europe. Its
customs, its language, its literature were all exotic. In
works of imagination, the elegant fictions of the East,
fascinating to the highest degree, and better adapted
to the expanding intellect of man than the coarse
and barbaric tales of Gothic origin, soon supplanted
the latter, as the light and keen-edged scimetar had
already driven out the clumsy broadsword of the
followers of Roderick. The practical methods of
thought founded upon the system of Aristotle every-
where obtained precedence over the unsubstantial and
visionary theories of the Platonic school. In public
assemblies, where men and women alike competed for
the prize of literary superiority; in social intercourse,
where the fair sex were accorded far more liberty than
had ever been vouchsafed to the matrons and virgins
of antiquity, or than is now enjoyed in the harems of
the Orient, were developed and practised those ameni-
ties and graces which, fostered by songs of love and
gallantry, eventually, through the agency of bard and
minstrel, were distributed far and wide throughout the
continent of Europe. The desire for learning and ihe
appreciation of its advantages were so imiversal as to
be considered national characteristics. The Khalif was
the discriminating and generous patron of genius.
His favorite ministers were those whose productions
had raised them to deserved eminence in the world of
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubope 427
letters. In the Moslem system, a competent acquaint-
ance with the principles of jurisprudence was an essen-
tial requisite of every finished education. The won-
derful grasp of the Arab mind, which seemed to adapt
itself with equal facility to the most opposite condi-
tions, was especially fitted for the exacting require-
ments of diplomacy, — ^a calling for which proficiency
in learning has, in later times, come to be regarded
rather as a disqualification than an advantage. The
greatest scholars, therefore, discharged the most im-
portant employments, and stood highest in the pre-
carious favor of the Moslem princes of Europe.
Their literary productions were recompensed with
even greater munificence than their services to the
state. They almost constituted a caste, so marked
were their pride and exclusiveness. Untold wealth
was lavished upon them. They took precedence of
nobles who traced their ancestry to a period lost in
the mazes of Arabic tradition. Their daughters, occu-
pants of the imperial harems, not infrequently became
the mothers of sovereigns. Their ostentatious mag-
nificence moved the envy of the most opulent subjects
of the empire. Their residences were not inferior in
extent and splendor to the habitations of royalty.
Great retinues of slaves attended their progress
through the streets. Soldiers in uniforms of silk and
gold guarded their palaces, preceded their march, and
protected their persons from the effects of popular
violence. The most lovely women to be procured in
the slave-markets of Europe and Asia filled their
seraglios.
The poet, the astronomer, and the historian, raised
to posts of high political responsibility, enjoyed the
confidence and the intimate familiarity of the mon-
arch in whose presence the most distinguished soldiers
trembled. Such was the grateful tribute paid by im-
perial power to intellectual pre-eminence. That this
428 HiSTOBT OF THR
extraordinary favor i^ould not be abused oould
scarcely have been expected from even the strongest
understandings when subjected to the temptations of
flattery and ambition. The lessons of philosophy were
insufficient to correct the ignoble vices inseparably
incident to hiunan nature, and which, in all ages, have
exercised despotic influence over the mind of man.
The insolence and rapacity of these ministers rendered
them oflTensive to the people; their dangerous aspira-
tions eventually excited the fears of the sovereign.
No class of men was so universally detested. The
ancient chronicles are flUed with accounts of their
cruelty, their injustice, and their misfortunes. Some
were sacrificed to the jealousy of their master, otiiers
fell victims to the unreasoning fury of the populace.
Few there were who retained, in the midst of great-
ness, those virtues and that modesty which should
always characterize the noble pursuit of letters, suc-
cess in which had raised these statesmen to places of
such consideration and authority. While the Koran,
as interpreted by the more rigid Mussulman theolo-
gians, discourages scientific inquiry and the study of
natural philosophy, the Khalif s of Cordova, in more
than one instance, incurred the reproach of hetero-
doxy through the indulgence of investigations pro-
hibited by law to their subjects, and, thus encouraged,
the intelligent society of the capital did not disdain to
adopt the noble maxim of the head of a rival sect,
which declares that " the ink of the learned is as pre-
cious as the blood of the martyrs," while the consistent
believer kept constantly in remembrance the statement
of the Prophet that on the Day of Judgment a rigid
account will be required of the literary opportunities
improved or abused by the Faithful. Not only did
these great princes encourage literature by the be-
stowal of substantial honors and rewards, but they
themselves won in that field laurels more profitable and
MOOBISH EBiPDtE IN EUBOPE 429
enduring than any gained in the most successful cam-
paign against the infidel. Abd-al-Rahman I. was an
astronomer and a poet of unusual ability. Hischem
I. and Al-Hakem I. were among the best informed
scholars and critics of their time. The talents and
learning which rendered illustrious the life and char-
acter of Abd-al-Rahman II., his acquaintance with
the sciences of law and natural philosophy, his patron-
age of letters, caused him to be compared to Al-
Mamum, the most renowned of the Khalif s of Bag-
dad. The erudition and acquirements of Al-Hakem
II. were prodigious; the volumes of the immense
library of Cordova were enriched by notes and com-
ments in his own hand, and such was his zeal that his
eyesight was ultimately sacrified to the assiduity with
which he applied himself to every branch of knowl-
edge. The imperial dignity, great as it appeared at
its culmination, during his reign was the least im-
portant of his titles to eminence. In the golden age
of Arabic literature, he stood conspicuous amidst
thousands of distinguished writers, jurists, annalists,
biographers. A critical history of Andalusia which
he composed was famous for its accuracy and for the
vast stores of information it contained, and, widely
read, it long remained a monument to the remarkable
erudition and industry of its author. No scholar of
his time was his superior in depth and variety of intel-
lectual attainments. He was the master of many
languages and dialects. He wrote with equal fluency
and elegance on almost every subject. Nothing
pleased bim so much as the perusal of a new and valu-
able work, and the accumulation of books was with
him a passion, which supplanted the duty of prosely-
tism and the lust of power. His library was so ex-
tensive that it overflowed the great building which had
been erected for its reception, and whose treasures, the
masterpieces of every nation — Greek, Roman, Byzan-
1
480 HiSrOKT OF THE
tine, Egyptian, Persian, Hebrew, and Arabic — ^were
the delight of ihe learned and the marvel of an illiter-
ate and superstitious age.
Abdallah attained distinction by the plaintive ele-
gies in which he celebrated the misfortunes of his
house; Suleyman was dreaded for the cutting verses
in whidh he satirized the treachery and hypocrisy of the
city and the court.
The spirit of literary taste and rivalry which had
inspired the accomplished society of the Uialif ate was
not lost with the dismemberment of the empire. The
capital of each principality became a centre of culture,
of learning, of the arts. The rulers of these petty
states, whose population still retained, amidst the tur-
bulent scenes of civil discord and foreign encroach-
ment, no small measure of that intelligence and taste
which had so eminently distinguished their fathers,
vied with each other in tiieir encouragement of science
and. in their patronage of learned men. In this noble
emulation, as well as in their own scholastic acquire-
ments, the Moorish princes maintained the fame of
their ancestors and the traditions of the monarchy.
Every facility was afforded to the professors of
experimental science. Political honors, salaries,
pensions, attracted the scholars of distant countries.
Religious intolerance had no place in a society whose
cardinal principle was absolute liberty of thought, and
which had long been accustomed to consider the un-
trammelled exercise of reason as an inherent and in-
alienable right. Al-Moktadir, King of Saragossa,
was renowned for his erudition ; his knowledge of phi-
losophy, geometry, and astronomy was superior to
that of any of the wise men of his court. Al-Mod-
haffer, King of Badajoz, compiled a great encyclo-
paedia. The rulers of Almeria, Valencia, and Seville
were not less distinguished for their profound scholar-
ship and the protection they afforded to letters. The
Moorish Empire ix Europe 481
monarchs of the Abbadide dynasty, and especially
Motamid II., were renowned for the harmony and
pathos of theur verses. The Almohade sovereign,
Abd-al-Mumen, the nominal representative of the de-
stroying principle of fanaticism, was the admiring
patron of Ibn-Tof ail, Ibn-Zohr, and Averroes, three
of the greatest writers who ever embellished by their
talents the literature of any age. The achievements
of the Alhamares of Granada in the world of art and
science, and the culture of their court — ^the last refuge
of learning in medisval Europe — form the most at-
tractive episode in the annals of the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries.
Encouraged by the example and the patronage of
royalty, the mental development of the masses ad-
vanced with gigantic strides. The spirit of progress,
the incentives of a lofty ambition, animated all orders
and conditions of men. So universal was the thirst for
knowledge that even the blind, though hampered by
the unkindness of nature, were still able, in that age
of intellectual rivalry, to attain a high rank in the
scale of literary excellence. The rhyming dictionaries,
suggestive memorials of perverted and laborious in-
genuity; the impassioned poems, bom of a tropical
dime and a sensual religion; the unprecedented and
rapid progress attained in the exact sciences; the
voluminous works on theology and history, and the
incredible erudition of their authors, the numerous
universities, the grand libraries, the competitive ex-
aminations, the public contests for literary prece-
dence and royal favor, attest a degree of enlighten-
ment little to be expected from a people sprung from
a barbarian and idolatrous ancestry, and are all the
more remarkable when contrasted with the degrada-
tion of contemporaneous Europe. Fanaticism and
prejudice closed to the inquisitive. mind of the Mos-
lem some of the most important stores of classic
482 HiBTOSY OF THE
wisdom. For, while the natural philosophers and
historians of Athens were studied with the greatest
assiduity, Mohammedan piety rejected with abhor-
rence the sublime creations of Grecian poetry on
account of the gross fictions of its mythology, so re-
pugnant to the exalted ideas of the unity and perfec-
tion of God. Nor was the fiery and impassioned
nature of the Arab capable of appreciating the dig-
nity of heroic verse or the measured cadence and
majestic pomp of the Attic drama. It delighted
in stirring lyrics, satirical epigrams, amatory songs,
and pathetic elegiac lays. The marked influence ex-
erted by Arabic poetry on the civilization of Europe
has already been referred to in these pages. Its
matter is frequently overloaded with quaint con-
ceits and obscure allusions, its lucidity habitually
sacrificed to difficult feats of riiyme, its style disfig-
ured by extravagant metaphor and hyperbole. Love
of the beautiful, the marvellous, the supernatural were
the most prominent characteristics of Arabic writers,
and from the effects of these national propensities
even dignified works on scientific subjects were not
entirely free.
Learned and voluminous as were the purely literary
productions of the Hispano-Arab scholars, tiiey were
of secondary importance when compared with the
practical achievements of the experimenters in the
world of science. The Saracens introduced into West-
em Europe the Indian nimierals, the tabulated ob-
servations of Babylon, and the discoveries of the
astronomers of the Alexandrian School. These wise
investigators examined the effect of gravity, and nar-
rowly missed ascertaining its principles; they con-
structed the pendulum clock and the balance; they
explained with perspicuity and exactness the origin of
many hitherto mysterious physical occurrences which
popular ignorance was accustomed to ascribe to super*
MOOBISH EmPIKE Df EuEOPE 438
natural intervention raUier than to the inexorable and
necessary operation of Nature's laws. They were the
first to demonstrate that the aerolite was a cosmic
fragment and not a missile of Divine wrath, and to
subject the substances of which it was composed to
chemical analysis. They formulated a table of specific
gravities, and the densities of bodies as laid down by
them is said by Tyndall not to vary essentially from
those accepted at the present day. They understood
the force of capillary attraction; they had approxi-
mated to the true height of the atmosphere, and had
noted its diminished weight at a distance from the
earth. As early as the tenth century they had formed
singularly correct ideas of the nature and causes of
many geological phenomena, — such as the varying
erosion of strata by the action of the elements, the
presence of fossil remains on the summits of mountain
ranges and the difi^erent characteristics they exhibited
according as their origin was terrestrial or aquatic,
the elevation and depression of the surface of the
globe extending through inconceivably protracted
periods of time. Both chemistry and pharmacy were
pursued with remarkable success in the laboratories
of Moorish Spain. Medicine and surgery especially
engaged the attention of the ambitious student, who
found an enthusiastic and dangerous competitor for
distinction in the Hebrew, whose attainments and skill
not imfrequently placed him at the head of his pro-
fession. Dissection was not unknown, but reverence
for the dead preserved the hmnan form from the
scalpel, and the anatomical researches of the Arab
surgeon were, in public at least, limited to animals of
the lower orders, multitudes of which were annually
sacrificed to the demands of science. In that noble
pin*suit which has for its object the determination of
the motions of the celestial bodies, and the establish-
ment of their relations with each other and with the
Vol. III.— 88
4i84i HiSTOBY OF THE
universe, the Hispano-Arab, as in the investigation
of other natural phenomena and in the solution of
abstruse philosophical problems, evinced a rare and
peculiar aptitude. In Moorish Spain, as in Chaldea,
Babylonia, and ancient Egypt — ^where all astronomers
were priests — ^the sanctuary of God was in part de-
voted to the study of the most sublime and wonderful
of His creations, the visible heavens. Gnomons, astro-
labes, dioptras, solstitial and equinoctial armils, were
placed upon the minarets of the most sacred temples.
The calculations of the observer were completed in tiie
academical institution which Moslem tradition and
practice caused to be attached to every building con-
secrated to the worship of Allah. No profession
ranked higher than that of the astronomer. The
sovereign loaded him with wealth and honors. In the
mosque he was received with a consideration not in-
ferior to that exacted by the most revered expounders
of the Mohammedan law. The populace, recognizing
in him a mysterious personage who in secret held com-
mtmion with other worlds, and too often confounding
him with the astrologer, gave way as he traversed the
streets, and in whispers spoke of him as the heir of
the wisdom of Solomon and as a mortal invested with
supernatural powers. The study of the heavens was
greatly promoted by the progress made in the science
of optics, and by the lucid explanation of illusions due
to atmospheric refraction. In this way the twinkling
of the stars, the apparent inequality of the horizontal
and vertical diameters of the planets, and the pro-
longation of the day after sunset were accounted for.
The invention of the telescope, the comparison of ob-
servations taken at widely distant stations in every
portion of the globe, the perfection of apparatus
which measures, weighs, and separates the component
elements of our atmosphere, the intelligent applica-
tion of the principles of physics, and the progressive
MooBiSH Empire in Eubofe 485
experience of nine hundred years have not affected
the definiteness and scientific accuracy of these con-
clusions.
The Spanish Moslems possessed both terrestrial and
celestial globes; some were composed of brass, others
of massy silver. Their astronomical instruments were
beautifully made, and were graduated with the
greatest minuteness and precision. They had ten dif-
ferent kinds of quadrants, one of the most ingenious
and complete having been invented by Al-Zarkal, of
Toledo. They made use of clocks moved by water,
sand, and weights. The Arabic armillary spheres and
astrolabes preserved in the museums of Europe are
not surpassed by the most laborious efforts of modem
ingenuity in excellence of finish, and in the accuracy
of adjustment which implies the possession by the
artisan of a competent knowledge of the delicate
operations for which they were intended. It must not
be forgotten that these instruments, through whose
agency such wonderful results were achieved, will
compare favorably in elegance of construction with
the optical appliances of the best equipped observa-
tory of to-day.
To facilitate the investigations of the natural his-
torian, there were numerous zoological collections,
where the habits and characteristics of animals and
birds of every description could be observed and noted
for the present entertainment and futm^ profit of
mankind. The royal botanical gardens contained an
endless variety of plants, both indigenous and exotic,
cultivated for their brilliant foliage, their grateful
fragrance, or their culinary and medicinal virtues.
The portentous development of Arabic intellectual
activity presents one of the most interesting and in-
structive examples of progress in the history of the
human mind. The Bedouin was a typical barbarian
and freebooter. He had no organized government,
486 HiSTOEY OF THE
and acknowledged no pennanent autlioritjr. Witfaoat
a settled habitation, he despised all who pursaed Uie
avocations of peace. He subsisted by pillage. His
religion was debased, cruel, idolatrous. With the ex-
ception of a few poems and some collections of tales
recoimting the exploits of spirits and magicians, he
had nothing which could be dignified by the name of
literature. It is true that his language was one of the
most copious and flexible ever devised by man, but its
powers had never been tested and were practically un-
known. Even the courage of the Arab was not ex-
empt from suspicion, and he notoriously preferred the
advantages of ambuscade and siuprise to the more
hazardous encounter of the open field. Almost his
sole, certainly his most conspicuous, virtue was hos-
pitality; but every consideration of friendship and
courtesy was forgotten as soon as the guest of Ihe
night had quitted the precincts of his camp. The
prevalence of such conditions was, it must be admitted,
eminently unfavorable to the encouragement of
science and letters. The Arab conqueror, therefore,
in the prosecution of his hterary career, owed nothing
to the usually powerful influence of national tradition
and example. His first important act was the de-
struction of the great library of Alexandria, his sec-
ond the spoliation of the monuments of the Pharaohs,
and the razing — ^in order to obtain materials for his
own inferior constructions — of the vast structures of
Greek and Roman antiquity which adorned that
famous capital. The thoroughness with which this
work was accomplished is demonstrated by the total
absence of any remains of those superb edifices which
were alike the pride of the Macedonian dynasty and
the boast of the age of Augustus and Hadrian. In
these acts of violence he only followed the inherent
destructive and predatory instincts of his race. Con-
tact with civilization and experience of its benefits.
MooBiiH Empibe in Eubofe 487
however, soon wrought a change in his nature, a
change momentous in its results and which has no
parallel in the annals of human advancement. A cen-
tury after the Hegira, the descendant of the vagrant
Bedouin had attained a remarkable predominance in
every department of polite literature and scientific
knowledge. The impulse which wrought this mighty
intellectual transformation was imparted by Egypt,
and sprang from the historical and philosophical
reminiscences of the Alexandrian Museum. That re-
nowned institution was the unique and practical em-
bodiment of the passion for innovation, of the inven-
tive faculty, of the utilitarian spirit of the ancient
world. The doctrines of the higher antiquity were, as
is well known, largely theoretical and speculative.
The occasional appearance of men of genius like Hip-
pocrates and Aristotle only served to emphasize the
worthless character of the verbose and unprofitable
disquisitions of the schools of Greek philosophy. An-
terior to the fourth century before Christ, science owed
little to experiment, and all knowledge of any value
was empirical, or the result of purely accidental dis-
covery. No intelligent method of investigation
existed. No system which had for its object the
physical amelioration of humanity was deemed worthy
of attention. Such practical aims were trifles and
beneath the dignity of the wise man of that age. His
time was occupied in attempts to explain the nature
of the soul, to define the supreme good, to discover
the original essence of all created things, to demon-
strate the fancied harmony or dissonance of numbers.
In these absurd and fruitless occupations were wasted
intellectual abilities which, properly directed, might
have changed the aspect of nature and the condition
of society many centuries before modem inventive
genius was afforded an opportimity to exhibit its
marvellous powers. The shrewd and discerning sol-
488 History of the
dier, who, in the partition of empire, received as his
share the ancient dominion of Egypt, pursued a
diametrically opposite course in the policy he adopted
for the promotion of education and literature. He
imited the culture of Macedon and the venerable tra-
ditions of the civilization of Persia with the experience
gained in many campaigns. His skeptical and arbi-
trary nature had little sympathy with the abject super-
stitions of his Egyptian subjects, and still less with
the despotic pretensions of their priesthood. His posi-
tion as ruler invested him with almost theocratical
authority. Scarcely wm he seated upon the throne
before a radical change was resolved upon. The
genius of Ptolemy impelled him to attempt the modi-
fication of a system, sanctified by the practice of im-
memorial antiquity, in such a way that its outward
observance would not be repugnant to Greek intelli-
gence nor, by the violation of long-established preju-
dices, the stability of the newly constituted govern-
ment be endangered. To accomplish this end, the
worship of Serapis, the representative of Oriental
Pantheism, was introduced. This strange co-ordina-
tion of skepticism and idolatry was productive of
remarkable consequences. The Egyptians admitted
with enthusiasm a new god into their Pantheon. The
Ptolemaic dynasty was placed upon a firm and en-
during basis. In the magnificent temple where was
enshrined the image of the divinity, whose nominal
worship became of such importance to future civiliza-
tion, a grand institution of learning, totally unlike any
that had hitherto imparted instruction to man, was
established. Considerations of practical utility were
recognized as the sole and legitimate objects of its
foundation. Observation, experiment, debate, occu-
pied the leisure of its professors. The principles of
every known science whose application could enure to
the benefit of humanity — ^medicine, siu'gery, astron-
Moorish Empire in Europe 489
omy, botany, physics — ^were expounded in its halls.
Its library, subsequently destroyed by Amru, was the
greatest collection of books ever assembled in ancient
times. The fame of this great imiversity soon spread
throughout the world. The number of students who
attended its lectures was incredible, not infrequently
reaching the enormous figure of thirteen thousand.
Their ambition was excited by the presence of the
sovereign, who often assisted in the experiments and
participated in the discussions.
The most prominent characteristic of this imique
educational institution was the catholic spirit which
it manifested towards the representatives of hostile
religious systems. Paganism was the recognized wor-
ship of the state. Its temples were numerous, its
ceremonials of sacrifice, divination, and augury were
performed with every accessory which could be af-
forded by unlimited wealth and prodigal munificence.
Yet the philosophical doctrines consecrated by a hoary
antiquity, and whose study has given rise to modem
agnosticism, were highly esteemed by the educated
classes of Egypt. It was to facilitate their introduc-
tion and acceptance that the scofiing Greeks had con-
sented with mock solemnity to prostrate themselves
before the altar of Serapis. The Jew, elsewhere
despised, readily found a respectful audience for his
monotheistic principles in the cosmopolitan society of
Alexandria, and, what was to him of far greater
moment, an opportunity to reap enormous profits
from the commercial advantages offered by the most
flourishing metropolis in the world. The fabled gene-
alogies of the Oljrmpian deities were perused by
Jewish scholars witii the same attention, if not with
the same respect, as the sacred legends of the Hebrew
race. The poems of Homer survived to delight pos-
terity through the editions of the Alexandrian Mu-
seum; the Greek version of the Old Testament, known
4li0 HurroBY of the
as the Septuagint, published by Ptolemy Philadd-
phus, is still an authority with erudite tiieologians.
The spirit of inquiry was the dominating factor of
the Ptolemaic educational and philosophical systems.
Every hypothesis was rejected which could not stand
the test of practical experiment and demonstration.
No fact was considered too insignificant to be made
the subject of intelligent and exhaustive scrutiny.
The most abstruse problems of mathematical and
physical science, the most obscure and difficult qu^-
tions concerning life — ^its origin, its progress, its de-
cay— ^were daily proposed for investigation and solu-
tion. The study of biology was one of the favorite
pursuits of the Alexandrian School, and it is not
impossible that topics which in recent years have so
deeply engaged the attention of the learned may have
been a subject of its profound and labored disquisi-
tions. Among these was, perhaps, the doctrine of the
Survival of the Fittest, which was not imfamiliar to
the Greeks, for its adoption is advocated by Plato in
his Republic, and its practical application was long a
leading principle of the Code of Lacedsemon. The
rational procedure employed in the study of medicine
and surgery was most favorable to the prosecution of
biological and physiological research. These sciences
were established upon the solid foundation of ana-
tomical demonstration. Autopsies and vivisections
were of daily occurrence. The active participation of
the kings in the operations of the clinic was due, no
doubt, to a desire to discover the secret of longevity,
and to justify by their sanction proceedings which the
prejudices of all the races of antiquity branded as
desecrations, actions abhorrent to reverence and de-
cency. Many notable discoveries were the result of
these enlightened methods. The offices of the inter-
nal organs, the ramifications of the venous system,
the form and convolutions of the brain, the phe-
MooEiSH Empibs in Europe 411
nomena of respiration, digestion, and procreation,
were described in terms remarkable for correctness
and lucidity. It is a singular fact that in the midst
of all these anatomical investigations, many of which
were made upon the bodies of living animals, the
peculiar function of the arteries remained unknown.
The Alexandrian academicians supposed that they
were intended, in their normal condition, for the cir-
culation of air, and the vast period of thirteen cen-
turies was destined to elapse before the genius of
Harvey designated their true place in the human
economy. Herophilus explained the relations of the
brain and the nervous system. Erasistratus estab-
lished the distinction between the nerves of sensation
and motion. Alexandria aboimded in specialists of
every kind, — oculists, lithotomists, surgeons who
treated the diseases of women. The practice of medi-
cine was indirectly aided by a pursuit of a widely
divergent character, the cultivation of alchemy. As,
afterwards, under the Arabs, though not with such
marked results, this delusion, through the discoveries
induced by its study, proved of substantial service to
the intelligent physician. The department of the
Materia Medica was enriched by the importation of
drugs, and by the cultivation, in botanical gardens, of
foreign plants of great medicinal value. The school
of the Ptolemies was so famous that an attendance
upon its lectures, for however short a period, con-
ferred upon a practitioner great professional distinc-
tion. All of the celebrated medical men of antiquity,
with the single exception of Hippocrates, derived
their information, and were indebted for their success,
to the Alexandrian Museum. The extraordinary im-
pulse imparted to all branches of science by this splen-
did institution was not materially checked for cen-
turies. Before its foimdation astronomy had long
been stationary, but with the facilities it afforded a
442 History of the
gigantic advance was accomplished. The heavens
were mapped out and the constellations defined. The
stars were catalogued. The motions of the planets
were observed and compared, and the erroneous but
plausible system of eccentrics and epicycles invented
to account for the various phases they presented at
different times. The globular form of the earth was
demonstrated to the satisfaction of every intelligent
mind. The mechanism and cycles of eclipses, the pre-
cession of the equinoxes, the first and second inequali-
ties of the moon were explained. Estimates, more or
less approximated to correctness, were made of tiie
dimensions of the globe. Its surface was delineated,
its climates described, hypotheses to account for the
phenomena of its atmospheric changes advanced. Be-
sides those already referred to, all sciences of a prac-
tical tendency — ^geometry, botany, natural history —
were accorded a place in the course of the Museum;
even the ordinarily prohibited studies of astrology and
divination were not excluded. The names of such
mathematicians as Euclid, Archimedes, and Conon;
of such astronomers as Ptolemy and Hipparchus; of
such geographers as Eratosthenes; of sudi geometers
as Apollonius Pergseus; of such ornithologists as Cal-
limachus; of such poets as Theocritus and Lycophron,
suggest the infinite obligations of posterity to the
noble institution established by Ptolemy Philadelphus
at the mouth of the Nile. From such a source was de-
rived the inspiration of Arab intellectual progress that
preserved and multiplied the precious literary treas-
ures in which were embodied the wisdom and the
achievements of antiquity. That inspiration was, how-
ever, destined to long remain dormant. A melancholy
period of eleven centuries of bigotry, ferocity, and
ignorance separates the Alexandrian Museum from
the University of Cordova.
To the unrivalled capabilities of the Arabic Ian-
Mqobish Empire in Eubofe 448
guage was principally due the success of those who
employed it in all branches of literature. That rich
and sonorous idiom, isolated for centuries in the
Desert, had been formed and perfected without con-
tamination by extraneous influences. The peculiari-
ties of its alphabet, the infinite multitude of its terms,
the complexity of its conjugations, and the obscurity
of style whidb its writers regard as an excellence
worthy of assiduous cultivation, render its mastery by
one not native to the soil a task of almost insuperable
difficulty. The perfection of its grammar and the ele-
gance of its construction imply many centuries of use
and much literary practice for their establishment.
Each tribe had contributed to its copious vocabulary.
The nimiber of synonyms by which objects of com-
mon occurrence or habitual usage are designated is
enormous. It contains eighty names for honey, two
hundred for a serpent, five hundred for a lion, one
thousand for a sword. It has exerted a marked and
permanent influence on the idioms and the literature
of Europe. Many of our most familiar English terms
have come down from it unaltered. French abounds
in words and expressions derived from the same
soiux^. Spanish has been called a corrupt Arabic dia-
lect, and its richness in proverbs is due to the use of
that tongue in the Peninsula for nine hundred years.
The influence of the Sicilian Moslems on Italian is
very apparent. The Romance languages were largely
Arabic and Hebrew. This exuberance gave the poet
an immense advantage for the exercise of his talents.
The periodical literary assemblies, popular in Arabia,
had the efi^ect of improving the diction of the com-
petitors, and contributed greatly to the embellishment
of the language in which their poems were composed.
Facility of versification was so common that its pos-
session was not regarded as an accomplishment, ex-
cept where it produced results denoting unusual
4i4i4i HlSTOEY OF THE ,
ability. So many words have a similar termination in
Arabic, that in poems of considerable length the same
rhyme is alternately made use of from beginning to
end. Improvisatorial skill, so highly esteemed by the
Moors, was rather mechanical than the result of poetic
inspiration, and was immensely facilitated by the
abimdance of terms at the command of the poet, whose
mind was trained to this mental exercise from child-
hood. Arabic versification readily adapts itself to
every quantity and variation of numbers required by
the practice of the art of poetical composition. It is
lavish in the use of metaphor, simile, antithesis. In
elegance of style, in brilliancy of expression, and in
fertility of fancy it presents examples not inferior to
the finest models of classic antiquity. Its charac-
teristic extravagance was the result of national taste,
a taste often perverted by a passion for the weird and
the supernatural. It delights in the representation of
abstractions as material beings; it bestows life and
speech upon the zephyr and the rose. The play of
words in which it abounds, the elaborate and quaint
conceits dependent upon pronunciation and upon
phrases susceptible of varied significance, while liiey
may obscure the diction, are never suffered to inter-
fere with the harmony. The vivacity of Arabic poetry
is one of its greatest charms. Its imagery is bom of
the fiery imagination of the East ; its proficiency in the
delineation of human passion is the fruit of centuries
of study, reflection, and jealous rivalry. Perfect
familiarity with the poems of the pre-Islamic Bed-
ouins, regarded as models by every generation of their
descendants, was considered an indispensable qualifi-
cation of every well-informed scholar. The Arabs
were so deeply impressed by the potent influence of
poetical genius that they assigned it a place among
the kabbala of magical science. Rh3mies were intro-
duced into the most solemn discussions. An im-
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 445
promptu couplet opportunely spoken was often the
surest recommendation to the favor of a prince.
Poetic sentiment was such an essential characteristic
of the Arah intellect that even grave metaphysical
and historical treatises were designated by the most
romantic and whimsical titles.
Under the Mohammedan dynasties of Spain the wit
and skill of the successful poet claimed and enjoyed
the highest consideration. It has been aptly remarked
that poetry was the central point about which revolved
the intellectual life of the Andalusian Moors. Its in-
fluence upon the invaders was rather augmented than
diminished by the transplantation of the lyrics and
satires of the Desert to the soil of Southern Europe.
The universality of its cultivation and the honors and
emoluments which rewarded popularity expanded its
productions to an enormous volume. At the close of
the reign of Al-Hakem II., hundreds of manuscripts
were required for the catalogues of the poetical works
which crowded the shelves of the imperial libraries.
Verse was employed alike in the most momentous and
the most unimportant transactions of life, in the con-
gratulation of royalty, in the celebration of triumphs,
in the famiUar intercourse of neighbors and friends,
in the frivolities and gossip of the seraglio. Its power
over the nature of the sensitive and impulsive Asiatic
cannot be measured. It diminished the agony of the
suffering. It hastened the cure of the convalescent.
Its voice brought temporary oblivion to the dungeon
of the captive, its pictiu'es of paradise lighted the dark
pathway to the grave. Rhyming prose was used in
private correspondence by all persons who laid claim
to good breeding. The Hispano-Arab histories are
filled with verses. They were frequently employed to
relieve the severity of scientific works, whose authors
were equally celebrated as philosophers and as poets.
Diplomatists inserted couplets and stanzas of more or
446 HlSTOBY OF THE
less merit and propriety into their state papers. The
passport given to the great scholar Ibn-Khaldun by
Mohammed V., King of Granada, was written in
rhyme.
In the classification of subjects, amatory poems, as
in aU countries which acknowledge the power of the
lyric muse, claim precedence. It is obviously unfair
to judge Hispano-Arab poetry by the accepted rules
of modem criticism. The totally different conditions
of society, the education of an audience whose ideas of
literary excellence and correctness of expression were
strongly at variance with ours; the similes, now ob-
scure, but then full of meaning to the appreciative
listener, the idioms of a copious and extremely com-
plicated language but imperfectly imderstood by the
most accomplished scholars of our day, ignorance of
the physical environment of the writer, the distance
and vicissitudes of nine centuries, all contribute to ren-
der the formation of an accurate and impartial opinion
on the merits of Arab poetry an arduous, indeed an
almost hopeless, task.
The exalted position occupied by women under the
Arab domination in Spain gave them an influence,
and invested them with an importance, elsewhere un-
known in the Mohammedan world. This peculiar
social condition had a tendency to restrain the sensual
instincts of the bard, not yet entirely emancipated
from the coarse traditions of the Desert, while at the
same time it encouraged the cultivation of generous
and lofty sentiments. Admiration for the qualities
and accomplishments of the mind gradually sup-
planted the hyperbolical praise of corporeal perfec-
tion, which had hitherto predominated in the composi-
tions of the Arabian poet. The verses of the later era
of the khalif ate allude to the perfections and graces
of the sex in terms of honor and veneration worthy of
the noblest paladin of chivalry. This admiration was
MooBiSH Empibe IK EUBOFE 447
intensified by the eminent rank attained by many
women in the literary profession. The female rela-
tives of khalifs and courtiers vied with each other in
the patronage and cultivation of letters. Ayesha, the
daughter of Prince Ahmed, excelled in rhyme and
oratory; her speeches aroused the tumultuous enthu-
siasm of the grave philosophers of Cordova; her
library was one of the finest and most complete in the
kingdom. Valada, a princess of the Almohades,
whose personal charms were not inferior to her talents,
was renowned for her knowledge of poetry and
rhetoric; her conversation was remarkable for its
depth and brilliancy; and, in the academical contests
of the capital which attracted the learned and the elo-
quent from every quarter of the Peninsula, she never
failed, whether in prose or in poetical composition, to
distance all competitors. Algasania and Safia, both
of Seville, were also distinguished for poetical and
oratorical genius; the latter was unsurpassed for the
beauty and perfection of her calligraphy; the splendid
illimiinations of her manuscripts were the despair of
the most accomplished artists of the age. The literary
attainments of Miriam, the gifted daughter of Al-
Faisuli, were famous throughout the Peninsula; the
caustic wit and satire of her epigrams were said to
have been imrivalled. Unun-al-Saad was famous for
her familiarity with Moslem tradition. Labana, of
Cordova, was thoroughly versed in the exact sciences;
her talents were equal to the solution of the most com-
plex geometrical and algebraic problems, and her vast
acquaintance with general literature obtained for her
the important employment of private secretary to the
EJialif Al-Hakem II. Inherited genius for poetical
composition, joined to constant familiarity with its
exercise, the tendency of early education, the influence
of intellectual association and example, the exalted
estimation in which proficiency in it was held, the ex-
448 HlSTOBY 07 THE
traordinary facility afforded by the Arabic language
for the formation of rhyme, the inherent predilection
of the Ajsiatic for the employment of epigram, hyper-
bole, and allegory, called into existence a race of
juvenile poets whose number and abilities seem, in our
practical and imimaginative age, absolutely incredible.
In readiness of improvisation and quickness of repar-
tee these youthful rhymers displayed talents scarcely
to be expected of the most precocious intellect. Some
of the rhyming couplets composed by the children of
Moorish Spain which have descended to us, in pro-
priety of expression and elevation of feeling, in apt-
ness of comparison and in elegance of style, are not
inferior to the classic productions of educated ma-
turity.
Nor was the taste for and the delight in the arts
of extemporaneous composition confined to the emi-
nent and the learned ; all classes practised it, and it was
said that in the district of Silves alone there was hardly
a laborer to be encountered who could not improvise
creditable verses with facility. Volumes devoted to
the lives and productions of the princely and noble
poets of Andalusia were published; the palaces of
royalty and the mansions of the great fairly swarmed
with men of genius and poetasters, greedy of wealth
and ambitious of renown. The ancient and venerated
models of the Desert were never lost sight of in the
productions of Moslem Europe. Their striking pecu-
liarities, their lofty sentiments, their obscure meta-
phors, their extravagant panegyrics, their fantastic
imagery, were regarded as merits which, while they
might provoke, would ever defy imitation. In Anda-
lusia, however, the enlarged and humanizing ideas of
an advanced civilization, the steady march of material
and intellectual improvement, familiarity with the
literary masterpieces of antiquity and intercourse with
foreign nations, modified to some extent the character
MooRiBK Empibs Df EUBOFE 449
of the subjects treated by the Moorish poet, although
his style remained the same. Similes deduced from
the nomadic life of the Bedouin — a life abandoned^
centuries before, for the monotonous occupations of
trade and agriculture — still, in the midst of conditions
incompatible with the existence of predatory habits,
and side by side with the tribal hatred whose intensity
never diminished, maintained their universal ascend-
ency. Adroitness in the metrical art; the gift of
combining the infinite resources of the Arabic idiom
in complicated phrases and rhymes whidi nothing but
the enthusiasm and penetration of the illuminated
could understand and unravel; the introduction of
mysterious aUegories, remote and obscure analogies,
bold and striking antitheses, — ^these were the artificial
excellences of Hispano-Arab poetry. The perfect
comprehension of its productions implies an acquaint-
ance with the language practically unattainable by a
foreigner. The original form of Semitic poetry,
whether Hebrew or Arabic, was improvisatorial; it
was inspired by passing events; it was gay or plain-
tive, didactic or satirical, but never solemn and
grandly impressive, like the sublime flights of the Gre-
cian muse. The Arab poet was deficient in the dra-
matic faculty. His versatility, elsewhere remarkable,
was unequal to the composition of an epic. His
ignorance was so profound that he could not even
give a correct definition of tragedy or comedy. To
the greatest sdiolars of Mohammedan Spain, men who
knew Aristotle by heart, and who were capable of the
instant solution of the most difficult equations of
Conon and Euclid, the works of Sophocles, ^sdiy-
lus, and Euripides were unknown. The mental con-
stitution of the Arab was thus not adapted to the crea-
tion of plays, a form of literature also discouraged by
his traditions; while his prejudices forbade the study
of the classic models which his religion stigmatised aa
Vol. IIL-
450 HiSTOBY OF THE
idolatrous and indecent. Poetical narration was not
unfamiliar to him, but a lengthy historic or allegorical
composition, either in blank verse or rhyme, which
required sustained and protracted action, was both
repugnant to his taste and beyond his powers.
While love-ditties were the favorite productions of
the Hispano-Arab, the martial lyrics of battle and
triumph, sonnets depicting the pleasures of wine with
more than Roman freedom, and the mourf ul elegies
suggested by the events of a decadent empire, claimed
a large proportion of the efforts of his poetic genius.
Among the myriad poets whose compositions have
adorned the Moorish domination in Spain, it is difficult
to attempt to distinguish a few of superior merit; yet
the following may be designated as masters in that art
whose possession was a passport alike to political emi-
nence and popular veneration. Ibn-Hasn, Ibn-Zeidun,
of Cordova, Abbas-Ibn-Ahnaf , were noted for the
sweetness and beauty of their amorous songs ; the mar-
tial airs of Ibn-Chaf adscha, of Valencia, chanted by
the Moslems in the front of battle, assisted in turning
the tide of many a doubtful day; the bacchanalian
verses of Ibn-Said, of Seville, were the delight of the
corrupt and voluptuous Andalusian capital, and were
even sung by the children in the streets; the keen
satires of Ibn-Ammar of Silves — ^the unhappy memo-
ries of whose early life, passed in mendicity, tinctured
his writings with bitterness even when raised by his
talents to the highest posts in the kingdom — spared
neither prince nor courtier in their indiscriminate and
playful wit; Abul-Beka, of Ronda, Ibn-al-Lebbum,
of Murviedro, and Ibn-al-Khatib, of Granada, de-
scribed, in language of inexpressible beauty and
pathos, the national calamities inflicted by Christian
supremacy, — ^the dissolution of empire, the desecra-
tion of the sanctuary, the dismemberment of families,
the exile of the vanquishied, the horrors of servitude.
Mcx>Bi8H Empibe in Eubofe 451
The ordinary lyrics of the Spanish Moslems were
technically known as the Kasida and the Ghazal, and,
in the composition of both, only the alternate verses
were in rhyme. The sonnets of Petrarch are modelled
after this peculiar method of versification, or rather
after its imitations prevalent among the vagrant poets
of Southern Europe. It was principally through the
example afforded by the Moorish kingdom of Sicily
that an intellectual impulse was imparted to the f oimd-
ers of Italian mediseval literature. The Mohamme-
dan princes who governed that fertile island were
generous and enthusiastic patrons of letters. The
Normans, whose enlightened spirit preserved with
little modification the laws and customs of a civiliza-
tion whose benefits were so apparent, encouraged Mdth
especial favor the labors of ihe Arab muse. The com-
positions of the Sicilian poets embodied principles and
were governed by canons identical with those in vogue
beyond the Pyrenees. In a land aboimding in classic
associations, the scene of military and maritime events
upon whose issue had depended the destiny of em-
pires; whose striking natural features had given rise
to the most charming fictions that adorn the produc-
tions of antiquity, and where the architectural monu-
ments of Grecian elegance and grandeur recalled the
magnificence of former ages; the Arab, enveloped in
the exclusiveness of his own personality, fettered by
the influence of inherited tradition, never departed
from the beaten track of his ancestors. Physical en-
vironment, unusually so potent in the formation of
taste and the modification of national impulse and
individual characteristics, produced no visible effect
upon the mental constitution of the Moorish poet.
Everything else — physiological peculiarities, the gen-
eral tendency of thought, the nature of the objects
of intellectual inquiry, opinions of the benefits to be
obtained from the prosecution of scientific pursuits.
4fiS HiaroKT of thb
tiie occupations of daUy life — underwent radical
changes, but the methods of the poet remained to
the last invariable. The persistence of this spirit
of immobility is further demonstrated by the popu-
lar ballads of the conquerors to whom the Moslems
bequeathed it. The strikmg resemblance of the songs
of the troubadours to those of the Arabs indicate
plainly the source whence the former derived their in-
spiration. Other circumstances, based upon national
customs, go far towards confirming this opinicm.
The Mohammedan Peninsula abounded with itinera
ant rhymers and sonneteers. They travelled from
mansion to mansion, everywhere welcomed with joy
and hospitality. They attended the person of the
prince. They formed an indispensable part of the
retinue of every great household. Their poems were
ordinarily improvisations, evoked by the occurrences
of the moment or the suggestions of the locality.
Their compensation was gratuitous, entirely depend-
ent upon the caprice of the patron or the generosity
of the auditory. The privileged character of their
profession enabled them to use a boldness of speech
and a freedom of criticism which an ordinary person*
age would not have dared to exercise. In their train
often followed the story-teUer, the prototype of the
jongleur, whose lineal descendant may still be seen
amusing with his coarse buffoonery the idle crowds of
Tangier and Cairo.
The graceful courtesy and deference to the sex,
which were the indispensable attributes of every gal-
lant cavalier, in short, the very genius of chivalry,
originated among the Spanish Mohammedans. The
women of Christian Europe— except in countries in-
fluenced by Moslem culture — from the tenth to Ihe
fifteenth century received no such social consideration
and enjoyed no such educational advantages as did
their infidel sisters of the Peninsula. In Southern
Moorish Empiss in Eubofe 4St
France and Italy a tolerant spirit^ fostered by a light
and pleasing literature, had invested woman with an
eminent, indeed with a despotic, authority. Elsewhere
it was far different. Condemned to unspeakable hard*
ships; degraded by brutal associations; if of high
rank, the mere plaything of a tyrannical master; if
bom in an inferior position, classed with beasts of
burden; in every situation of life kept in ignorance;
subject to insult, to oppression, to all the sufferings in-*
ddent to a condition of humiliating dependence little
removed from servitude, such was the lot of woman
in orthodox Christendom. This state of moral and
physical degradation long prevailed, save where inti-
mate contact with Arab civilization produced a sub*
stantial and permanent improvement of social and
intellectual conditions. The most important factor of
this metamorphosis was the poetry of which the
troubadour was the exponent. This erratic calling
drew its members from every rank of society: it in-
cluded sovereigns, princesses, nobles, peasants, beg-
gars. As the rhyming instinct is not innate and almost
universal in Europe as in Asia, the often unlettered
troubadour was more highly considered in Languedoc
and Calabria than was the wandering poet among the
hypercritical literary dilettanti of Seville and Gran-
ada.
In addition to the presumption afforded by the re-
semblance of subject, style, and metre, the fact that
only cotmtries contiguous to, or directly influenced by,
Moorish civilization during the Middle Ages devd-
oped a taste for poetry similar to that of the Arabs,
furnishes strong corroborative evidence that the gai
science J as the art of improvising verses was called, was
of Arabic derivation. The natural haunt of the trou-
badour was the romantic, semi-tropical region washed
by the waves of the northwestern Mediterranean. The
genius of his poetry — ardent» extravagant, votuptoofos
454 HiSTOBY OF THE
—had nothing in common with the cold and slu^^gfid
spirit of the North. France and Italy were the only
European comitries whose boimdaries coincided with
those of the Moslems. In both the revival of learning,
after centuries of darkness, first arose. France was
the abode of the Huguenot and the Camisard; the
birthplace of Henry IV. and Coligny ; the seat of the
Great Schism which rent the Church in twain; the
vantage-ground of the philosophers who precipitated
the frightful struggle for civil and religious freedom
in the eighteenth century. Italy was the land of
Galileo, of Bruno, of Savonarola, of the Medici; the
home of the Florentine academicians, whose labors and
experiments eflFected so much for the advancement
of science; the scene of the most extensive reaction
against mediaeval ignorance, — ^a movement inaugu-
rated in the immediate neighborhood of Rome, and
in defiance of the vehement protest of the Papal See.
The greatest names in Italian literature insensibly
acknowledged their obligations to Arabic poetry, by
adopting the style and rhythm of its European imita-
tors, the troubadours. The peerless Dante himself did
not disdain to follow and to advocate the observance of
its rules. The Canzoni of Petrarch present innumer-
able points of resemblance to the productions of Mos-
lem Sicily. Ariosto is greatly indebted to Elmacin.
In the melodious and charming songs of Lorenzo, the
same sources of inspiration are discernible, and the
same rhyme is used. In England, the Canterbiuy
Tales of Chaucer bear an immistakable relation in
form and metre to the mediaeval compositions of
Southern France. Nor was this powerful and all-per-
vading influence confined to poetry. The tales of
Boccaccio have an Oriental cast. The very manner of
their recital recalls the customs of the Desert. They are
reminiscences of the popular calling of the Provencal
jongleur and the Arabic story-teller. In the license
MooBiSH Empibe IK EUBOFE 455'
of their expressions, in the wit of their repartee, in the
amusing character of the events which they describe,
they may be classed as realistic adaptations of the
Thousand and One Nights. The patronage and ex-
ample of the Emperor Frederick II. carried beyond
the Alps the cultivation of letters, and with it the
traditions of Sicilian civilization. From this literary
transmigration originated the Minnesingers, German
counterparts of the troubadoiu^, whose elegant verses
sensibly modified the innate coarseness of the Teu-
tonic character, and introduced a spirit of refinement,
in pleasing contrast with the drunken orgies of the
banquet and the festival. Their two principal pro-
ductions, the Minnesong and the Minnelay, were
models of elegance of diction, beauty of sentiment,
and perfection of rhyme. For more than a centtoy
they were the delight of all classes of German society,
nor did any compositions of equal merit succeed them
until the age of Goethe and Schiller. Into Germany
were also introduced, by the influence of the Emperor,
a spirit of inquiry, the foundation of all true knowl-
edge, and the philosophical and heterodox ideas en-
tertained by the educated Moslems of his Sicilian
dominions. The ultimate ejffect of this enlightened
policy upon the national mind, imperceptible at the
time, but increasing in intensity with the lapse of cen-
turies, was the defiant course of Luther, which estab-
lished the right of private interpretation of the Scrip-
tures and shook the foundations of the papal throne.
The fact that these three countries, which alone were
directly acted upon by the spirit of Arabic learning
arid the example of Moorish civilization, were the scene
of the revival of letters, when the rest of Christen-
dom was plunged in the most abject ignorance, is of
profound significance in ascertaining the causes that,
promoting the intellectual advancement of Europe,
4M HmoET or tHS
ba^e Culminated ia fh« great scientific aduevemenis
of tnodem times.
In Moorish Spain grtat attention was paid to the
study of the kindred subjects of theology and law.
The commentaries on the rites of the various sects
into whidi Islam is divided; the arrangement and
review of the enormous mass of tradition which tends
to eluddate or to confirm the ambiguous texts of the
Koran; the digests of the decisions whose authority
is considered unimpeachable, form a stupendous body
of literature chiefly remarkable for the patience, the
learning, and the labor necessarily employed in its
compilation. The muftis and the faquis were the
authorities whose ofiSce it was to explain perplexing
questions of Mohammedan jurisprudence. In the
system of tiie latter, a system generally remarkable
for its simplicity and efficiency, the Koran was the
guide of ev^y magistrate. The rules were supple-
mented by the precepts and suggestions of the Sun-
nah, a collecticm of traditions derived from sources
more or less authoritative, and transmitted through
many generations. The conflicting interpretation
placed upon ancient customs sanctified by prescrip-
tion, and the disputed authenticity of many of them,
gave rise to a swarm of se6ts whose rancorous dis-
putes were often terminated by bloodshed. In tiie
Moslem judicature, the sovereign Was the sole foun-
tain of justice. Heir to the patriarchal customs of
the East, he often sat in judgment at the gate of his
palace, heard the complaints of his subjects, composed
their quarrels, reproved their faults, condemned their
animosity, and decided upon their merits all con^*
troveraes between worthy litigants. Under him was
the kadi, in whom was vested civil and criminal jurist-
diction, whose judgm^its were rendered and whose
scntences-^f rom the scourging and the cruel mutila*
tions enjoined by the law to the supreme penalty of
MooBiSH Ekphx nr Eubofe 457
decapitaticm-^were executed with a relentless promp
titude little in accordance with modem ideas of crimi<^
nal procedure. In these courts there were no opportu*
nities for oratorical display; custom discouraged sudi
.exhibitions; and Arab eloquence, unlike that of other
nations, was most concise and laconic. The doctors
of the law and the commentators on the Koran re*
ceived greater homage than any other class of Moslem
men of letters. Their occupation invested them with
a measure of the reverence enjoyed by the works to
which their labors were consecrated; it implied the
possession of superior knowledge, perhaps of inspira^
timi; they were ordinarily personages of venerable
appearance and irreproachable diaracter; and upon
their opinions, promulgated veith all the authority of
age, wisdom, and experience, depended the adminis-
tration of justice and the preservation of order
throughout the vast extent of the empire.
The extensive and diversified character of the works
of the Arabs is one of the wonders of literature. This
extra(»*dinary fertility attained a greater develop-
ment in Spain than in any other portion of the Mus-
sulman empire. Al-Modhaffer, King of Badajoz,
wrote fifty volumes; Ibn-Hayyan, sixty; Honein,
a hundred; Abdallatif and Ahmed-Ibn-Iban, the
same; Ibn^-al-Heitsam, two hundred; Abu-Moham-
med-Ibn-Han, four hundred; Ibn-Habib-al-Solami
and Abu-Merwan-Abd-al-Melik, each a thousand.
In the realm of history and biography the genius
of the Hispano-Arab was most prolific The sub-
jects treated are of great variety, and are usually ejt-
panded into a prodigious number of books. Tedi-
ous and obscure as is mudi of their narrative, its
minuteness of detail and extraordinary fidelity to
truth render the surviving collecticms — ^which, exten-
sive as Ihey are, compose but a fragment of Ihe his^
toridd literatuns that once existed^-^invalumfole to tiie
45& HiSTOEY OF THE
student. The biographical dictionary of Hadji
Khalf a contains notices of twenty thousand works, of
which twelve hundred are historical. The Arabic criti-
cal, theological, and geographical cyclopaedias were
scarcely less voluminous.
The plan of this work does not contemplate more
than a passing allusion to the principal historical
writers whose learning and talents were conspicuous
during the Moorish domination in Spain. Among
them may be mentioned Ibn-al-Afttas, Prince of
Badajoz, who composed a valuable treatise on the
political and literary events of the Peninsula; Ibn-
Ahmed-al-Tolejrtoli, of Toledo, who wrote a General
History of Nations; Al-Khazraji, of Cordova, to
whom is attributed a History of the Khalifs; Al-
Ghazzal and Al-Hijari, who published, the one a
rhyming history, the other a topographical descrip-
tion of Andalusia; Ibn-Bashkuwal, of Cordova, and
Mohammed Al-Zuluyide, famous for their biographi-
cal dictionaries; Ibn-al-Ehatib, of Granada, whose
marvellous erudition was displayed in the greatest of
his works, The Universal Library, an immense epitome
of the literary and historical facts obtainable in his
time. Disquisitions on general topics were not, how-
ever, the favorite employment of Moorish authors;
their subtle minds preferred the narration of impor-
tant events, the tracing of remote causes, the solution
of obscure historical problems. In the treatment of
special subjects they displayed a wonderful, often a
tedious, prolixity. Each khalif and prince entertained
at his court an historian charged with the description
of the principal occurrences of his reign. Every town
had its annaUst, every province its chronicler. There
was not an art or a science, not a profession or a call-
ing, whose origin and influence had not been described,
and its distinguished teachers enumerated, by some
eminent writer. Mohammed Abu-Abdallah, of Gran-
MooBiSH Empibe in Eusofe 450
ada, compiled an historical dictionary of the sciences;
Al-Assaker is credited with a curious and instructive
history of inventors. Even animals famous for their
superior qualities were assigned an honorable place
in the biographical productions of the Spanish Mo-
hammedans. Abu-al-Monder, of Valencia, and Ibn-
Zaid-al-Arabi, of Cordova, composed memoirs re-
counting the genealogy, the endurance, the speed, and
the beauty of certain horses conspicuous in a race
proverbial for its excellence. Abd-al-Malik wrote an
account of celebrated camels. The names given to
books, even by the grave and pious, partake of the
fanciful and figurative imagery of the Orient, and
were suggestive of the most precious objects admired
and coveted by man, such as "The Silken Vest,"
" Strings of Pearls," " Links of Gems," " Prairies of
Grold." From a remote antiquity similar titles had
been adopted, for, as has already been remarked, the
earliest of Arabic poems, the Moallakat, derive their
collective appellation, not from having been suspended
in the Kaaba of Mecca, but on account of their
figurative resemblance to the pendants of a necklace.
The Arabic language, regarded by Moslems as the
most perfect of all idioms, received great attention
from grammarians. Their works upon this subject
are infinite, exhaustive, perplexing. One treatise, in
a hundred parts, treats solely of genders. Knowl-
edge of this character was held in the highest estima-
tion. Abu-6halib, of Murcia, refused a thousand
dinars of gold from the sultan of that kingdom, who
had solicited, as an honor, the dedication of a work
upon grammar composed by that celebrated scholar,
whose labors were devoted to the instruction of the
people, and not to the flattery of power. Natural his-
tory, chronology, numismatics, were treated at great
length by the European Moslems. The menageries
aiid aviaries maintained in the principal cities af-
MO HmoKT or tbs
forded unusual adrantftges to the student of zoology;.
Chitmological computations were baaed upon the de^
ductions of the Alexandrian Museum* The Moorish
sdiolars of Spain and Sicily made invaluable contribu-
tions to the general stock of geographical knowledge.
The measurement of a degree which they effected
approximates very nearly to the one accepted by
modem science. Abulf eda enumerates sixty Arab^
geographers who lived before the thirteenth century.
Many of their maps were veritable works of art, in
which, upon a ground of silk, continents, mountains^
lakes, and streams, represented in relief, were em<^
broidered in gold and silver. Their researches were
aided by the historical remains of antiquity, by the
accounts of merchants and mariners, and by the re-*
ports of travellers despatched by their sovereigns to
collect information in the remotest comers of tbe
earth. Ibn-Hamid penetrated to the most inaccessible
regions of Central Asia. Ibn-Djobair visited and de-
scribed Sicily and the countries of the Orient. The
travels of IlNti*Batutah were prolonged through
twenty-four years. Obeyd-al-Bekri, of Onoba, was
the author of a geographical dictionary, in which were
described an immense number of cities, principalities,
and kingdoms. The reputation of all mediaeval geog«-
raphers, however distinguiidied, was obscured by the
fame of the great Edrisi. A native of Malaga, of
royal blood, and a lineal descendant of Mohammed, he
united to pride of birth and the advantages of fortune
all the learning and all the accomplishments to be
acquired in an enlightened age. His relationship to
the Prophet invested him with a dignity and an im-
portance second to none, in the sight of every devout
Mussulman. His education at Cordova was the best
that the ancient capital of the khalifs, still the intel-
lectual c^itre of the world, could afford. His mind,
improved by travel, waa familiar with many eoontriei
MoosuH EicpiBS m Eubofe 461
whose physical features he afterwards depicted with
such ability. Invited to Palermo by Roger, King
of Sicily, he speedily attained a high rank among the
sdiolars of that brilliant court. The geography he
composed, partly from his own information, partly
from data furnished by the King, who had long made
a study of that science, represented the labor of fifteen
years. In vividness of description, in accuracy of
detail, in correct estimation of distances, it is one of
the most remarkable literary productions of mediaeval
times. The incomplete work of Ptolemy had for
centuries been the recognized, indeed the only, au*
thority. The configuration of the earth's surface, its
climates, the locations of continents and seas, of cities
and empires, were facts little known, even to persons
of the best education. In Christian lands the Chiu*ch
sedulously discouraged all such studies as inimical
to Scriptural revelation. Geographical works had
already appeared in Arabic, but tiiey were grossly
inaccurate, and largely based on fable, romance, and
tradition. The compilation of Edrisi marks an era
in the history of science. Not only is its historical
information most interesting and valuable, but its
descriptions of many parts of the earth are still
authoritative. For three centuries geographers copied
his maps without alteration. The relative positicm of
the lakes which form the Nile, as delineated in his
work, does not differ greatly from that established
by Baker and Stanley more than seven hundred years
afterwards, and their number is the same. The me*
ehanical genius of the author was not inferior to his
erudition. The celestial and terrestrial planisphere of
silver which he constructed for his royal patron was
nearly six feet in diameter, and weighed four hundred
and fifty pounds; upon the one side the zodiac and
the constellations, upon the other — divided for con-
venience into s^^ents — ^the bodies of land and water,
462 HiSTOBY OF THE
with the respective situations of the various countries,
were engraved. As a recompense for his skill, Edrisi
received from King Roger the remainder of the
precious material, amounting to two-thirds, a hun-
dred thousand pieces of silver, and a ship laden witli
valuable merchandise. Such was the munificence with
which the son of a Norman freebooter, bred to arms
and rapine and ignorant of letters, rewarded the
genius of a scholar whose race was stigmatized by
every Christian power in Europe as barbarian and
infidel.
• In philosophical studies, the European Arab
evinced the same curious and inquiring spirit whidi
characterized his investigations of natural phenomena.
The multiplicity of sects into whidi the religion of
Mohammed was divided, and the incessant religious
controversies which the disputed texts of the Koran
and the conflicting interpretations of doubtful tradi-
tions evolved, were not favorable either to proselytism
or to the maintenance of orthodoxy. The Moslems
had their Nominalists and their Realists, their Mys-
tics and their Epicureans. They imderstood the
esoteric doctrines of the most renowned schools of
antiquity. They had read and commented upon
Pythagoras, Heraclitus, Socrates, Empedodes, Plato.
They were familiar with the atomic theory of Democ-
ritus. They recognized the argumentative ability of
the Stoics. With the productions of the Alexandrian
School — ^through whose medium was derived their
knowledge of the dogmas of the Portico and the
Academy — ^they were thoroughly conversant. The
prolonged and attentive consideration of these vain
and unprofitable opinions did not, however, commend
itself to the ingenious and practical mind of the Arab.
He indulged in no abstract speculations concerning
the origin, nature, and destiny of man. He wasted no
time in attempts to decide the vexed and frivolous
MooBiSH Empibe in Eusofe 468
question of the supreme good. He regarded with
Iboundless favor the works of Aristotle, a predilection
destined with years to develop into an tmdisceming
admiration akin to idolatry. To the influence of this
sage of the ancients, the educated Moorish population
of Spain was peculiarly susceptible. The doctrines
of Al-6hazzali, of Bagdad, who lived in the eleventh
century, had also obtained general acceptance. His
teachings involved the absolute separation of philos-
ophy from superstition. He believed in a higher
sphere than that of hiunan reason, where was exhibited
the manifestation of the Divine Essence pervading all
space, all matter, a form of the Pantheism of India.
The Peninsula had for centuries experienced the
ascendency of different races of men, the successive
predominance and decay of many forms of religious
belief. The transmission of national peculiarities ; the
survival of various, often hostile, political and social
opinions; the comparison of a series of creeds, each
claiming divine origin and inspiration, yet each, in its
turn, supplanted by a more powerful adversary, had
disposed the minds of men to investigation and reason.
It was only among the intellectual, however, that such
a disposition prevailed. With no class of fanatics did
intolerance exist in greater intensity than among the
orthodox masses of Mohammedan Spain. Their an-
tipathy to all who questioned the revelation of the
Koran or the authenticity of accepted tradition was
irreconcilable. In the unreasoning f luy engendered
by prejudice, they forgot the marvels of the civiliza-
tion that surrounded them; the encouragement that
their greatest princes had extended to learning; the
statement of the Prophet that the first thing created
by God was Intelligence. While they loved the ma-
terial pomp which thinly disguised the forms of des-
potism, while they cringed before the pride of rank
Knd opulence, they found the quiet and imassuming
4M History of tbx
pre*eminenee derived from superior wiadom and a pnh
found aequaintance with letters intokrable. These
narrow ideas, so prejudicial to mental developmoit,
were diligently fostered by the doctors of the law, who
discerned, in the general diffusion of philosophical
opinions, a serious menace to their importance and
dignity. Natural philosophy was the object of fheir
especial abhorrence. A system which professed to
account for the familiar phenomena daily manifested
on the earth and in the heavens by the operation of
natural causes and inexorable necessity, and which
absolutely dispensed with divine revelation, might well
awaken the suspicion and alarm of a class whose
worldly interests absolutely depended upon the sup-
pression of knowledge and the maintenance of ortho-
doxy. The populace, as usual, sided with their
teachers. As a result the philosopher was an object of
aversion, often of horror, to the conscientious Moham-
medan. In the eyes of the irrational zealot the pursuit
of science was a certain indication of a bargain with
the devil. No rank, however exalted, was imx>f
against this odious imputation. The greatest of the
Ommeyade and Abbaside khalif s, whose highest title
to fame was the encouragement of letters, were stig-
matized as wizards and magicians. The unicm of the
powers of Church and State in a single individual, and
the number and importance of the institutions for the
diffusion of knowledge, alone prevented the extinc-
tion of learning by popular violence. The majority
of the Hispano-Arab princes were men of unusuid
intellectual attainments, — ^historians, poets, chemists,
philosophers. The patronage they afforded to science
had a deterrent effect on those who longed for the
restoration of purity of doctrine, which had disap-
peared, as it invariably does, before the progressive
march of civilization. Emulating the examples of the
khalif s, the governors of provinces vied with their
Moosisn EMPntz w Eubofs 465
loyal masters in the propagation of knowledge. They
founded schools and academies. They offered prizes
for new and useful discoyeries. At their invitation,
the greatest scholars in their jurisdiction assembled
once a year at the seat of government, for public
discussion of subjects of interest to the learned pro-
fessions, or of such as could, through the medium
of practical inventions, be made to enure to the benefit
of the community.
The high estimation in which letters were held was
indicated by the honors paid to writers and the con-
sideration attaching to the office of public librarian.
In the catalogues were inscribed not only the title of
the work, but the name, the parentage, the dates of
the birth and of the decease of the author; and, not
infrequently, interesting biographical notices were
appended to the already ample record. In the
provinces, the custody of the assembled manuscripts
was entrusted to a noble of distinction; but at the
capital the charge of the magnificent library of AI7
Hakem was considered an employment worthy of
royalty itself, and was committed to Abd-al-Aziz, a
brother of the Khalif . The general supervision of
all educational institutions was exercised by Al-
Mondhir, another brother of Al-Hakem, who, in the
absence of the sovereign, presided over the contests of
the famous literary institute in which were exhibited
the talents and the learning of the aspiring scholars of
the empire.
The indefatigable energy of the Arabs exhausted
every soim^e of knowledge. Not only did they trans-
late the masterpieces of Greek and Roman literature,
but they familiarized themselves with Persian, Chal-
daic, Hebrew, Chinese, Hindu, and Sanscrit works.
Honein translated the Septuagint into Arabic. Abul-*
f eda was the first to direct attention to the so-called
inconsistencies of the Pentateuch and the pronounced
Vol- III.-SO
466 HisroBY of the
materialistic character pervading it; to its want of
coherence; to its apparent solecisms; to state that it
contains no mention of a future life, of heaven or hell,
of the immortality of the soul; and to suggest that its
legends indicate a Persian rather than a Jewish deri-
vation. Averroes had mastered and embraced the
philosophical ideas of India; he believed in the Uni-
versal Intellect; the popular religious fictions which
evoke the hopes and fears of the vulgar he treated with
contempt. The precocity and vast intellectual powers
of the great scholars of Islam are almost beyond
belief. Avicenna, at sixteen, had attained to such
eminence that learned* and experienced physicians
came from remote countries to enjoy the benefit of
his wisdom; at twenty-two he was Grand Vizier.
Abul-Hamid-al-Isfaraini was accustomed to lecture
every day on a new topic to a class of seven hundred
students of jurisprudence. Yezid-Ibn-Harun, of
Bagdad, knew by heart thirty thousand traditions.
All were pantheists or agnostics. The generally
irreverent spirit of the age is disclosed by the epigram
of Abu-Ala-Temouki, ** The world is divided into
two classes of people, — one with wit and no religion,
the other with religion and little wit."
The instruction imparted by the provincial acade-
mies of the empire and by the University of Cordova
— ^the centre of the intellectual activity of Europe —
was essentially infidel in character and tendency. The
influence of these institutions upon the public mind
was immense and far-reaching. Thousands of stu-
dents attended their lectures. Their professors were
the first scholars of the age, whose genius and abilities
were not limited to the duties of their calling, but
who at times administered with equal dexterity and
success the most important judicial and diplomatic
employments. Education was in a measure compid-
sory, and, to obtain additional force for the mandates
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe 467
of the law, the sanction of religion was enlisted, and
the school became an indispensable appendage to the
mosque. The various institutions appertaining to the
academic system of the Peninsula which culminated in
the University were graded much as are those of mod-
em times. In Cordova were eight hundred public
schools frequented alike by Moslems, Christians, and
Jews, where instruction was imparted by lectures.
The natural quickness which distinguished the intel-
lectual faculties of the Arab, and his phenomenally
retentive memory, enabled him to achieve results of
incalculable value to the development of his civiliza-
tion. This marvellous progress was promoted by
every incentive which could arouse the energies of
the aspiring or the covetous, — ^by the expected favor
of the monarch, by the prospect of exalted and hon-
orable dignities, by the certainty of magnificent
rewards, by the hope of social distinction, by the
ambition of literary fame. There was not a village
within the limits of the empire where the blessings of
education could not be enjoyed by the children of the
most indigent peasant, and the universities of Gra-
nada, Seville, and Cordova were held in the highest
estimation by the scholars of Asia, Africa, and Eu-
rope. In the various departments of these great insti-
tutions were taught, in addition to the doctrines of
the Koran and the principles of Mohammedan law,
the classics, the exact sciences, medicine, music, poetry,
and art. In the superintendence of academies and
colleges, the profession of Islamism was not consid-
ered an indispensable prerequisite by a liberal and en-
lightened public sentiment; scholarly acquirements
and devotion to learning were the accepted criterions
of fitness for the direction of youth; and both Jews
and Christians attained to acknowledged distinction
as professors in the great University of the capital.
In the ninth century, in the department of theology
488 HoxoKT or tSK
alone, four thousand students were enrolled, and the
total number in attendance at the University readied
almost eleven thousand. Nor were these priceless
educational privileges restricted to one people or to
ihe votaries of a single faith. The doors of the col-
lege were open to students of every nationality, and
the Andidusian Moor received tiie rudiments of
knowledge at the same time and under the same con-
ditions as liie literary pilgrims from Asia Minor and
Egypt, from Germany, France, and Britain. A re-
markable correspondence exists between the proced-
ure established by those institutions and the methods
of the present day. They had their collegiate courses,
their prizes for proficiency in scholarship, their ora-
torical and poetical contests, their commencements,
their degrees. In the department of medicine, a
severe and prolonged examination, conducted by the
most eminent physicians of the capital, was exacted
of all candidates desirous of practising their profes-
sion, and sudi as were unable to stand the test were
formally pronounced incompetent. Great and invalu-
able contributions to the fund of historical and sci-
entific information were made by the members of
the various academies and schools. They composed
voluminous treatises on surgery and medidne. They
bestowed upon the stars the Arabic names which still
cover liie map of the heavens. Above the lofty sta-
tion of the muezzin, as he called the devout to prayer,
were projected against the sky the implements of
science to whose uses religion did not refuse the
shelter of her temples, — ^the gnomon, the astrolabe, the
pendulum clock, and the armiUary sphere.
The trading expeditions of the adventurous Arab
had long before familiarized him with the relative
positions, areas, and natural productions of the prin-
cipal countries of tiie globe. But the princes of the
Western Khalifate, not satisfied with the results acd*
MOOBIIS "Rm^I^W XV pUBOFS 468
dentaUy obtainedi frequently despatdied to the most
distant regions accomplished scholars with the object
of making new contributions to art, literature, and
geography. In consequence of these extensive voy-
ages, no science was better understood by the Moorish
teachers than that treating of the earth's surface; and
its practical application was demonstrated by means
of accurate representations of its principal features
carved in relief upon globes of copper and silver.
In the cultivation of the two sciences, geography
was considered as dependent on history, and was often
treated in connection with it and in a subordinate ca«
padty. The Chaldean shepherds had already, upon
the plains of Asia Minor, by the measurement of a
degree of a great circle, determined the form and
dimensions of the earth; their observations had been
confirmed by the experiments of the Khalif Al*Ma-
mun; and these important data were carried into
Spam with many other treasures of Oriental wisdom.
The earth was whimsically divided into seven zones
or climates, to correspond with the seven planets and
the seven metals known to the Arabs, that number
having with them, as with other branches of the Semi«
tic race, a peculiar and mystic significance. With the
Arab, however, the study of the earth was rather topo-
graphical than geometric; his measurements were con-
fined to the estimated distances between important
points; and his figures were approximately calculated
according to the popular but imreliable conception
of the length of a day's journey, which was usually
twenty-five miles on land and a hundred miles by sea.
The geographer, in his description of the provinces
of a country, devoted much space to the location of
springs, wells, and rivulets, a consideration of more
importance in the mind of the traveller whose ante-
cedents were to be traced to the pathless and arid
wastes of Arabia than were even the woody shores and
470 HurroBY op the
unruffled harbors of an hospitable coast to the eye of
the shipwrecked mariner.
Nor must the libraries be omitted from this list of
those factors of progress which so signally contributed
to public enlightenment and to the formation of na-
tional character. There was no city of importance
without at least one of these treasure-houses of litera-
ture. Their shelves were open to every apphcant.
Catalogues facilitated the examination of the collec-
tions and the classification of the various subjects.
Many of the volumes were enriched with illuminations
of wonderful beauty; the more precious were bound
in embossed leather and fragrant woods; some were
inlaid with gold and silver. Here were to be found
all the learning of the past and all the discoveries of
the present age, — ^the philosophy of Athens, the as-
tronomy of Babylon, tiie science of Alexandria, the
results of prolonged observation and experiment on
the towers and in the laboratories of Cordova and
Seville. Here also were mysterious treatises of
Indian lore, whose origin ascended beyond the records
of history, whose doctrines, perused for centuries in
a dead language, had travelled through the medium
of Greek and Arabic versions from the Indus to the
Guadalquivir, and were ultimately destined to form
the basis of the pantheistic ideas popular among edu-
cated persons at the present day. These opinions had,
long anterior to the invasion of Tank, provoked the.
curiosity and engaged the attention of studious Mo-
hammedans. Under the khalif ate, and subsequently,
they were taught in the schools of the Peninsula, fig-
ured in elaborate disquisitions of philosophers, formed
the subject of learned discussion in lyceums and lit-
erary assemblies. Their vital principles were founded
upon the eternity of matter, the unity of intellect, the
final absorption of the spirit of the individual into
the Soul of the World. They accounted for the sue-
MooBiSH Empirb in Eubofe 471
cession of natural phenomena by laws resulting from
inevitable necessity. They refused to acknowledge
the possibility of the supernatural, and renounced the
time-honored and popular idea of incessant providen-
tial interventions. They ridiculed the apparitions of
angels and demons as phantasms evoked by the credu-
lity and fears of the ignorant. The tenets and cere-
monial of religion were regarded as the convenient
pretexts and apparatus of imposture. The origin of
life was explained by the development of the germ
through its latent force. The law of progressive evo-
lution was considered susceptible of universal appli-
cation, as embracing animal, vegetable, even mineral,
forms. The theory of Lord Monboddo, promulgated
in the eighteenth century and elaborated with such
ingenuity by Darwin in our own time, was, it is evi-
dent, far from being original with either; for Moor-
ish philosophers had, ages before, elucidated its lead-
ing principles. Thus, in the end, they even went to
the extent of including in its operations every descrip-
tion of matter, — ^a course of thought evidently sug-
gested by advanced Hindu conceptions and confirmed
by the fancied analogy between the transmutation of
metals and the transmigration of souls, doctrines also
imported from the extreme Orient. These ideas, so
antagonistic to the dogmas of religion, while long
entertained in secret, had been first publicly advocated
by Solomon-ben-6abirol, the Jewish philosopher of
Malaga, during the eleventh century. The Moorish
school of rationalism soon included many distin-
guished names. The development of the mental
faculties of humanity was dedared to be a manifes-
tation of the incessant activity of the omnipotent, in-
tellectual principle that pervaded all Natiu-e. The
supreme object of human existence was the mastery
of the sensations by the purer and nobler parts of the
soul.
47S HxSKttT or TBB
From these speculations, generally accepted, the
opinions of many of the Hispano-Arab philosophers
in time exhibited wide and radical divergence. Somef
it is true, adhered to Peripatetic Pantheism in its
integrity. Others oscUlated between the extremes
of mysticism and materialism. Against all, without
exception, the doctors and the populace displayed a
mortal hatred, whose influence even royal favor was
not always able to withstand. Those who had risen
to political eminence were compelled to relinquish their
employments. Many were driven into e:dle. The
intensity of popular odium forced those who still
pursued their studies into obscurity, sometimes into
pemuy. Consciousness of a defective title to the
crown often impelled a prince to resort to the ignoble
expedient of persecuting science for the sake of ob-
taining popularity. It was thus that Al-Mansur, the
greatest of Moorish conquerors, himself an enthusiast
for and an adept in the very studies he professed to
condemn, as a political measure for the consolidation
of his power discouraged literature and oppressed
philosophy*
In spite of the extraordinary literary privileges
within their grasp, the masses of Moorish Spain —
largely dominated by African influence — ^never ad-
vanced beyond the primary stage of learning. It is
true that they appreciated, in a measure, the benefits
accruing from tiie employment of scientific methods
in their various occupations of a medianical or agri-
cultural character. But this reluctant acknowledg-
ment of the advantages of science extended no fur-
ther. The invincible prejudices of the Semitic race
clung to them through all the phases of their civili-
zation. They never discarded the opinions bom of a
pastoral life, of all the most conducive to the perpetu-
ation of ignorance. Their antipathy to innovation
was only exceeded by the aversion tiiey entertained
MooaiaH Expibs in Eubofb 478
towards all who questioned the authenticity of their
religious belief, Greek philosophy they regarded
with undisguised detestation. For their countrymen
who devoted themselves to its study they evinced an
abhorrence greater even than that with winch they re-
garded apostasy.
The most famous of the natural philosophers of
Mohammedan Spain, whose transcendent ability has
caused him to be considered the exemplar of all, was
Ibn-Roschid» popularly known as Averroes. His life
embraced the greater portion of the twelfth century;
his voluminous works on theology, jurisprudence, phi-
losophy, and medicine denote an important epoch in
Arabic literature; and his influence, which prepon-
derated over that of any writer of his age, has sur-
vived the overthrow of his government, the dispersion
of his people, the abandonment of his language, and
the manifold catastrophes of more than seven hundred
years. His industry was indefatigable. It is said
that during the greater part of his life there were but
two nights which he did not pass in study, — ^the night
of his marriage and that of the death of his father.
The genius he displayed in other professions has been
overshadowed by the reputation he acquired as a phi-
losopher. He occupied the responsible position of
first physician to the Almohade Emir, Yakub-Al-
Mansur-Billah. He administered for a time the office
of Grand Kadi of Cordova. His immense erudition
was the wonder of Europe. His commentaries on
Aristotle were more highly esteemed by his disciples
and admirers than were even the originals, the master-
pieces of the great founder of the Peripatetics. His
popularity with the Jews was so great that manu-
scripts of his works are more niunerous in Hebrew
than any other book except the Pentateuch. By his
Mussulman contemporaries he was believed to have
concluded a compact with Satan; to Christian theo«
174 HiSTOEY OF THE
logians his name has ever been a synonym of eviL
The audacity of his opinions was indeed calculated
to provoke ecclesiastical indignation. He diligently
inculcated the Indian dogma of Emanation and Ab-
sorption. He treated all revelations as impostures.
Religions he pronounced convenient instruments of
statecraft, admirable contrivances for the preservation
of order and the encouragement of morality. The
three then predominant in the world he held in equal
contempt, — ^the Christian he declared was impossible;
the Jewish he characterized as a creed adapted only to
children; the Mohammedan as a doctrine for swine.
He indulged in sarcasms highly derogatory to the
sanctity of the Eucharist. His popularity among the
clerical profession was not enhanced by the saying
attributed to him: " The tyrant is he who governs for
himself and not for the people, and the worst of
tyrannies is that of the priest."
The power of public opinion, stimulated by the
efforts of orthodox Mussulmans, procured the dis-
grace of Averroes. He was deprived of his judicial
office. The honorable post of court physician was
taken from him. He was compelled to* seek refuge in
Africa; his property was confiscated; and, in age
and infirmity, he was exposed to the insults of the
fanatical rabble, who spat in his face as he sat help-
less at the door of the mosque of Fez. With his death
in 1198 disappeared from the Peninsula every out-
ward trace of the doctrines of which he had been both
the champion and the representative. Posterity, on
account of the variety and excellence of his intellectual
gifts, the extent of his erudition, and the boldness with
which he asserted his opinions, has seen fit to dissociate
him from the other learned men of his epoch, his in-
structors, his collaborators, his disciples. There were
many other philosophers, however, such as Solomon-
ben-Gabirol, Ibn-Badja, Ibn-Tofail, Ibn-Zohr, who
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe 475
were his equals in learning and scarcely inferior to him
in natural courage and in argumentative ingenuity
and eloquence.
The apparent extinction of his theories, obnoxious
alike to muftis and populace, was illusory. Intro-
duced with other branches of Moslem science by the
Jews, through the convenient channels of France and
Italy, they eventually permeated the intellectual life
df Europe. The Universities of Paris and Padua,
the literary centres of the age, were from the four-
teenth to the sixteenth century foci of infidelity. The
impiety of propositions openly promulgated by the
faculties of those two great institutions would to-day
shock any one except the most daring agnostic. The
seed thus sown bore abundant fruit. All Italy be-
came tainted with heresy. The Lateran Council, sum-
moned to place the official stamp of ecclesiastical con-
demnation upon the prohibited doctrines, was unable
to check their progress. The Jews carried these ideas
everjrwhere; scholastics adopted them; they were
even disseminated by members of the monastic orders.
Alexander de Hales, of the Franciscans, was one of
their ardent advocates. Robert Grossetete, Bishop
of Lincoln, second in attainments and reputation only
to his great contemporary Roger Bacon, believed in
the Universal Intellect. It was Savonarola who
wrote, " lUe ingenio divinus homo Averroes philoso-
phus." From the propagation of these theories was
derived the idea of the mythical book, entitled De
Tribus Impostoribus, an alleged satire aimed at
Moses, Christ, and Mohanuned, variously attributed
to a score of authors; supposed to be filled with
blasphemy; whose very title was a powerful weapon
in the hands of the clergy, yet whose publication was
apocryphal, and whose contents were necessarily
purely imaginary.
The general acceptance and perpetuation of the
/
/
476 HlSXQRT QB TBS
opinions of Averroes, denounced from every pulpit,
persecuted by the secular authority and anathematized
by councils, is a striking proof of the universal de-
cline of ecclesiastical power. The most popular poeti-
cal compositions bore the impress of tibie prevailing
spirit of incredulity and pantheism, which indeed
pervaded, to a greater or less extent, every class of
literature. It was in vain that those most deeply con-
cerned vehemently protested against the alarming
growth of this detested heresy. No rank of the cleri-
cal order was exempt from its effects; it was whis-
pered that its insidious influence had even penetrated
the sacred precincts of the Vatican. That influence
was transmitted unimpaired to posterity, and modem
science is largely indebted for its inquisitive and im-
partial spirit to the doctrines of the great Arabian
philosopher of the twelfth century.
In their treatment and application of the exact
sciences, and especially in the development of the
higher branches of mathematics, the Spanish Moham-
medans exhibited pre-eminent ability. The Arabs
were the first to ascertain with accuracy the length of
the year. They tabulated the movements of the stars.
They discovered the third lunar inequality of 46' six
hundred and fifty years before Tycho Brahe. They
determined the eccentricity of the sun's orbit; the
movement of its apogee; the progressive diminution
of the obliquity of the ecliptic; the amount of the
precession of the equinoxes. To them is due tiie
credit of having introduced to the knowledge of
Europe many ingenious devices and processes of cal-
culation which diminished labor, and, at the same
time, opened new fields of investigation that otherwise
might have remained unknown and unexplored. The
grand work of Ptolemy, the Sjmtaxis, had, under the
name of the Almagest, been translated before the
ninth century, and been revised by Isaac-ben-Honein
Moorish EMpmB in Eubope 477
in 827. In the tenth century, the famous Abul-Wef a,
of Bagdad, wrote an astronomical treatise to which
he gave the same name, which caused the two to be
long confounded by scholars. Both of these composi-
tions, equally wonderful for their learning, were early
known to the Spanish Arabs. The numerals of
India, which they adopted, at once superseded the
cumbersome Roman characters hitherto in use. The
decimal system was also introduced by them. They
greatly advanced the study of algebra, whose scope
and possibilities had previously been imperfectly un-
derstood, and applied it to geometry. They substi-
tuted sines for chords, invented modem trigonometry,
proposed a formula for the solution of cubic equa-
tions. They imderstood the principles of the calculus.
Grcber, of Seville, published rules for one of the most
important demonstrations of spherical trigonometry.
Al-Zarkal, of Toledo, was the first to suggest the
substitution of the elliptical orbit to correct the errors
of the generally accepted Ptolemaic system, thus an-
ticipating •Copernicus and Kepler. In his attempts
to determine the movement of the sun's apogee alone,
he made four hundred and two observations; and the
result he obtained was within a fraction of a second
of the amount declared to be correct by modem
astronomers. Abul-Hassan-Ali, by a series of obser-
vations extending over a distance of nine hundred
leagues to establish the elevation of the pole, esti-
mated with precision the dimensions of the Mediter-
ranean. The catalogue made by Ibn-Sina contains
a thousand and twenty-two stars. Ibn-Abi-Thalta
studied the movements of the heavenly bodies with-
out intermission for thirty years. Averroes, while
computing the motion of the planet Mercury, dis-
covered spots upon the sun. The far greater portion
of the results of the labors of the Moorish astronomi-
cal observers of the Peninsula, having shared the
478 HiSTOBY OF THE
general fate of the monuments of Moslem learning,
are lost. No complete copy of the works of any
Arab astronomer who lived since the ninth century is
known to exist. The extent of this calamity may be
inferred from the fact that in the royal library of
Cairo there were six thousand works on mathematics,
copies of many of which must have been in the hands
of the Moslems of Spain, and none of which have sur-
vived. They made constant use of the formulas of
Ibn-Junis for tangents and secants, of whose exist-
ence Europe was ignorant for six hundred years
after their publication. As the duty of pilgrimage
promoted the study of geography, so an acquaint-
ance with astronomy was rendered necessary to Mo-
hammedans by the requirements of their religion. In
order to determine the direction of Mecca, an exact
knowledge of the points of the compass was indis-
pensable. It was equally important to establish,
without error, the hours of prayer and of diurnal
ablution, and the dates of festivals which began with
the rising of the moon. These considerations, which
invested astronomical pursuits with a semi-religious
character, greatly promoted their popularity. The
study of mathematics was, independently of this in-
fluence, an occupation especially congenial to the
Arab mind. In all the schools were globes, both ter-
restrial and celestial, of wood and metal, planispheres,
and astrolabes. The construction of these latter in-
struments, the precursors of the sextant, as perfected
by the Arabs, was very complicated, and demanded
the exercise of the highest degree of scientific in-
genuity. They were used for the measurement of
angles, and for ascertaining the hour either of the day
or night. Some had as many as five tables, were en-
graved on both sides, and were provided at the bot-
tom with eleven different projections for as many
horizons. On them were represented the movement
Moorish Empibe m Eubofe 479
of the celestial sphere, the signs of the zodiac, and
the position of the principal stars and constellations.
Interdiangeable plates, calculated for different lati-
tudes, facilitated observations wherever made. It
was not unusual for an astrolabe to give the latitudes
of nearly a hundred cities. The invention of the
pierced gnomon by Ibn-Junis greatly simplified ob-
servations made to determine the altitude of the sun.
The passage of time was usually marked by sundials,
and by clepsydras of complex and elaborate mechan-
ism. The oscillatory property of suspended bodies,
represented by the isochronism of the pendulum, was
familiar to the Arabs, who had adapted it to a con-
trivance whose construction resembled that of the
modem clock, an invention generally attributed to
Galileo. Many of the instruments used by them in
their astronomical observations were of enormous
dimensions. Some of their armillary spheres were
twenty-five feet in diameter, and quadrants with a
radius of fifteen feet were not uncommon. The
bronze sextant, employed in the tenth century for the
determination of the obliquity of the ecliptic and de-
scribed by Abul-Hassan, of Morocco, had a radius
of fifty-eight feet, and its arc was divided into
seconds. At that time astronomy, especially among
the Spanish Moslems, had advanced as far as was pos-
sible without the use of the telescope. It was through
the influence of the Arabs that knowledge of that
science, as well as of all other branches of mathe-
matics, was universally diffused. The modem al-
manac, as its name denotes, is their invention, and the
signs by which it designates the seven planets have
been transmitted through their agency. As with all
pastoral nations, their attention was early directed to
the phenomena of the heavens. They noted the rising
and setting of certain stars which seemed intended to
mark the advent of the seasons; they divided the
480 History of thb
most prominent groups into constellations, and as-
signed to them, as did the Greeks, a fanciful and
legendary origin and nomenclature. With the prac-
tice of astral worship, incident to every race at a cer-
tain stage of its intellectual progress, was associated
the study of astrology, whose principles, based upon
the imaginary effect of benign or malignant plan-
etary influence, has still in educated as well as in
ignorant communities its enthusiastic votaries. The
practice of this false but attractive science was^ how-
ever, in no age confined to impostors. Some of the
greatest minds of mediseval or modern times believed
in its delusions, which were especially popular with
the most eminent astronomers of the Middle Ages.
Tycho Brahe, who gravely interpreted dreams, drew
the horoscope of the Emperor Rudolph. Even the
ability of Kepler did not preserve him from the preva-
lent superstition; he also cast horoscopes and pub-
lished prophetic almanacs. Its pursuit led to the
cultivation of other and more debased superstitions, —
the chimerical follies of geomancy and oneiromancy,
the profane rites of divination and magic, the belief
in the occult virtues of talismans and amulets. The
persistence of those practices, through unnumbered
centuries to the present time, is a singular commen-
tary on hmnan credulity in enlightened as well as in
unlettered ages. In many parts of Germany the
horoscope of an infant is cast at its nativity, and is
religiously preserved, with its baptismal certificate,
until the hour of dissolution. Our farmers sow and
reap and perform the various duties incident to rural
economy with diligent attention to the phases of the
moon. Confidence in the efficacy of talismans is even
in our generation far from extinct. It is uncon-
sciously manifested in the cruciform plan of our ma-
jestic cathedrals; in the gilded emblem which points
heavenward on tiie summits of their loftiest towers;
Moorish Emfibb in Eubofe 481
in the curves of their painted windows, glowing with
all the hues of the rainbow; in the armorial bearings
of some of the proudest royal houses of Europe; in
the carvings of our furniture; in the horseshoe sus-
pended over doorways; in the Teraphim and the
phylacteries of the Jew; in the holy sjrmbols em-
broidered upon the vestments of the Catholic clergy;
in the badges of our secret societies; in the settings
of the jewels which rise and fall on the voluptuous
bosom of Beauty. The superstition of the evil-eye,
universally prevalent in the Orient, is largely respon-
sible for the employment of charms. It is not im-
probable that this belief may have been originally
derived from the peculiar influence exercised by some
person endowed with an extraordinary degree of hyp-
notic power. To animal magnetism — ^as a mysterious
force — ^is certainly due a large proportion of the
magic fascinations of ancient times ; and the power of
the serpent over birds and animals probably gave rise
to the popular fable of the basilisk. The virtues of
amulets were derived, according to common opinion,
not from the substance of which they were composed,
but from the portion of the Universal Intelligence by
which they were supposed to be tenanted.
Thus a desire to penetrate the secrets of futurity
and avert impending misfortune gave rise to the
spurious science of astrology, itself the parent of
astronomy. The European Arabs cultivated both
with almost equal assiduity. The mind of the philoso-
pher, disciplined by the daily habit of mathemati-
cal calculation, was yet unable to discard the delusions
of the horoscope or to forget the visionary and ficti-
tious properties of talismans. In the mental consti-
tution of the ablest Arabian scholars, the fascination
of the occult and the forbidden predominated over
the experience of centuries, the influence of letters,
and the dictates of reason.
Vol. III.— 31
482 HiSTOEY OF THE
The discoveries of Al-Hazen in optics, communi-
cated to Europe by the Spanish and Sicilian Moham-
medans, have had a marked effect on the development
of that science, and are the basis of all that we know
on the subject. He understood the cause of the
twilight; estimated the density and calculated the
height of the atmosphere. He explained by the prin-
ciple of refraction why celestial bodies are visible
when they are actually below the horizon. He dis-
cussed the effect upon vision of the varying trans-
parency of the air, and suggested that beyond our
atmosphere there was nothing but ether, a proposi-
tion which modem astronomy accepts. First of all in-
vestigators, he corrected the prevalent fallacy that the
rays of light proceed from the eye to the object seen,
an error which had hitherto deceived all who had
written on the science of optics. The works of Al-
Hazen were used as text-books in the Andalusian col-
leges, and they were jBrst made known to Christendom
through the foreigners who came to study Arabic
learning in the sdiools of Toledo. Among such
literary pilgrims of the twelfth century were the
Englishmen Adelard of Bath, Robert of Reading,
Daniel Morley, William SheUey, and the Italian
Gerard of Cremona. The translations of Arabic
works into Latin introduced by the labors of these and
subsequent scholars in the department of medicine
alone amount to nearly four hundred.
Great as was the reputation of these ambitious
ecclesiastics among the ignorant masses of their coun-
trymen, it did not approach that of the famous G«r-
bert, whose genius had unsuccessfully attempted the
enlightenment of Europe nearly two hundred years
before. The attainments of that accomplished
scholar, respectable in any age, were so superior to
those of his contemporaries that, as has been pre-
viously stated, they procured for him the unenviable
Moorish EmpIbe in Europe * 488
and dangerous title of magician. A native of Aqni-
taine, of obscure birth and without resources, his
talents early attracted the notice of the Count of
Barcelona, who provided for his education in that
dty. Thence, after a time, he visited the principal
Moorish cities of Andalusia. It was the tenth cen*
tury, the epoch of the highest prosperity and mag-
nificence of the Ommeyade Elialif ate. Everywhere
were visible the effects of that civilization which had
no rival in the world. The thorough agricultural de-
velopment of the country; the busy seaports; the
luxurious palaces; the populous cities; the well-paved
streets, filled by day with surging multitudes, and
lighted at night by tens of thousands of twinkling
lamps; the illimitable expanse of verdure which
marked the environs of the great Moorish capital,
broken only by occasional watch-towers and gilded
minarets; the gorgeous splendor of the court; the
prodigious libraries; the innimierable schools and
colleges, equipped with every scientific appliance
known to Moslem culture — colored maps, armils, sun-
dials, clepsydras, hydrometers, parallactic rules, quad-
rants, astrolabes, planispheres, globes; the mosque
with its throngs of pilgrims gay with the costumes of
every land acknowledging the creed of Islam, — ^these
scenes did not fail to profoundly impress the young
French ecclesiastic, already imbued with prohibited
ideas and 'fresh from the intolerance, the barbarism,
the credulity, and the intellectual debasement of
Christian Europe. The mind of Gerbert was prompt
to recognize the manifold advantages to be derived
from familiarity with Moslem institutions and erudi-
tion. He became a student of the University of Cor-
dova. During the few years he remained in that city,
his talents and perseverance procured for him a fund
of scientific information unexampled for that period.
On his return he established schools in both Italy and
484 * HiflxoBT or ths
France, He imported books from every quarter of
the world, and especially from Spain. His pupils,
reckoned by thousands, diffused throughout Europe
the fame of their teacher and the precepts of his
works. The instruction he imparted embodied the
forbidden learning taught beyond the Pyrenees. He
was the first to explain to Europeans the abaxnis, the
Indian numerals, the science of arithmetic. He
taught geography and astronomy from globes con-
structed at Cordova. He observed the motions of the
planets and determined the elevation of the pole
through diopters. The results of the mechanical in-
genuity which amused his leisure moments awakened
the horror of his ignorant and pious contemporaries.
He invented a steam or hydraulic organ; a dock
whose mechanism was largely composed of wheels and
pinions; and automatons whose mysterious move-
ments suggested to the vulgar a diabolical agency-
He improved the science of music. His system of
imparting knowledge, based upon experiment and
demonstration, exhibited a radical difference from the
prevalent methods of an epoch whose instruction was
limited to Scriptural texts and ecclesiastical admoni-
tion. The renown of the great scholar excited the
envy of the monks, to whom the popular imputation
of infernal communion afforded a pretext for per-
secution. They instigated marauders to plunder his
abbey at Bobbio, in Italy. His library was burned,
his instruments were destroyed, his students dispersed.
This ill-treatment, so far from being, as intended, pre-
judicial to the fortunes of Grerbert, ultimately pro-
moted them. His reputation was everywhere known,
and the awe his wisdom excited was increased by the
supernatural means he was believed to employ. He
was patronized by the King of France and the Em-
peror of Germany; he became successively Bishop of
Bbeims and of Ravenna; and, through the influence
Moorish Empirx m Europe 4M
of the latter sovereign, he was, in the year 099, raised
to the pontifical dignity, under the name of Sylvester
II. Even in that exalted position, the relentless spirit
of ecclesiastical malice did not permit him to rest.
His attempts to reform clerical abuses brought down
upon him the vengeance of the corrupt and rapacious
ministers of the papal court. The most absurd
fables were invented to account for the results of his
scientific experiments, otherwise incomprehensible
by medisval ignorance. He was accused of gross im-
morality, blasphemy, magical incantations, the invo-
cation of demons. It was whispered that goblins of
fantastic dress and repulsive aspect attended him at
midnight during the celebration of impious orgies and
profane sacrifices. The diligent propagation of these
scandals prepared the way for the punishment meted
out in that age to all daring reformers, and especially
to those who presumed to interfere with the preroga-
tives and emoliunents of the clergy. A victim of slow
poison, Sylvester II. survived his elevation to the
Papacy less than four years. His name was anathe-
matized, his doctrines condemned as heretical, and the
perusal of his writings prohibited as contrary to the
canons of the Church and prejudicial to the interests
of religion. After his decease, a long period of dark-
ness again clouded the Christian world. The dawn-
ing spirit of inquiry thus suppressed, men once more
turned to the priest for counsel, for assistance, for
the explanation of natural phenomena, for the cure
of disease. Such was the inauspicious and apparently
futile result of the first introduction of Arabian learn-
ing into Roman Catholic Europe.
The unrivalled excellence of the agricultural
methods employed by the Spanish Mohammedans was,
in large measure, due to their profound botanical
knowledge. That science, practicaUy unknown in the
desert wastes of Arabia, to which nature has be«
486 HiSTOEY OF THE
^nidged the wealth of her vegetable kingdom, was
early pursued with great energy and success by the
conquering Moslems, In no other part of their em-
pire, however, was such progress made in its study
or such beneficial results obtained from the culture
of plants as in Andalusia. Their analysis and classi-
fication, and the determination of their properties,
were sedulously encouraged by the government. The
scientific expeditions of the khalif s collected speci-
mens and seeds from every quarter of the world.
Gardens for the propagation of both native plants
and exotics were established in the environs of all the
great cities, and the results of intelligent observation
and experiment were regularly tabulated for the pub-
lic benefit. In the oases of the Desert, along the
banks of the Nile, on the fertile plains of Mesopoto-
tamia, on the arid plateaus of Central Asia, in the
pestilent delta of the Ganges, the botanists of Cor-
dova added to the stock of ideas and principles to be
subsequently developed and advantageously applied
in the valley of the far distant Guadalquivir. Nor
were their efforts confined to the mere collection and
examination of products of the vegetable kingdom.
Every novel appliance, every useful invention, which
might prove beneficial to horticulture, to irrigation, to
the various branches of rural economy, were diligently
noted and carefully preserved. As a consequence of
these laborious researches, the Andalusian Arabs be-
came more proficient in the kindred sciences of botany
and agriculture than any people who have ever ex-
isted. In their country were concentrated all the
fruits of the learning and experience of centuries then
extant in the world. It is said that they added to the
herbals of the ancients more than two thousand
varieties of plants. They described the circulation of
the sap; they understood the ofiices of the bark and
the leaves. Every source of information was thor-
MooBiSH Empire ik Eurofb 487
oughly explored. Already, in the tenth century, the
treatise of Dioseorides had been translated into Ara-
bic by a monk of Constantinople, sent by the Em-
peror at the special request of the Khalif, because
the subjects of the latter were ignorant of Greek.
The botanical works of the Hispano- Arabs were en-
riched with drawings from nature, beautifully exe-
cuted in colors. When Ibn-Beithar, of Malaga, the
most famous of Moslem botanists, travelled in the
Orient, he was accompanied by a corps of artists,
whose skill preserved the form and tints of unfamiliar
flora in all their beauty and perfection. His is the
greatest name in the annals of this important branch
of learning from Dioseorides to Linnceus, an interval
of fifteen hundred years.
In the wide range of philosophical and experimen-
tal study, however, no subject was so congenial to the
taste of the Arab or appealed more strongly to his
imagination than the pursuit of the spurious science
of alchemy. That science originated in Egypt, the
land of isolation, of enchantment, of prodigy. Its
investigation, confined to a privileged class, had been
protected by the double safeguard of religion and
secrecy. For innumerable centuries the Egyptian
priesthood, the sole depositaries of knowledge, had, in
laboratories hidden in temples or excavated in the
rocky sides of mountains, eagerly devoted themselves
to the discovery of the universal panacea, of the
elixir of life, of the transmutation of inferior metals
into gold. The Ptolemaic dynasty, heir to these de-
lusions so acceptable to human egotism and avarice,
had contributed to their universal dissemination over
Europe and Asia. The Arabs, from the first hour of
their intellectual emancipation, prosecuted with alac-
rity a study especially adapted to their national in-
clination and genius. The fact that the Koran pro-
hibits such occupations made their association with
488 HlSTQBT OF THE
religion^ contrary to the custom in Egypt, imprac-
ticable. At Toledo and Cordova, alchemy was not
designated, as at Memphis and Thebes, the '^ Sacred
Art," cultivated in the precincts of temples, a)m-
mimicated only to royalty, screened from the pro-
fanation of the vulgar by the delusive mummeries of
processions and sacrifices. Its close relations with
thaumaturgy and divination, with astrology and
magic, were inevitable consequences of the uncer-
tainty of its results, and of the mystery that envel-
oped its professors. Ancient Hebrew tradition, as
disclosed by the apocryphal books of the Bible, asserts
that the occult arts and sciences were the gift of evil
spirits to the children of men. The Romans punished
such practices with death, probably for the reason
that they came into competition with the oracles, a
fruitful source of revenue and prestige to the state.
Thus, in a measure, placed under the ban of religion
and law, a subject of suspicion and fear to the masses,
the study of alchemy was fraught with danger, even
amidst the Pagan associations of antiquity. In the
Middle Ages, the endangered interests of priestcraft
added to legal prohibition and the prejudice of public
opinion the resistless force of their condenmation.
The Spanish Arabs, passionately fond of experi-
ment and novelty, were eminently proficient in the
technicalities of the Hermetic Art. They entertained
the idea that the same elements, in different propor-
tions, were present in all metals, and that, by certain
processes of elimination, any metal, — as, for instance,
gold, — could be obtained. Like their masters, the
Alexandrian Greeks, they concealed their discoveries
in the obscurities of a learned jargon. The principles
of their calling were indicated by mysterious sym-
bols, enigmatical phrases, mutilated formulas, capable
of interpretation only by themselves. With the ad-
vancement of learning, the operations of the alchemist
Moorish EicpnoB m Eubofe %M
were practised with less concealment and mystery.
His labors were encouraged by the khalif s, of whom
some were themselves adepts, And prosecuted their
investigations in well-equipped laboratories. The
prevalence of one delusion led to the propagation of
others, and the original objects of alchemical research
became conf oimded with astrology, mysticism, and all
their chimerical relations and incidents, — ^theories in-
volving the seven planets and the seven metals, the
ceremonies of exorcism, the procuring of happiness
by the identification of the soul with the Universal
Intellect. Attracted by the profits to be obtained
from human credulity, a swarm of charlatans sprang
up in every commimity, — prototypes of the impostors
who infested the society of Europe during the four-
teenth and fifteenth centuries. Among these the Jews
attained an unenviable notoriety, a reputation des-
tined in subsequent ages to produce most deplorable
consequences. Even under the Pharaohs, Hebrew
astuteness had succeeded in penetrating the well-
guarded arcana of the Egyptian priesthood. It was
mainly through their traditional avarice that the pre-
cepts and formulas of the Sacred Art, divulged to
the Greeks and afterwards to the Arabs, became the
property of mediaeval Europe. In Mohammedan
Spain the Jews excelled in this unpopular but lucra-
tive profession, as they did in every pursuit requiring
intelligence, energy, craft, and skill. From this con-
fused medley of philosophy, magic, and imposture
were unconsciously obtained results of superlative
value to the human race. The adept, poring over
his retorts and crucibles in vaulted chambers far
removed from inquisitive eyes, stumbled upon dis-
coveries more important than that of the philosopher's
stone. In attempts to accomplish the transmutation
of metals, processes were invented by which the analy-
sis, separation, and smelting of ores were, hundreds
490 HiSTOBY OF THE
of years afterwards, facilitated, and the visionary aim
of the alchemist, in a measure, accomplished. From
tliese secret experiments came the knowledge of the
working of metals, of the composition of alloys, of
the fusing of glass, of the application of enamels.
Alchemy was thus the precursor of chemistry, and,
so intimately are their principles and relations con-
nected, that it is impossible to determine where the
false science terminates and where the true science
begins. The Hispano- Arabs carried the operations
of both to a point not hitherto attained by the ex-
perimenters of the ancient world. While they
profited largely by the learning of the East, it would
be unjust to deny them the merit of conspicuous
and striking originality. They practically invented
modem chemistry. Their writers describe with clear-
ness and precision the processes of crystallization,
sublimation, distillation, filtration, solution. They
introduced nitric and sulphuric acids, those powerful
solvents, without whose agency chemical combinations
could not be effected. To them is due the discovery
of alcohol, muriate of ammonia, potassa, bichloride
of mercury, nitrate of silver, and phosphorus. The
adaptation of these substances to the multifarious
purposes of daily existence has bestowed upon the
inventor almost boundless resources for the develop-
ment of the industrial arts, and has provided the sur-
geon with efiicadous means of alleviating himian
suffering. The use of caustics and acids produced
a revolution in medicine, and the skill of the physi-
cian, even in Christendom, was no longer classed with
the exorcisms of the necromancer or subordinated to
the mummeries of the priest. The Moslems of the
Peninsula were aware that a calcined metal gains
instead of loses weight, a fact whose knowledge
foreshadows an acquaintance with gases and the
discovery of oxygen; nor were they ignorant of
Moorish Empibe IN EuBOFE 491
the existence and the properties of hydrogen. Pro-
cesses for the oxidation of metals and for the gen-
eration of gases are first mentioned by Djabar-al-
Kufi, or Geber, whose personal history is unknown,
and who is often conf omided with the mathematician,
Djabar-Ibn-Aflah, of Spain. The greatest Arabian
chemist of any age, his abilities have been recognized
and his name has been mentioned with respect by
every investigator of the exact and experimental
sciences down to the present day. It has been well
said that he bears the same relation to chemistry
that Hippocrates does to medicine. His writings
— calm, judicious, eminently logical — are not ob-
scured or disfigured by the absurdity and charla-
tanism of the epoch. Aside from his reference to
the generation of gases by heat, and the radical
alterations undergone by the substances from which
they are derived, his fame would have been per-
manently established by his discovery of nitric acid
and aqua regia, products of the laboratory not pre-
viously described by any author. Thus the philo-
sophical methods of the Spanish Moslems gradually
developed the visionary operations of alchemy into
the science of chemistry. To the latter, however, still
clung numerous indications of an origin fraught with
imposture. Important experiments were deferred
until the planetary influences were declared to be au-
spicious. The elixir of life was sought for with un-
diminished ardor. Monarchs were still deluded and
plimdered by means of fallacious promises of wealth
to be obtained by the transmutation of metals. But,
in many respects, notable changes were discernible,
harbingers of incalculable benefit to both the physical
and intellectual condition of humanity. Then was
first effected the permanent separation between ex-
perimental science and religious mysticism, a union
fatal to mental development and to the arts of dvili-
4BS KsfttxAX OB xat
zation. From the earliest times» every important vn^
dertaking had been invested with a sacred character,
and supplemented with ceremonies adopted to avoid
publicity and to enhance its mysterious significance.
It was no longer accounted sacrilege to explain the
secrets of nature or necessary to enshroud the dis-
coveries of the philosopher with the terms of an alle-
gorical jargon. The scientific lectures of the Moorish
universities of Spain were open to all students; the
analyses of the laboratory were daily performed in
the presence of thousands. Familiarity with its
operations, experience of its advantageous applica-
tion, diminished in time the suspicion with v^ch
dhemistry was viewed by the populace. That science^
necessarUy slow in its development, originally based
upon erroneous principles, profiting by the opportuni-
ties of accidental discovery, retarded by innumerable
failures, hated by the priesthood, feared by the igno-
rant, classed as diabolical by the superstitious, was far
from possessing the capability for progressive ad-
vancement and permanence of which mathematics was
susceptible. Although practically its inventors, the
Arabs paid more attention to the adaptation of its
discovery to medicine than to the improvement of its
processes or the purification of its products. This
predilection induced them to separate pharmacy from
chemistry as well as from medicine, thus creating a
new and most important branch of science, of uni-
versal application and of practical benefit.
Europe is indebted to tihe Moslems of Spain and
Sicily for the introduction of such drugs as nux
vomica, cassia, croton, tamarind, myrrh, sandal,
cubebs, ergot, senna, rhubarb, and camphor; for such
spices as cloves, nutmeg, ginger, and cinnamon; for
such compoimds as juleps, elixirs, syrups, and elec-
tuaries, still known to commerce by their Arabic
names. Under the khalifs, pharmacies were estab*
Moorish Empibs m Euaofe 498
lished in all the principal towns of the empire,
subordinated to great central depots at Toledo and
Cordova. These were placed under government su-
pervision, were visited by inspectors, and their owners
held accountable for the purity of their commodities
and the methods of their preparation* In Sicily the
laws were even more stringent: every dispenser of
drugs was subjected to a rigid examination as to his
qualifications, and the professional oath of the physi-
cian required him to denounce to the proper authori-
ties any pharmacist whose wares were iuf erior in
quality to the regular standard. In addition to these
salutary precautions against dishonesty and fraud, a
scale of prices, publicly displayed, prevented extor-
tion; and violation of the law subjected the« offender
to serious penalties. These regulations, adopted in
the thirteenth century by the Emperor Frederick II.,
contributed greatly to the success attained by the
medical schools of Salerno and Naples, and made
Sicily the most famous market for medicaments in the
world.
It is a remarkable circumstance that the science of
the Saracens was largely diffused among the nations
of Northern Europe through the agency of the ec-
clesiastical order, to whose faith, organization, and
traditions it had always evinced an implacable hostility.
The general dearth of educational facilities in the
Middle Ages, the monopoly by the clergy of such
learning as existed, and the fact that, among the lat-
ter, would be f oimd, sooner or later, superior minds
dissatisfied with the ignorance and the absurdities of
the Fathers, were conditions that inevitably tended to
this result despite the anathemas of pontifi^s and the
decrees of synods. Many of these umovators came
from the monastic orders. It must not be forgotten
that both Savonarola and Bruno were Dominicans.
For more than a century there emanated from Toledo
494 HiSTOEY OF THE
translations into Latin of classical works that had
long before been rendered from Greek into Arabic*
The pioneer of this intellectual movement was Arch-
bishop Raymond, a Frenchman. His example was
followed by Herman of Dalmatia, Michael Scott,
and John of Seville. The three greatest Christian
disseminators of the science derived from the Moors,
however, were Albertus Magnus, Bishop of Ratisbon;
Robert Grossetete, Bishop of Lincoln; and Roger
Bacon, professor in the University of Oxford, all of
the thirteenth century. The first is popularly known
to posterity as an alchemist and a magician. He was,
besides, a man of extensive knowledge, and a writer
of voluminous treatises on theology, philosophy,
alchemy,, and chemistry. He described successfully
the action of acids, the character of alkalies, the forms
and alloys of metals. The method used to-day in the
manufacture of caustic potash is identical with the
one he recommends. He was the first to prove by
sublimation that cinnabar was a compound of sulphur
and mercury. He understood perfectly the prepara-
tion of acetate of copper, of arsenic, of oxide of lead.
The process of refining metals was also familiar to
him. He gives the composition of gunpowder, — ^an
invention also attributed to Friar Bacon, but unques-
tionably due to the Arabs. The idle legends attaching
to his name, which have ascribed to him supernatural
powers derived from an intercourse with demons, are
a part of the homage that mediseval credulity was
accustomed to pay to superior intelligence. His life,
devoted to science, was as exemplary in its character,
in an age of ecclesiastical corruption, as his talents
were great and his deeds meritorious. His mathe-
matical knowledge and his mechanical skill were the
marvel of his contemporaries. The curious automa-
ton that he constructed, which could open doors and
utter guttural sounds, was broken to pieces by St.
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 495
Thomas Aquinas, who had previously satisfied him^
self of its magical origin and diabolical character.
Robert Grossetete, Bishop of Lincoln, eminent
alike in scientific attainments and theological con-
troversy, is one of the prominent and interesting
characters of English mediaeval history. An ac-
complished scholar, he was profoundly versed in all
the learning of his time. Anticipating Wyclif by
more than a century, he was not afraid to criticise
publicly the abuses of the Papacy, to defy its man-
dates, and to advocate the exercise of individual judg-
ment in ecclesiastical matters. In these daring inno-
vations we obtain the first glimpse of the audacious
spirit which animated the f oimders of the English
Reformation. He resisted successfully the presen-
tation of Italian prelates to the vacant benefices of
England, a prerogative hitherto exercised by the See
of Rome, almost without remonstrance. He elevated
the standard of scholarship at Oxford by introducing
the methods of examination which obtained in the
University of Paris, at that time the first institution
of learning in Christian Europe. Although of dis-
tinguished rank in the Roman Catholic hierarchy, the
unconcealed exultation of the Pope at his decease is
A suggestive indication of the broadness of his views,
and of the danger to the cause of ecclesiastical su-
premacy incurred by the extent of his knowledge, the
boldness of his sentiments, and the undiecked propa-
gation of his heretical doctrines.
But the greatest of this trio of illustrious names, in
both renown and influence, is that of Roger Bacon.
Bom in 1214, he was early distinguished for his ex-
traordinary abilities. He studied at Oxford and
Paris, mastered without difficulty the sciences as
taught at those two universities, and, unfortunately
for himself, adopted the habit of the Franciscan
Order. His inclinations, little in accordance with the
496 HlSTQET 07 THE
maxims of his profession, impelled him to the investi-
gation of natural phenomena. He seems to have had
well-defined notions of many practical devices which
have contributed largely to the triumphs of modem
civilization. He regarded experiment and demon-
stration as the only rational method of arriving at
philosophical truth. A mind endowed with remark-
able versatility, a spirit of indomitable perseverance,
acquired for him an acquaintance with languages un-
exampled in his age. In addition to being thorou^y
conversant with the classics, Hebrew and Arabic,
generally imknown in the thirteenth century except
to the Jew and the Saracen, were as familiar to Bacon
as the accents of his mother tongue. It is said that
he devoted forty consecutive years to the study of
science. He expended for rare books and for the
apparatus necessary for its researches the sum of two
thousand pounds sterling, an amount corresponding
to seventy-five thousand dollars of our money. In
his writings, he especialUy recommends the study of
mathematics as the most potent instrument of mental
culture, the only key which can unlock the secrets of
Nature. His erudition embraced the most recondite
branches of learning, and some of his suggestions
viewed in connection with subsequent discoveries al-
most seem prompted by supernatural inspiration. He
recognized the necessity for the reform of the calen-
dar, and applied to Pope Clement IV. for permission
to rectify its errors, but the latter refused. He de-
clared a thorough knowledge of optics to be indis-
pensable for the construction of astronomical instru-
ments. After the perusal of his writings, a doubt
can hardly be entertained that he was the inventor
of spectacles, — ^whose idea he obtained from Al-
Hazen, — and that he also understood the adjust-
ment of the lenses in the telescope. He explained
the phenomena of the rainbow as due to refrac-
Moorish Empibx m Eubofe 497
tion. The power of magnif ying-glasses he correctly
states to vary with the size of the angle under which
Ihe object is seen. He gives the ingredients and
describes the effects of gunpowder, a discovery in
whidi he was, however, anticipated by Albertus
Magnus. He discourses on the possibilities of in-
ventions similar to the steam-engine, the balloon,
and the application of electricity, obscure, it is true,
yet with an accuracy of perception that seems incredi-
ble, and which cannot be questioned without denying
the authenticity of his works. He apparently un-
derstood the theory of the suspension-bridge. He
refers to the inflammable product obtained by the
sublimation of organic matter, probably an allusion
to hydrogen. The properties of carbonic acid gas,
unfavorable to combustion and fatal to animal life,
he mentions in terms whose meaning cannot be mis-
understood. He entertained the ancient idea of the
compound nature of metals, and declares that, in order
to effect their transmutation, a reduction to their pri-
mary elements is an essential requisite to success. He
explains their artificial coloration, a trick very popular
with diarlatans, who passed off inferior metals sub-
jected to processes that changed their appearance for
silver and gold. The latter metal he asserts to be
perfect, because in its formation the operations of
countless ages have been completed, and similar pro-
cesses must be devised by man before he can hope to
enter into competition with Nature. In addition to
his proficiency in mathematics and chemistry. Bacon
was a learned astronomer and a physician. He also
constructed automatons, which brought down upon
his head the censures of the Chiu-ch and the enmity
of the ignorant. Accused of magic, although he
wrote a treatise against it, fanaticism and hatred sen-
tenced him to imprisonment and anathematized his
works. After ten years of confinement in a dungeon.
Vol. III.— S9
498 HiSTOBY OF THE
he was liberated, only to die with the first return of
the blessings of freedom. The intolerant spirit of the
age that condemned him is epitomized in a sentence
taken from a chapter in which he deplores the irra-
tional bigotry that obstructs the progress of scien-
tific investigation, "Animus ignorans veritatem sus-
tinere non potest." The versatility of his talents was
only surpassed by the audacity with which he at-
tacked and the success with which he controverted
the absurd prejudices of his epoch. His name, sy-
nonymous with progress, stands forth in prominent
contrast with the intellectual abasement and unques-
tioning credulity with which he was surrounded. His
.prophetic foresight, while it provoked the ridicule of
the thirteenth century, commands alike the respect
and astonishment of Oiu*s. Like every innovator, he
experienced the penalties of superior genius, — ^per-
secution, contumely, deprivation of liberty. Among
the representative scholars of the Middle Ages, he de-
serves pre-eminent celebrity as a bold and original
exponent of experimental philosophy and scientific
thought.
Although unappreciated by his contemporaries,
Roger Bacon found a host of imitators during the
next three centuries. Members of every rank and
profession embraced the study of alchemy. The cleri-
cal order included the larger number; the secrecy of
the cloister was made subservient to the purposes of
magic; and the formulas of the laboratory claimed
far more attention than the accomplishment of pen-
ance or the ceremonies of devotion. It was even
alleged that Pope John XXII. found time at Avig-
non to engage in a fruitless search for the philoso-
pher's stone. From these illusory occupations were,
as already remarked, occasionally derived discoveries
of great practical value. The benefits resulting from
the exercise of the spirit of inquiry and the vigorous
MooEiSH Empire in Eubofe 499
employment of the intellectual faculties were of even
greater consequence to the growth of civilization and
the future welfare of mankind.
In no department of scientific investigation was the
genius of Arabian culture more signally displayed
than in the noble profession of medicine. In ancient
Arabia, disease was supposed to be an indication of
the anger of God, which it was the peculiar province
of the sorcerer to remove. The erroneous ideas of
morbific conditions common to nations in their intel-
lectual infancy, among the primitive Arabs, conspicu-
ous for their ignorance, were even more pronounced
than was characteristic of other races not less barbar-
ous. It was a long step from the fetichism of the
Desert to the sacrificial ceremonies of Rome and the
Asclepiads of Greece, yet all were of a similar char-
acter, though the latter represented the origin of the
medical science of antiquity. Temperance was at
once the precaution and the remedy of the abstemious
Bedouin. Mohanmied diligently inculcated the doc-
trine that the stomach was the seat of all diseases,
and fasting their cure.
The beneficent art which has for its object the alle-
viation of human suffering was in the seventh century
degraded to the vilest purposes of the priest and the
charlatan. The writings of the celebrated Greek
practitioners, lost in the universal destruction of
learning consequent upon barbarian supremacy or
hidden in the seclusion of the cloister, had been for-
gotten. The reputation of the medical school of
Alexandria, whose methods had wrought such mira-
cles in the advancement of science, was, in the minds
of the more intelligent, but an indistinct and doubt-
ful tradition; to the ignorant it was wholly imknown.
Then, and for centuries afterwards, throughout
Christendom, medicine was closely allied with sorcery
and imposture, partly astrological, partly mystical.
500 HnrroRY ov tht
but never scientific. The supernatural character with
widdi ecclesiastical shrewdness and cunning had in-
vested it, — ^the accepted principle that disease was
punishment inflicted for the commission of sin, — ^a
principle which, strange to say, has still it» advocates
even in our enlightened age, — ^rendered all progress
impossible. Maladies were largely attributed to the
influence of spirits or to the possession of devils, to
be exorcised by prayer, holy water, the application of
relics, the invocation of saints. The superstitions in-
herited from Pagan antiquity, and of incalculable
potency in their action upon the minds of the multi-
tude, were a source of great revenue to the clergy.
Among the vast number of holy men whose names
fill the pages of the Roman Catholic calendar there
were many individuals whose intercession was con-
sidered especially efiicadous in the treatmait of cer-
tain diseases. The policy of the Church, which lost
no opportimity of impressing the fancy of its vo-
taries, even went so far as to expel from the con-
stellations of the zodiac the familiar forms of the
ancients, and to substitute in their stead represen-
tations of cenobites and martyrs, the piety of whose
lives, often of questionable authenticity, had obtained
for them the honor of canonization. The identifica-
tion of the treatment of disease with religious cere-
monial, and indirectly with celestial interference,
conferred upon the priesthood a new and formid-
able weapon of spiritual power. Their influence,
already great at the bedside of the sick and the
dying, soon became paramount. To the weight which
their ecclesiastical f imctions imposed, they added the
dictatorial manner which is essential to the successful
ministrations of the physician. They collected enor-
mous fees. They disposed of estates. Often, in the
very presence of death, they engaged in unseemly
disputes over the division of the spoiL They forced
MooBisK Empibb in Eubofe 501
the afflicted to the most humiliating compliances.
Profoundly ignorant of the nature of disease and
its cure, they supplied their glaring deficiencies hy the
employment of every resource of imposture known
to their calling. By aspersions and the exhihition of
the Host they cast out demons. They removed pain
with the sovereign virtues of relics. Chronic affec-
tions were treated by protracted prayer and vicarious
penance. Pilgrimages to sacred localities, supple-
mented by frequent and generous contributions, were
also of notable efficacy. The waters of certain wells
and springs under the patronage of a saint, and which
had been the scenes of well-attested miracles, were
classed among the most popular therapeutic agents.
The gift of healing, especially efficacious in cases of
goitre and scrofula, with which royal personages were
supposed to be endowed, was another of the delusions
in which mediaeval times were so remarkably prolific.
This singular idea, probably of British origin, can
be traced to the reign of Edward the Confessor, and
was not discarded until the accession of the House
of Brunswick. Its institution was undoubtedly ec-
clesiastical; the repetition of a religious formula ac-
companied the touch of the sovereign; and the prac-
tice of the ceremony at Pentecost was always a source
of much edification to the multitude, and of substan-
tial profit to the religious establishment under whose
auspices it happened to be conducted.
Side by side with clerical impostors, another class
of practitioners, equally ignorant and scarcely less
dangerous, preyed upon the superstitious and credu-
lous of mediseval society. These were the charlatans
who posed as astrologers, aldiemists, magicians.
Their encroachments upon the territory of the
Church, and the suspicious methods they employed,
necessitated a certain degree of concealment and
secrecy, but their haunts were well known to their
502 HiSTOBY OF THE
victims. They professed to consult the appearance
of the heavens, the motions of the planets, the recm:-
rence of eclipses, the apparition of comets and
meteors, in the compounding of medicines and the
treatment of distempers. Celestial phenomena were
thus regarded as of the highest importance in the
determination of symptoms and the administration
of remedies. The curative virtues of plants were
entirely dependent on the position of the star imder
which they were gathered. A correspondence of
qualities was presumed to exist between objects hav-
ing the same color or form, an idea possibly as old
as man himself. Hence were derived the imaginary
aphrodisiacal virtues of the mandrake, and the al-
leged properties of red and white substances as calori-
f acients and refrigerants. The occupations of Uiese
pretenders, usually confined to the fleecing of their
dupes, were, however, not always so innocuous. They
were eminently skilled in the composition of love-
philters and poisons, whose secret administration is
believed to have more than once dhianged the succes-
sion of certain of the royal houses of Europe. The
criminal history of the Middle Ages is not more re-
markable for the nefarious deeds of these fraudulent
practitioners than for the immunity which the posses-
sion of dangerous secrets enabled them to enjoy.
To the ministrations of these two classes — ^that of
the ecclesiastic and that of the charlatan — ^was the
health of Christian Europe thus committed for many
centuries. A striking similarity characterized the pro-
ceedings of both. Each employed mimtmieries, exor-
cisms, incantations. Each professed to believe in the
efiicacy of amulets. One invoked the intercession of
the saints; the other was credited with holding nightly
intercourse with the spirits of the infernal world.
Both, by the alleged exercise of supernatural afiilia-
tion, wielded great power, and lived in luxury at the
Moorish Empibe m Eubofe 508
expense of those whom ihey habitually deluded.
While each considered the other as encroadiing on his
peculiar domain and an object of suspicion, a com-
munity of sentiment between them generally pre-
vented any serious outbreak of hostility. The favor
and protection of the prince was equaDy accorded to
these two appendages of the court One was the
keeper of the royal conscience; the other was valued
as an unscrupulous and ever available instrument of
secret vengeance. Both at times exercised the im-
portant functions of physician. Unfortunate, indeed,
was the invalid dependent upon such inadequate re-
sources. For him there was no prospect of substantial
relief; no system of intelligent treatment; no reme-
dies but incense, relics, and the mysterious formulas
of imposture; no prophylactic but the talisman; no
diagnosis but the consultation of the stars; no pre-
scription but the Pater and the Ave. In the estima-
tion of the populace, the calling of the physician was
identical with that of the necromancer. In the advice
of the priest the greater confidence was reposed, his
connection with the Church investing his opinions with
a divine, even an infallible, sanction. When failure
resulted, as was often the case, it was not attributed
to inexperience and ignorance, but to neglect to pro-
pitiate the saints and the Virgin. The commonest
rules of hygiene, upon which are absolutely depend-
ent the health of communities, were habituaUy ig-
nored. The streets were open sewers. The coiui;-
yards steamed with miasmatic vapors engendered by
decaying garbage. Into most houses the piuif ying
rays of the sun could never penetrate. Floors and
walls alike were grimy with filth. Linen and cotton
garments worn next the skin, and which contribute
so much to personal comfort and cleanliness, were
unknown; the Arabs, by whom they were invented,
had not yet introduced them to the knowledge of Eu-
504 History of thb
rope. The supply of water, everywhere contami*
nated, became a prolific source of infection. Public
baths did not exist; a profane luxury of the Pagan
and the Saracen, their use was contrary to the tradi-
tions of Christianity; the Gospels contain no general
precepts for ablution; and its practice was abhorrent
to the meditative simplicity of clerical and monastic
life. The universal existence of these pathogenic
conditions is alone sufficient to account for the rapid
diffusion and frightful mortality of contagious dis-
eases. Leprosy had under the filthy habits and pro-
miscuous intercourse of the populations of the
Middle Ages assumed a character of extraordinary
virulence. France, at that time certainly not the least
civilized country of Europe, furnishes a suggestive
instance of the prevalence and disastrous effects of
this incurable disorder. From the eleventh to the
f oiuiieenth century, there was not a village — scarcely
a hamlet — ^without its kzar-house; the streets of great
cities swarmed with leprous beggars in every stage
of loathsome deformity; and in 1250 there were
known to be two thousand leper-asyltims in that king-
dom,— ^there were nineteen thousand in Europe. The
result of the disregard of sanitary precautions, and
the deplorable lack of medical knowledge, is also
established by the fatality of great epidemics, pre-
viously mentioned. Sudi was the awful penalty
entailed by hatred of learning, personal neglect> and
public indifference to the laws of health, conditions
sedulously maintained by the policy of the papal
system, whose ministers collected immense revenues
from shrines, relics, amulets, and the endless para-
jdiemalia of superstition, and discouraged, by all the
insidious arts of their profession, every rational
method for the prevention and treatment of disease.
In the Orient, on the other hand, great progress
had early been made in the various loandxes of tibe
MooBiSH Empisb in Eubope 505
healing art. The number of Arab phyadans was
prodigious. An entire volume of the biographical
work of Abu-Osaibah is taken up with their names.
In the city of Bagdad, at one time during the ekventh
century, there were nearly nine hundred. The Nes-
torian school of Djondisabour had already, in the
sixth century, sent forth many eminent practitioners.
Some of these, in search of more extensive knowledge,
travelled in India; at least one of them, Harets-Ibn*
Kdadah, an Arab, established himself at Mecca.
From him Mohammed, whd was his friend, obtained
something more than the rudiments of medicine, an
accomplishment whidi contributed greatly to his suc-
cess. The Prophet attended the sick, gave consulta-
tions, and imparted his learning to his wives. He
recognized the paramount importance of hygiene, and
inculcated its maxims upon every occasion. '*6od
has not caused a single disease to descend upon men
without providing a remedy,'* " Diet is the principle
of cure, and intemperance the source of all physical
ills," were some of the aphoristical sayings idiose
truth he constantly impressed upon his followers.
The r«iowned Khalif Al-Mamun was the first Mos-
lem prince to impart a decided impulse to the study
of scientific medicine. To Bagdad, his capital, whidi
he had named the City of Peace, he attracted, by the
promise of magnificent rewards, the diief professors
of the medical sdiool of Djondisabour. The fact that
they were Christians was in the eyes of that great
monarch no unpediment to then- employment or pro-
motion. Under their intelligent direction colleges
and dispensaries were established. The first hospital
of whidi history makes mention was founded at Bag-
dad. The world was diligently explored for medical
treatises of every description. The Greek authors
were rendered into Arabic by a body of translators
especially employed for that purpose. The vast im-
506 HiSTOSY OF THB
portance of this intellectual movement, guided by the
spirit of scientific inquiry whose conclusions were
based on results obtained by observation and experi-
ment, is disclosed by the great minds it produced and
through the influence it exerted on other nations.
In medicine, as in all other sciences, the Spanish
Arabs enjoyed peculiar advantages. The accumu-
lated wisdom of the Alexandrian School was theirs
by right of conquest. The learning, the inventions,
and the methods of the great colleges of Djondisa-
bour, of Bagdad, of Cairo, of Damascus, were theirs
by appropriation or inheritance. Many of the most
accomplished scholars of those institutions established
a residence in the Peninsula, and enriched with their
knowledge the already gigantic stock of scientific
facts, the result of years of study and experiment by
the brightest minds in the most highly intellectual and '
cultivated society of Europe. Neither national nor
religious prejudice proscribed the fruits produced by
the labors of the philosophical observer. The con-
tributions of the skeptic, the Christian, the Jew, and
the Worshipper of Fire were received with the same
respect and rewarded with the same liberality as were
those of the orthodox Moslem. The enterprising sur-
geons and pharmacists of Moorish Spain travelled,
studied, and piu*sued their investigations in every
country which promised a profitable return to their
industry or their researches. The academies of the
Peninsula were illumined by the genius and the eru-
dition of such great writers and operators as the
Bakhtichous, Masues, and Serapions, the Nestorian
pioneers of medicine and surgery; Honein-Ibn-Ishak,
Albategnius, Abu-Yusuf-al-Kendi, Tsabit-Ibn-Kor-
ra, Ibn-Bothan, Ibn-Sina, Abu-Bekr-Mohammed, of
Persia; Ibn-al-Heitsam, Al-Hazen, Abul-Mena-Ibn-
Naso, of Egypt; Ibn-al-Mathran, Ibn-al-Dakhnar,
Ibn-Khalifa, Abd-al-Atif, Djimal-al-Dire, of Syria;
Moorish Empibe in Eubope 507
Ibn-al-Djezzar, Constantine Africanus, and Edrisi,
of Barbary. These names, famous in the annals of
the profession, and gathered from every quarter of
the Mohanmiedan world, are equalled if not sur-
passed in renown by those of Moorish Spain. The
schools in the empire of Islam, already celebrated,
were also rendered doubly illustrious by many other
distinguished scholars of scarcely inferior ability,
whose talents and discoveries produced a revolution
in the practice of every department of medical sci-
ence. All of the institutions where it was taught were
not public. Many were established by practising
physicians, who had also their private hospitals. The
sons adopted the profession of their fathers for many
consecutive generations, and added to the learning
obtained by example and experience the natural ad-
vantages derived from the hereditary transmission of
genius and skill.
The khalifs often attended the lectures of emi-
nent practitioners, and always bestowed upon them
the most substantial marks of their favor. Capable
of the exercise of every public emplojnment, the court
physician was often raised to the post of vizier.
Many accumulated immense fortunes. Djabril-Ibn-
Bakhtichou left ninety million drachmas; Al-Mamum
gave Honein for every volume he translated from
the Greek its weight in gold.
The versatility of many of these learned men is one
of the marvels of the educational system under which
tiieir talents were developed. Their medical knowl-
edge was often the least conspicuous of their intel-
lectual accomplishments. They were famous mathe-
maticians, astronomers, metaphysicians, grammarians,
botanists. Some left hundreds of works on the dif-
ferent sciences. Even in that remote age there were
specialists who wrote with signal ability on the mor-
bid anatomy of the different portions of the body.
508 HiSTOBT OP THB
Affections of the eye, obstetrics, eruptive fevers, were
exhaustively treated. The book of Rhazes on the
diseases of children is the first on that topic known
to exist* Medical encydopsedias were common. The
number of translators produced by the school of Bag-
dad alone exceeded one hundred. The multiplication
of copies of Greek medical and philosophical works
by tlids means, and their consequent wide distribu-
tion, preserved them from the fate encountered by so
many other memorials of Attic genius. The salutary
example of the Abbaside khalif s was not lost upon
the Moslem princes of Syria and Egypt. In the
polished capitals of Damascus and Cairo numbers of
splendidly appointed medical institutions — colleges,
hospitals, dispensaries, laboratories — ^arose. The ser-
vices of the most distinguished physicians were gratui-
tously rendered to the inmates of the hospitals. The
hygienic arrangements of the latter were, in many
respects, superior even to those dictated by the spirit
of modem scientific progress. They were larger,
better arranged, and more conmiodious. Purity of
air was assured by a system of thorough ventilation.
There were fountains everywhere, — ^in the courts, in
the halls, in the gardens. Wards placed under the
direction of competent specialists were appointed for
the treatment and study of every disease. Insane
patients were prescribed for like the others, .and had
their attendants, their baths, and their amusements.
For them, as well as for the unfortunate victim of
insomnia and the convalescent, there were the divert-
ing mirth of the story-teller and the soothing powers
of music. When a patient was discharged as cured
from the Moristan of Cairo, founded in the tenth
century, and the most luxuriously equipped hospital
of ancient or modem times, — ^where cooling waters
rippled by the bedside of the sick, and their senses
were refreshed by the sight and odors of beds of
Moorish Empisx in Eubofe 509
flowers, — ^he received five pieces of gold, to provide
for his necessities until his strength was completely
restored. These institutions were supported by the
government, and placed under the supervision of the
court physician, the head of his profession, who was
held to a strict accountability for their proper man-
agement. For tiiis important and responsible em-
ployment belief in Islamism was by no means
essential; honesty, skill, and industry were the sole
recommendations to imperial favor, and the medical
advisers of the Successors of the Prophet were fre-
quently Christians and Jews. In all hospitals regis-
ters of cases were opened and preserved, and far more
importance was attached to the observations made at
the bedside of the patient than to the information
obtained by the perusal of books.
The fame of the medical colleges of the Orient
spread rapidly throughout the world, and attracted
the ambitious of every creed, — Christian, Hebrew,
Mohammedan. In the eleventh century there were
more than six thousand students of medicine in the
sdiools of Bagdad. The methods of the professors
and writers who directed the policy of these institu-
tions owed their efiicacy and success to their severely
practical character. No course of treatment was ap-
proved until it had been repeatedly tested. Rhazes
boasted that his knowledge had been acquired in hos-
pitals and not from libraries. It was the leading
principle of the practice of Ibn-Zohr that the re-
sources of nature, if properly directed, are generally
sufficient to cure disease. Abulcasis insisted that a
thorough knowledge of anatomy was indispensable to
success in surgical practice, a statement which, in his
day, had the merit of novelty. The original prin-
ciples of science transmitted from the great Greek
physicians were again promulgated for the benefit of
numkind, after having been divested of the mass of
510 HiSTOBY OF THE
superstition and imposture with whidi they had long
been encumbered. Ahnost every disease incident
to humanity was treated by the Arab practitioner.
Ophthalmia, endemic in coimtries subjected to the
incessant glare of a tropical sun, received particular
attention. The Moorish surgeons describe eleven dif-
ferent operations for cataract. Smallpox and leprosy
were the subject of protracted and exhaustive investi-
gation. There were specialists for affections of the
nerves and the brain, and of the pectoral organs; for
complaints resulting from physical excesses; for the
various forms of insanity. Considerations of deli-
cacy and the jealous prejudice resulting from the life
of the harem debarred the physician from the applica-
tion of the principles of gynaecology, and the practice
of obstetrics was relinquished to women. Surgery,
whose practice now implies the possession of the high-
est degree of professional skill, was for ages among
the Arabs considered of inferior importance, and was
abandoned to barbers and charlatans. The Moham-
medan doctrine that the soul remained with the body
for a certain time after dissolution was a serious ob-
stacle to the acquisition of anatomical knowledge,
vital to the success of the operator. This feeling was
intensified by an idea prevalent among the rabble that
handling a corpse was a source of frightful, nay, even
of ineffaceable, pollution. The same impediments to
the study of anatomy also existed in Christian Eu-
rope under the rules of the Church. One- of the most
heinous offences of the Emperor Frederick II. was
that he encouraged dissections, a practice which, as
it violated the sacred tabernacle of the soul and, ac-
cording to ecclesiastical precept, might cause serious
embarrassment on the day of the General Resurrec-
tion, had been rigidly proscribed by the policy of
Rome.
The Arabs attached the greatest importance to hy-
Moorish Empibe in Europe 511
gienic precautions for the prevention as well as for
the cure of disease. It was a cardinal principle of
their pathology that overtaxing the digestive organs
was the cause of a multitude of disorders. The ab-
stemious and temperate habits whidi characterized the
life of the Desert were impressively inculcated by
the Koran and the entire body of Moslem tradition.
Their observance was constantly suggested by the
familiar use of amusing and pertinent aphorisms and
proverbial phrases, such, for instance, as, " The worst
things that an old man can have are a young wife and
a good cook."
The science of medicine, in common with the other
branches of practical knowledge already enumerated,
was introduced into Christendom through the Mos-
lem kingdoms of Southern Europe. The Spanish
and Sicilian Arabs were the distributors of the accu-
mulated wisdom of the East. The munificent patron-
age of their rulers, the enterprise of their merchants,
the ambition of their scholars, enabled them to profit
by the literary resources and invaluable observations
of the great medical schools of Bagdad, Cairo, and
Damascus. The Continent of Rhazes, the Canon of
Avicenna, the Meliki of Ali-Ibn- Abbas, each a vast
compendiimi of scientific information, whose princi-
ples form the basis of all modem practice, were early
familiar to the Moorish physicians of the Peninsula.
The works of Al-Hazen and Ali-Ibn-Issa, indispen-
sable to oculists, were used by the students of Cor-
dova even before their adoption by the colleges of
Teheran and Cairo. Every medical treatise of im-
portance was to be found in the libraries of the khal-
ifate. Nor were the eflPorts of the Hispano-Arab
practitioners limited to the collection of the literary
productions of their professional brethren of the
Orient. They translated the ancient Greek masters.
They composed voluminous commentaries on famous
512 HiSTOEY OT THE
oathors whose opinions were regarded as oracular.
No names in the long catalogue of Moslem genius
stand higher than those of Abulcasis, the originator of
modem surgery; than Avenzoar, whose family was
prominent for three himdred years in the medical an-
nals of Moorish Spain; than Averroes, whose great
professional attainments have been obscured by his
pre-eminent reputation as a natural philosopher.
Arib-Ibn-Said-al-Ebatib, whose works exceeded a
thousand in rnunber, composed treatises on gynascal-
ogy and obstetrics, and was the author of the Calendar
of Cordova, a wonderful compilation of medical
truths, surgical maxims, astronomical and agricul-
tural knowledge. Ibn-Waf ed, of Toledo, who lived
in the tenth century, and whose extraordinary abilities
made him conspicuous among hundreds of eminent
contemporaries, consumed twenty years in the prepa-
ration of his work on the general practice of medi-
cine, Ibn-Zohr, of Seville, was the first to discover
that scabies was produced by a diminutive parasite,
and to prescribe sulphur as a remedy. The treatise
of Mohammed-Ibn-Quassum on diseases of the eye
occupied six hundred pages; that of Mohammed-al-
Temini on hernia and tumors nearly four hundred.
Daoud-al-Agrebi wrote on fumigations, collyriums,
hemostatics; he reconmiends the administration of
narcotics in lithotomy, in the incision of abscesses, and
in emasculation for the production of eunuchs. Sala-
din-Ibn-Yusuf published a book on the anatomy of
the eye and the theories of vision. The scientific and
logical methods inaugurated by the khalifs of the
East were perfected in the medical colleges of Mo-
hammedan Spain. The study of anatomy attained a
development previously unknown to the traditions
and experience of the profession. From the con-
templation of bone-heaps in the cemeteries the stu-
dent advanced to the performance of autopsies; to
Moorish Empibe in Extbote 518
the determination, by actual survey, of the location
and offices of the internal organs; to the vivisection
of quadrupeds and criminals. A material advance in
general intelligence is implied from the fact that these
inquiries, heretofore so repugnant to popular feeling
and religious tradition, could be prosecuted in peace.
In etiology, pathology, therapeutics, great progress
was made. Surgery, whose practice had entailed re-
proach rather than distinction upon its professors,
was, by the removal of the prejudice attaching to
anatomical demonstration, relieved of the obloquy
with which it was generally regarded. A blind rever-
ence for precedent and authority was not recognized
by the practitioners of the Hispano-Arab school.
They inculcated the paramoimt importance of a com-
petent knowledge of the functions of the organs of
the hmnan body, which they well knew could only be
obtained from the practice of dissection, abhorrent
to the minds of both the Moslem and the Jew. They
advised great caution in all operations. Every new
theory was subjected to severe and exhaustive tests.
Heroic treatment was adopted only where milder
means had proved unsuccessful. Whenever possible,
the curative powers of nature were allowed full exer-
cise; and a change of dimate, especially in pulmonary
affections, was one of the principal resources of the
Moorish physicians. Their works were elucidated by
the introduction into the text of drawings of instru-
ments adapted to the removal of the morbid condi-
tions described; and science is indebted to the Spanish
Moslems for this innovation, now an essential part of
all treatises on surgery. The treatment of the eye
received more attention from the Arabs than any
other branch of the profession. Their oculists were
most accomplished operators; the heat and dryness
of the climate being favorable to ophthalmic affec-
tions and affording the surgeon varied and inoesaant
Vcft. JIL-«
514 HiSTOBY OF THE
practice. They enumerate nine different forms of
cataract, which they treated by couching and by
pimcture. Their needles were both round and tri-
angular; some were hollow and made of glass. The
Arabs were the first to perform the important opera-
tion of lithotomy and to reduce old dislocations. They
knew how to ligature the arteries four centuries
before Ambrose Pare. They used hooks for the ex-
traction of polypi. They made frequent and intelli-
gent use of counter-irritants. The seton is ilieir in-
vention. The application of leeches in apoplexy was
a common incident in their practice. They were
familiar with the effects of caustics and acids as
escharotics. They substituted refrigerants for tcmics
in certain affections of the nerve-centres. They un-
derstood the value of cold water in arresting hemor-
rhage. They originated the modem method of band-
aging. The treatment of slow fevers, like typhoid,
by baths of low temperature, was frequently em-
ployed by them; it was recommended by Rhazes nine
hundred years before its announcement to the present
generation as a new and remarkable discovery. To
Ibn-Zohr medical science owes the operation of tra-
cheotomy and the original description of pericarditis.
Abulcasis, in explaining lithotomy, advises the section
used by surgeons ever since he wrote, in the tenth
century. Nor had the advantages derived from anaes-
thesia escaped the notice of these profoimd and in-
genious observers. They suggest the administration,
in decoction, of darnel — ^the Lolium Temulentum —
and other plants of narcotic properties, imtil complete
loss of consciousness and sensation is obtained, to
facilitate the performance of severe operations. Even
the results of microbial infection appear to have been
recognized by them, although its cause remained un-
known. When, in the tenth century, Rhazes was
directed by the Ehalif to select a hospital site in the
Moorish Empibs in Eubofe 515
city of Bagdad, he caused pieces of meat to be sus-
pended in different localities, and the building was
erected in that place where, after a given time, the
least putrefaction was visible. Nor in that early day
was the care of animals neglected, and the name of
Abu-Bekr-Ibn-Bedr has descended to posterity as
that of a famous veterinary surgeon.
In their contributions to the pharmacopoeia, the
Spanish Mohammedans rendered invaluable services
to medicine. Abul-Abbas, of Seville, was ^Jie first to
apply the principles of botanical science — theretofore
principally devoted to agriculture — ^to the piu'poses of
the apothecary and the physician. In the work of
Ibn-al-Awam six himdred plants possessing medicinal
properties are enumerated; in that of Ibn-Beithar
more than three hundred, hitherto unclassified or un-
known, are mentioned and described. Ibn-Essouri, in
his work on the Materia Medica, painted the herbs
which had been the subject of his investigations not
only as they grew, but as they appeared, when dried,
on the shelves of the druggist; his is the first example
of an Arabic book illustrated in colors. The methods,
of the Moorish practitioners were conservative. They
attempted no doubtful or hazardous experiments.
They discarded the drastic remedies of the ancients.
Profoundly versed in the science of horticulture, they
watered the roots of plants and trees with strong in-
fusions of purgative drugs, and afterwards admin-
istered their fruits. Their personal attention to the
rules of hygiene was often evidenced by their re-
markable longevity. Bhazes was in active practice at
Bagdad for more than half a century; Abulcasis at-
tained the great age of one hundred and one years.
The superior excellence of the Spanish-Arab school
is attributable to the fact that its members devoted
their talents to a single profession. For the most
p^rt^. they avoided tlie. example pt the.Onental, whQSc;
516 HiSTOBT OF THE
medical researches were hampered by philosophical
speculations, and who turned from the diagnosis of
ailments and the application of remedies to the fasci-
nations of alchemy and to vagaries concerning the
imaginary relations of humanity to the mysterious in-
fluence of the stars. They were not altogether free
from these delusions, nevertheless, for they pulverized
jewels, supposed to be efficacious in certain diseases,
and coated their drugs with gold and silver leaf, a pro-
ceeding which to the adept had a profound alchemical
significance. From this custom is derived our expres-
sion, " to gild the pill." They usually, however, con-
fined their observations to the legitimate sphere of
the physician — ^to the subjects of medicine, surgery,
pharmacy, hygiene.
The various topical applications used at present
by the profession — such as unguents, plasters, coun-
ter-irritants, and pomades— originated in Mohanune-
dan Spain. The hospital service of that country has
received little attention from historians, but it is
highly improbable that, in the general advance of
•civilization, this important auxiliary to medicine
should have been at all neglected. It is a singular
fact that the only detailed notice of a Moorish hos-
pital in the Peninsula is of that of Algeziras, whidi
was founded in the twelfth century. Tradition re-
ports, however, that fifty public institutions of lliis
kind existed at one time at Cordova. The Hispano-
Arab practitioners held consultations at the bedside
of the patient; some, employed by the government,
visited the sick of remote localities at regular inter^
vals; for the poor there was gratuitous attendance
and treatment. The discoveries of Arab medicine
were mainly preserved and diffused through the trans-
lations of Gerard of Cremona, whose indefatigable
industry imposed such lasting obligations on modem
science. For fifty years be was employed at Toledo,
Moorish Emfdub in Eusofe 517
until his translations reached the enormous number
of seventy-six. Had it not been for his efforts, and
those of his patient collaborators, the works of the
Moorish physicians would have shared the fate of the
voluminous collections of Arabic miscellaneous litera-
ture. Of the millions of volumes which represented
the intellectual glory of the khalif ate scarcely a copy
exists in Spain. What escaped the malignant vigi-
lance of Ximenes perished at the hands of the Inqui-
sition. It is not generally known that the bulk of the
manuscripts of the Escorial library constitutes no part
of the literary inheritance of the Moslem domination.
They represent the spoil of vessels captured on the
coast of Morocco in the early part of the seventeenth
century. In nearly all of these the invocation of
Allah and Mohammed, with which every important
Arabic work begins, has been carefully erased.
Of such a character were the literary and scientific
achievements of the Arabs, whose highest mental de-
velopment was reached under the influence of the Mo-
hammedan dynasties of the Peninsula. In the fierce
and relentless struggle prosecuted for centuries be-
twen pontifical iniquity and intolerance and Moslem
learning, the former ultimately triumphed. It may
not be inappropriate at the close of this chapter to re-
count the consequences of that triumph; to disclose
the aims of the victor; to enumerate the sacrifices of
the vanquished; to contrast the efi^ects of the suprem-
acy of either upon the welfare of humanity and the
march of civilization. From the Arabian Prophet,
reared amidst the pastoral simplicity and barbaric
ignorance of the Desert, came such utterances as these,
— ^utterances which, if not inspired, are yet certainly
of priceless value to the human race: " Teach science:
whoever teaches it fears God; whoever desires it
adores God; whoever speaks of it praises God; who-
ever diffuses it distributes alms; whoever possesses
518 HiSTOBT OF THE
it becomes an object of veneration and respect. Sci-
ence preserves us from error and from sin; it illmni-
nates the road to Paradise ; it is our protector in traveL
our confidant in the Desert, our companion in soli-
tude. It guides us through the pleasures and the sor-
rows of life; it serves us alike as an ornament among
our friends and as a buckler against our enemies ; it is
through its instrumentaUty that the Almighty raises
up those whom he has appointed to determine the good
and the true. The memories of such men are the only
ones which shall survive, for their noble deeds will
serve as models for the imitation of the great minds
that shall come after them. Science is a potent
remedy for the infirmities of ignorance, a brilliant
beacon in the night of injustice. The study of letters
is as meritorious as fasting; their communication is
•not inferior in efiicacy to prayer; in a generous heart
they awaken the most elevated sentiments; to the
wicked they impart the corrective and humanizing
precepts of virtue." These words, spoken by Mo-
hammed in the seventh century, were received by the
votaries of Islam with the respect due to a revelation
destined to guide their policy, with reference to liter-
ary pursuits, through all subsequent ages.
Far diflferent was the attitude assimtied by the ec-
clesiastical power whose despotic mandates were for a
thousand years recognized and obeyed by the proudest
sovereigns of Christendom. It early perceived the
incompatibility of its pretensions with the untram-
melled exercise of the faculties of the human intellect
Founded upon principles whose acceptance, as max-
ims of divine origin, necessarily precluded all ideas
of improvement and progress, it had no resource but
quiescence; it could countenance no condition but that
of immobility. It placed a premium upon ignorance,
and enjoined the employment of persecution as a
virtue. It blighted every noble aspiration whidii came
Moorish Empire in Europe 519
within the sphere of its destructive energy. Through
the oracular mouths of the Fathers it denounced all
philosophy as "empty and false." In its Constitu-
tion of Faith, promulgated in the nineteenth century
by the Vatican Council, — ^many of whose articles are
indorsed as sound by every consistent member of the
Evangelical Communion, — ^it anathematized all " who
shall say that human sciences ought to be pursued in
such a spirit of freedom that one may be allowed to
hold as true their assertions, even when opposed to
revealed doctrine."
Such were the various aspects under which scientific
thought was regarded respectively by the Founder of
Islam and the infallible representatives of Christian-
ity. The effects of sudi spiritual admonitions upon
the physical condition of those subjected to their in-
fluence are disclosed by the material and intellectual
prosperity or debasement of nations. In no examples
of the political and economic life of the Middle Ages
or of subsequent times are such striking, such incred-
ible, contrasts exhibited as in the annals of Moham-
medan Spain and Catholic Europe. In the tenth cen-
tury Andalusia was traversed in every direction by
magnificent aqueducts; Cordova was a city of foun-
tains; its thoroughfares, for a distance of miles, were
brilliantly illuminated, substantially paved, kept in
excellent repair, regularly patrolled by guardians of
the peace. In Paris there were no pavements until
the thirteenth century ; in London none until the foiu*-
teenth; the streets or both capitals were receptacles
of filth, and often impassable; at night shrouded in
inky darkness ; at all times dominated by outlaws ; the
haunt of the footpad, the nursery of the pestilence,
the soiurce of every disease, the scene of every crime.
It was not until the dose of the reign of Charles II.
that even a defective system of street lighting was
adopted; in London the mortality of the plague is a
520 History of the
oonvindng proof of the unsanitary conditions that
everywhere prevailed; the supply of water was de-
rived from tiie polluted river or from wells reeking
with contamination. Nor did time and experience
bring to the public mind a realization of the impor-
tance of improvements vitally affecting the health and
convenience of every community. As late as 1825,
water of doubtful purity was hawked about from
door to door in the city of New York; a solitary
wooden pump in Chatham Street sufficed for the gen-
eral necessities of the poor; sewage was carried in
tubs on the heads of negroes and thrown into the
river; and only three hundred lamps and gas-jets
diffused their uncertain and flickering glare through
the squares and avenues of the metropolis of the
western world.
The annual receipts of the state from all sources
under Abd-al-Rahman III. in tiie first half of the
tenth century exceeded three hundred million dollars;
the revenues of the English Crown at the close of the
seventeenth century were fifteen million; those of
the United Provinces less than eighteen million;
those of France sixty miUion, estimated at the present
value of money. At the decease of this Moorish
sovereign in 961, there were found in the royal coffers
five miUion pieces of gold, equal to one hundred mil-
lion dollars. When Louis^ XIV., the greatest poten-
tate of his time, died in 1715, the treasury of France
was bankrupt. The inhabitants of England at the
death of Elizabeth were about four million; the popu-
lation of Moorish Spain six centuries previous to
that date could not have been less than thirty million,
and was probably nearer fifty. In 1700, London, the
most populous city of Christian Europe, was only
half as large as Cordova was in 900, when Almeria
and Seville had each as numerous a population as the
capital of the British Empire eight hundred years
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubope 521
afterwards. At the dawn of the eleventh century the
Moslem dominions of Sicily and Spain presented a
pictm*e of universal cultivation and consequent pros-
perity, where industry was promoted and idleness was
punished; where an enlightened spirit of humanity
had provided asylums within whose walls the infirm
and the aged might pass their remaining days in com-
fort and peace. Six himdred years afterwards what
are now the richest and most valuable agricultural dis-
tricts of Great Britain were unclaimed and uninhabit-
able bog and coppice, abandoned to game and fre-
quented by robbers ; and one-fourth of the inhabitants
of England, incapable of the task of self-support,
were during the greater part of the year dependent
upon pubUc charity, for which purpose a sum equal
to one-half of the revenues of the crown was annually
disbursed. In the middle of the tenth century there
were nine hundred public baths in the capital of
Moorish Spain; in the eighteenth century there were
not as many in all the coimtries of Christian Europe.
In the eighth century, the cottages occupied by the
lower classes of the Spanish Moslems were embowered
in roses, were surrounded by fields of waving grain
and orchards of luscious fruits, were furnished with
all the comforts and many of the luxuries of life; in
the siid;eenth century, the peasantry of France and
Germany, ill-dad, begrimed with filth, and ignorant
of the taste of bread, were living in squalid huts, sleep-
ing upon reeking heaps of straw, drinking the waters
of pond and morass, and feeding on carrots and
acorns. Seven centuries after the cities of the Penin-
sula had been drained by a system of great sewers,
their streets kept free from rubbish, and subjected to
daily cleansing, Paris was still worthy of its ancient
appellation of Lutetia, " The Muddy;" the way of
the pedestrian was blocked by heaps of steaming offal
and garbage; and droves of swine, the only scaven-
622 HlSTOBT OF THE
gers, roamed unmolested through oourt-yard and
thoroughfare.
Under the conditions of intellectual culture which
characterized Moslem and Christian society even a
greater inequality prevailed. The library of Mo-
standir, Sultan of Egypt, contained eighty thousand
volumes; that of the Fatimites of Cairo, a million;
that of Tripoli, two hundred thousand; in the thir-
teenth century, when Bagdad was sacked by the Mon-
gols, the books cast into the Tigris completely covered
its surface, and their ink dyed its waters black, while
a far greater number were destroyed by fire; the
public collections of the Moorish khalif ate of Spain
were seventy in number, and the great library of Al-
Hakem II. alone included six hundred tiiousand vol-
umes. The collections of many private individuals
were proportionately large. In that of Ibn-al-Ma-
thran, the physician of Saladin, were ten thousand
manuscripts; upon the shelves of Dunasch-ben-
Tamin, the great Jewish surgeon of Cairo, were more
than twenty thousand. Four centuries afterwards
few books existed in Christian Europe excepting
those preserved in monasteries; the royal library of
France consisted of nine hundred volumes, two-thirds
of which were theological works; their subjects were
limited to pious homilies, the miracles of saints, the
duties of obedience to ecclesiastical superiors, — ^their
sole merit consisted in the elegance of their chirog-
raphy and the beauty of their illuminations. During
the Hispano-Arab domination it was difficult to en-
coimter even a Moorish peasant who could not read
and write; during the same period in Europe many
great personages could not boast these accomplish-
ments. From the ninth to the thirteenth century the
Spanish-Arabs possessed an educational system not
inferior to the most improved ones of modem times;
they taught astronomy from globes and planispheres;
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe ' 628
fhey measured the circumference of the earth; they
observed the motions of the planets; they calculated
the density of the atmosphere; they were familiar with
the natural and artificial conditions under which
vapors and gases are generated. For the European
of that epoch there were no schools, for popular learn-
ing was discountenanced as conducive to heresy; edu-
cation was confined to the cloister; the stars were but
celestial lamps, whose only office was the nocturnal
illumination of the earth; the latter was flat, and
above it rose, in regular gradation, the seven regions
of heaven; the ebullition and the explosion of gases
were attributed to demoniac influence and to the
agency of mischievous imps and goblins. Five cen-
turies after the Moorish physicians of Spain had
treated disease by the rational principles of medicine,
surgery, and hygiene, Europe still adhered to the
archaic conceptions of barbaric ignorance; to the be-
lief that all illness was a manifestation of divine dis-
pleasure; to the possession by evil spirits; to the
delusive expedients of priestly artifice, — ^the exhibi-
tion of relics, the muttering of texts, the perform-
ance of exorcisms. Six hundred years after the
celebrated astronomer, Ibn-Junis — ^who constructed
the Hakemite Table, advanced proofs of the eccen-
tricity of the earth's orbit, and utilized the pendu-
Imn for the purposes of chronometry — ^was honored
and awarded with the friendship of the Khalif of
Egypt, Galileo, in the degrading robe of the peni-
tent, horrible with painted flames and devils, was
forced, kneeling before the familiars of the Holy
Office, to abjure, as dangerous heresies, the scientific
truths he had subjected to mathematical and ocular
demonstration, — ^the grand discoveries which have
made his name immortal; and Bruno was sent to the
stake for admitting the philosophical doctrine of tlie
all-pervading Divine Essence, for teaching the heresy
524 History of the
of a plurality of worlds, and for insisting that the
earth revolved on its axis and round the sun. Seven
hundred years after universal toleration was enforced
throughout the domain of the Ommeyade Khalif ate,
— ^where even the populace had learned to respect the
weaknesses of senile eccentricity, and the belief in
demoniacal possession had been contemptuously aban-
doned to the most ignorant of the provincial rabble,
— ^the Duke of York was subjecting the unhappy
Covenanters of Scotland to promiscuous massacre
and to the excruciating tortm-e of the boot, and Cot-
ton Mather was burning witches on Salem Common.
More than twenty generations had elapsed since the
Arab geographer was first regarded by his country-
men as a public benefactor, by his king as worthy
of the highest honors that royalty can bestow, by the
learned with the respect attaching to the possessor
of unusual attainments; when Calvin tortured Ser-
vetus at Geneva for publishing the unseriptural asser-
tion that Palestine, so far from being a land flowing
with milk and honey, was, in fact, a barren waste of
volcanic desolation, — Servetus, the great anatomist,
who came within a hair's-breadth of anticipating Har-
vey in his discovery of the circulation of the blood.
From time immemorial among unenlightened races
insanity has been attributed to the influence of malig-
nant spirits, who could only be expelled by the un-
sparing use of the scourge or by the intervention of
the priest. The Arabs were the first of nations to
discard this idea, to use kindness and the adminis-
tration of remedies in the treatment of the demented,
and to establish asylums.
These conditions disclose the comparative value of
two great politico-religious systems, both claiming
divine authority, each uniting in its head the func-
tions of Chru-ch and State, — one the exponent and
zealous promoter of every scientific impulse, the other
Moorish Empire m Europe 525
the ever-consistent representative of intellectual re-
pression. The influence of Moslem genius is felt
to-day in the numerous inventions, the insatiable thirst
for knowledge, the marvellous development of art,
science, and letters which have made the closing years
of the nineteenth century ever memorable in the an-
nals of civilization. Apparently extinguished by the
noxious vapors of superstition that had darkened the
Christian world for so many ages, the vital spark of
learning still remained, which, rekindled in an epoch
more propitious to mental culture, was destined to
advance in an even more marked degree the material
interests, as well as the most noble aspirations, of man-
kind. The law of human progress even under the
most unfavorable conditions is constant, invariable,
eternal. Its manifestations differ only in the degree
of their advancement. The latter may be checked,
but its retardation is only temporary. The ground
lost by scientific truth in one century it will surely
make up in the next, and, despite the hostile agencies
which may conspire for its suppression, it is destined
eventually to triumph.
The consideration of Arabic intellectual life, and
especially of its culmination in the Spanish Penin-
sula, the astonishing energy, curiosity, and perse-
verance that characterized every stage of its devel-
opment from its very origin to its extinction, the
phenomenal rapidity of its advance, the superhuman
greatness of its deeds, suggest the infinite possibilities
to which its revival may ultimately give rise as affect-
ing the destiny of nations.
At the present day, when every year, nay, almost
every month, brings forth some new and wonderful
discovery; when vocal communication between dis-
tant points is maintained solely by atmospheric aid;
when chemistry is resolving into numerous constitu-
ents sufastanoes for ages conaideired elementary; when
526 HiSTOEY OF THE
by the emplojmtient of enormous lenses the heavenly
bodies are brought within almost tangible propinquity
to the earth; when even the most humble offices of
domestic economy are performed by the mysterious
agency of electrical apparatus; when the invention
of tremendously powerful means of destruction daily
renders war more difficult and peace more desirable;
when the gases of the atmosphere are artificially de-
composed and separately made the objects of com-
mercial traffic; when the skill of the physician has
practically eradicated diseases long deemed incurable;
in this era of scientific progress and of unparalleled
intellectual achievement who will be so bold as to
assert that even the dreams of the alchemist, the
cherished phantoms of Moorish imagination, may not
soon be realized? In scores of laboratories in Europe
and America there are to-day chemists, diligently and
quietly, with the patience, if not with the enthusiasm,
of the ancient adept, endeavoring to determine by the
aid of the prodigious resources of modem science the
ever doubtf id question of the transmutation of metals.
From all quarters of the civilized world come weU-
authenticated reports that some of the greatest minds
of the century, minds whose every utterance clainos
attention and respect, are engaged in investigations
whose effects may surpass those of the imagined uni-
versal panacea, and which will impart to the listless
energy, to the deformed symmetry, and to hoary and
decrepit age the strength of long departed manhood;
" Lumenque Juventie
Purpureum."
Is it too much to assume that our age, so prolific
of marvels that what excites astonishment to-day
is certain to become commonplace to-morrow, will
accomplish these and even greater results; an age
ingenious in theory, fertile in invention, phenomenal
Moorish Emfise jen Eubofe 527
in versatility, skilful in practice; an age of eccentric
and startling propositions; an age which looks for-
ward with audacious confidence to the solution of even
that most recondite problem of biology, the artificial
production of organic life? Is it unreasonable to ex-
pect that those secrets of nature which have hitherto
eluded the researches of philosophical experiment and
scientific inquiry will erelong be revealed?
These being among the assiuned possibilities of sci-
ence, let us turn to what it has actually done for man-
kind. In what respect are these investigations pref-
erable to that absolute resignation to ecclesiastical
authority which so generally prevailed when devotion
was exalted and intelligence enchained? What ad-
vantage has resulted from this poring over manu-
scripts, this collecting of plants, this delving in the
earth, this star-gazing, this mixing of acids, this study
of skeletons? Cui bono?
The answer comes back from every phase of an
advancing civilization, from the din of a thousand
workshops and the clatter of a million looms; from
the whistle of the locomotive in the desert and the
bell of the steamer stranded amidst the polar ice;
from the network of railways seaming each conti-
nent from centre to circumference; from canal and
aqueduct, from tunnel and bridge, and all the grand
monuments of civU engineering; from the safety-
lamp, flickering through the poisonous vapors of the
miner's cave; from the seats of commerce crowded
with the appliances of enjoyment and luxury; from
the ^arbors with their forests of shapely masts; from
the innumerable triumphs of inventive genius which
alike increase the pleasures of the wealthy and ease
the burdens of the poor, and are gratefidly felt at
the desk of the speculative philosopher and tiie bench
of the artisan. But even more than this has science
accomplished. It has explored new regions in the
628 HlSlX>RT OF THE
boundless domain of human knowledge. It has dis-
covered and applied the laws of planetary motion;
determined the distances of the heavenly bodies; esti-
mated their masses ; laid down the substances of which
they are composed; and described the complex rela-
tions in which they stand to each other. It has meas-
ured time down to the incredibly small fraction of
the millionth part of a second. It has scanned the
borders of the universe, and brought within the scope
of vision stars so distant that the image formed to-day
upon the retina of the observer is produced by light
emitted five million years ago. By means of the
microscope, it has opened a fairy world teeming with
mjrriad types of animal and vegetable life, more curi-
ous than the fabled regions of the Orient, more won-
derful than the enchanted garden of Armida. It
has placed upon the photographic negative faces,
flowers, landscapes, depicted in the exquisite and har-
monious colors of Nature. By the discovery of the
radiferous salts, — ^polonium, radiimi, thorium, actin-
ium, titanium, — ^it has disclosed to the chemist a new
and enchanting field of research, whose extent and
possibilities cannot yet even be made the subject of
intelligent conjecture; and has instituted the study of
substances whose astonishing properties tend to over-
throw the hitherto well-founded theories of the various
relations of matter, and, in some instances, to impera-
tively demand their modification or radical reconstruc-
tion; whose investigation has established as truisms
the most glaring apparent physical paradoxes; in the
presence of whose marvellous effects the properties
of solidity, cohesion, and opacity seem to vanish;
which exhibit such a subdivision of matter into infini-
tesimal particles as to suggest their practical dissocia-
tion, and in comparison with whose dimensions the
inconceivably minute primordial atoms of Democritus
are absolutely colossal; the origin of whose mysteri-
MooBisH Empire in Europe 529
ous power no hypothesis, no analysis, no apparatus,
has so far been able to satisfactorily determine; which
not improbably may afford solutions of cosmical phe-
nomena whose manifestations alone have been ob-
served; and which, by their application to anatomical,
medical, and mechanical science, may ultimately serve
to explain the origin of life, and confer inestimable
material benefits upon the hiunan race. Of these
metallic, radio-active bodies, radium, the most impor-
tant and wonderful, is one that presents pre-eminently
interesting and inexplicable peculiarities; a substance
which possesses the remarkable qualities of self-liuni-
nosity,thermogenesis, and actinism; which is endowed
with a singular recuperative power, by means of which
its recently diminished force is restored without the
apparent aid of any external agency; whose primary
and apparently inexhaustible source of potency has
been variously and inconclusively asserted to be the
sun, the earth, the atmosphere; whose emanations,
charged with negative electricity, impart the latter
to the solid, liquid, or gaseous medium through which
they pass, and communicate temporary phosphores-
cence and permanent coloring to objects subjected to
their impact; whose rays travel with such inconceiva-
ble velocity that they would traverse a distance equal
to five times the circumference of the earth in a single
second; which have mass as well as energy; which,
despite the enormous rapidity with which they move,
may be instantaneously deflected from a direct to a
curvilinear path by the interposition of a magnet;
and by whose aid photographs may readily be taken
through thick plates of lead and iron. Science has
invented explosives that rend mountains asunder; by
the application of the carbon point, it has caused the
hardest steel to fluidize in the twinkling of an eye.
From the black and glutinous refuse of gas manu-
facture, it has extracted pigments whose tints vie in
Vol. IIL--S4
680 HiSTOEY OF THE
brilliancy with those of the rainbow, and remedial
agents which in certain departments have revolution-
ized the practice of medicine. It has perfected the
transmission of light, so that by the mere toudiing
of a button great cities are in an instant illuminated.
With no small degree of probability, it has suggested
that incessant and universal molecular activity, per-
vading all matter both organic and inorganic, may
be the controlling principle of the mysterious condi-
tion which we designate as life, and that the weight
of every substance is in an inverse ratio to its atomic
energy. It has made objects hitherto opaque trans-
parent, and has opened to the view of the surgical
operator the inmost recesses of the human body. It
has removed without apparent injury organs whose
functions were long considered indispensable to ani-
mal existence. By simple manipulation it has cured
congenital deformities formerly considered hopeless,
and restored distorted limbs to their normal strength
and symmetry. It has discovered the specific patho-
genic bacteria which produce many diseases, and ren-
dered them innocuous by means of their own cultures.
Through the injection of an extract obtained from a
glandular secretion it has prolonged the pulsations of
the heart in an animal for hours after decapitation;
by rhythmic compression it has restored the action of
that organ after it had completely ceased — ^when life
was practically extinct.
Science has told us that the dear blue of the firma-
ment, seemingly of spotless purity, is caused by float-
ing particles of atmospheric dust; that every twig,
and leaf, and blade of grass — even every newly-fallen
drop of rain — ^are radiferous centres of electric
energy; that motion is the rule, and quiescence the
exception, affecting the component atoms of the uni-
verse,— ^if, indeed, quiescence at all exists; that the
parasite, infesting the body of the smallest of insects,
Mcx)Ri8H Empibb in Eubofe 681
18 itself the abode of minute organisms; that the very
air we breathe is swarming with the germs of suffer-
ing, disease, and death. It has pressed into its service
the imponderable agents, and demonstrated their in-
terconvertibility; has bestowed priceless blessings
upon the living; has soothed the pillow of languishing
humanity, and extended its welcome offices even to
the grave. It has given us an idea of the duration of
our globe, and established a system of chronology the
immensity of which we endeavor in vain to compre-
hend, where centuries are as nothing, and cycles but
fleeting periods of time. From a single fossil bone
it has reproduced the form and described the habits
of the monster to which, in prehistoric ages, it be-
longed. It has measured the movement of thought,
which, despite its proverbial rapidity, has been proved
to be only about one hundred feet a second. By in-
vestigation of the mental phenomena of hypnotism
and telepathy, it has added to the evidence which
tends to establish the existence of the Soul of the
World. It has taught all to exert the proudest pre-
rogatives of intelligence, — ^to think, to doubt, to rea-
son,— ^and has rescued the mind of man long buried
beneath the accumulated absurdities of venerable tra-
dition. These great results it has achieved in its child-
hood, under adverse influences, opposed by the fanat-
ical and the ignorant, with its devotees menaced by
the dungeon, the scaffold, and the fires of the Inqui-
sition; but who, with that stem, unflinching perse-
verance which at last reaps its reward in the tardy
honors of posterity, have pursued their way, conscious
of the nobility of their calling, and fortified by the
reflections of that sublime philosophy which *' looks
through Nature up to Nature's God."
Society has progressed far beyond that intellectual
stage when the comet was dreaded as a harbinger of
universal misfortune; when the appearance of the
582 History of the
pestilence was considered a manifestation of the wrafli
of the Ahnighty ; when superstitious fear transformed
every floating mist into a cloak for goblins; regarded
every rustling of the foliage as an evidence of super-
natural presence; saw in every ebullition of gaseous
water a mysterious phenomenon, in every subterra-
nean rumble an omen of sinister and portentous
augury. This emancipation of .the human intellect,
this impetus to every expression of material progress,
cannot be attributed to ecclesiastical inspiration.
They were not a product of the Crusades. They
were not the effect of the Reformation. They are
not the work of Christianity, whose policy has indeed
been constantly inimical to their toleration or encour-
agement. They are a legitimate consequence of the
liberal policy adopted and perpetuated by the Omme-
yade Ebalifs throughout their magnificent empire,
whose civilization was the wonder, as its power was
the dread, of mediaeval Europe.
Modem science unquestionably owes everything to
Arab genius. From the mass of debased supersti-
tions, mummeries, and f etichism, entertained and cul-
tivated by the Bedouin, emerged, as has been seen, a
thorough knowledge of the mutual relations of the
different parts of the Universe and a familiarity with
the wonderful phenomena of Nature. From the
study of astrology astronomy was evolved; from
alchemy, chemistry; from geomancy, geography;
from magic, natural philosophy. The principles of
government by law were established. Anthropomor-
phism was discarded. It was no longer attempted
to control the inexorable operation of physical agen-
cies by prayers and incantations. In one especially
important respect the Moslems differed from their
European predecessors. The Roman system and the
Gothic polity were founded entirely upon force; Ara-
bic power was largely controlled by intellectual con-
ditions.
MoosiSH Empibe in Eubope 588
With this great people the love of scientific investi-
gation was an absorbing passion. It pervaded every
department of government, every occupation of life,
every branch of study; it even invaded the sanc-
tuaries of religion. The cultivation of letters, the
prosecution of experiments, were, for eight centuries,
the most prominent characteristics of the Arab race,
the highest distinction of Mussulman sovereigns.
It is far from creditable to modem civilization, in-
debted for its existence to these pursuits, to ignore
such claims to gratitude and renown, through preju-
dice against the religious principles of those who en-
, gaged in them. Surely in all literature there exists
no nobler or more elevated sentiment than that ex-
pressed in the sajring of Mohammed, "' A mind with-
out culture is like a body without a soul, and glory
does not consist in riches, but in knowledge."
584 HiaTOEY OF TRB
CHAPTER XXIX
MOORISH ABT IN SOUTHERN EUROPE
786-1476
Absolute Ignorance of Art among the Original Arabs — Theti
Debt to Antiquity — ^Their Early Architecture — Materials —
Massive Character of the First Edifices of the Moslems —
The Horseshoe Arch — Its Phallic Derivation — Progress of
Artistic Embellishment — Its Wonderful Diversity — By%sar
tine Influence — Employment of Encaustic Tiles — Mosaics
of the Mosque of Cordova — Stuccoes — ^Their Composition
and Infinite Variety of Form — Stalactitic Pendentives —
Woodwork — Its Beautiful and Intricate Designs — Disap-
pearance of Arabic Architectural Monuments in Sicily —
Military Structures of Mohammedan Spain — ^Typical Form
of the Mosque — Its Hebrew Origin — Manifold Derivation
of Hispano-Arab Architecture — Development of Art in
Moorish Spain — Its Three Epochs — The Alhambra its Col-
mination — Representation of Animal Forms — Painting and
Sculpture — Mural Decoration — The Industrial Arts —
Working of Metals — ^Arms — Engraved Gems — Ceramics —
The Leathern Tapestry of Cordova — Textile Fabrics —
Calligraphy and Illumination — Destruction of die Artistic
Remains of the Moors.
The origin, development, and decadence of the
arts among the Arabs present one of the most re-
markable aspects of mediaeval history. As in the
architectural monmnents of every people can be read
the chronicle of its religion, its government, and its
manners, so the scanty memorials of the Spanish and
Sicilian Moslems, which the destructive accidents of
foreign and domestic violence and the intemperate
zeal of superstition have permitted to descend to pos-
terity, constitute an invaluable record of Ihe canons
of their faith, the customs of their social and Intel-
I
MooBiSH Empdus m Eubofe 685
lectual life, the growth and consolidation of their won-
derful empire. From the remotest antiquity to the
advent of Mohammed in the seventh century nothing
worthy of the name of architecture existed in the
Arabian Peninsula. The very name of that art, which
implies a settled and permanent habitation, was antag-
onistic to the habits and the traditions of a nomadic
existence. As a rule, the nature of the country, the
diaracter of the soil, the scarcity of water, the diffi-
culties of intercommunication, were insuperable ob-
stacles to the foundation of cities and the promotion
of mercantile and manufacturing industry. The
roving Bedouin regarded with aversion and contempt
all those whose avocations necessitated a fixed resi-
dence, and whose security was dependent upon walls
and towers. His jealousy of power, which based the
authority of his sheik upon a nominal allegiance, to
be thrown off or resumed at will, was repugnant to
and wholly inconsistent with the principles which in-
sure the preservation of established government or
the maintenance of regular communities organized
for the common protection and benefit. It is true
that in the kingdoms of Hira and Yemen, which
formed respectively the northern and southern ex-
tremities of Arabia, towns of considerable magnitude
existed. Mecca, the revered centre of a widely dif-
fused idolatrous system, could boast a numerous pop-
ulation; and the commerce of the Red Sea and the
Persian Gulf sustained upon those waters a few insig-
nificant and miserable seaports; but in none of these
settlements — ^which scarcely deserved the name of
cities — ^was to be found a single example of archi-
tectural symmetry or magnificence. Everywhere c^e
throughout the illimitable area of the Peninsula ap-
peared a monotonous solitude of barren rocks and
shifting sands, unrelieved by vegetation, unpeopled
by human beings, save the ferocious occupants of the
586 History of the
Bedouin camp or the traders who guarded the strag-
gling caravan. Agriculture, the substantial basis of
every nation's prosperity, was manifestly impossible
in the Desert Mechanical ingenuity, with sudi a
limited field for its exercise, was necessarily reduced
to the simplest apparatus which could produce the
most ordinary and primitive results.
At long and irregular intervals merchants and pil-
grims brought to Mecca and Medina uncertain and
romantic accounts of the pomp and luxury of distant
empires. Compared with the edifices of the nations
which inhabited them, the dwelling of the wealthiest
Arabian — of mean appearance, suggestive of little
comfort, utterly devoid of taste, and with no attempt
at ornamentation — ^was hardly superior to a hovel.
The famous Kaaba was itself an insignificant struc-
ture, deriving its importance solely from its sacred
traditions, a mere barbarian depository of idols.
As was natural, and, indeed, inevitable, the Arab,
in his career of victory, absorbed and insensibly appro-
priated the ideas and knowledge of the subjugated
races who were his superiors in the arts of civilization.
This process was greatly facilitated by the wholesale
proselytism which was one of the principal incidents
of Moslem conquest, and which led not infrequently
to the practical apostasy of entire nations and their
enlistment under the banners of Islam. In Eg3rpt,
Syria, Persia, the architectural memorials of the
Arabs partook of the characteristics of the race whose
influence predominated in* the regions subjected to
their authority, just as had been the case with all tiie
victorious nations that had preceded them. In Spain,
however, and also in Sicily, so far as we are able to
conjecture, a greater originality distinguished the
works of the conquerors than is to be observed in
other countries. No well-defined connection with
Oriental architecture can be detected in the splendid
MooBiSH Empibe m Eubofb 587
vestiges of taste and elegance which have survived
their dominion nearly five hundred years. In the
land illuminated by his genius and enriched by his
industry, the Spanish Moslem is forgotten or abso-
lutely unknown to the majority of the people; his
memory is execrated as that of an infidel; his works
are denounced as barbaric; the effects and the influ-
ence of his civilization are disputed or depreciated ; his
temples have been mutilated or entirely destroyed;
his palaces transformed into the squalid haunts of
mendicity and vice; while the leather-clad shepherd
watches his flock on the once famous site of gardens
adorned with magnificent villas and beautiful with
all the luxuriant and fanciful horticultiu*e of the East.
The Hispano-Arab age of architecture embraces a
period of six hundred and ninety years from the foun-
dation of the Mosque of Cordova in the eighth cen-
tury to the completion of the Alhambra in the fif-
teenth. In that time it passed through many phases,
whose peculiarities are clearly indicated by its sur-
viving monuments, but whose order of progression is
imperfect and whose limits are not accurately defined.
Although the great temple of Islam, raised by Abd-
al-Rahman, was largely composed of materials taken
from the remains of classic antiquity, Arabic archi-
tecture borrowed nothing in design from the stupen-
dous Roman ruins of the Peninsula. Admiration of
their proportions and beauty had awakened a desire,
not so much to imitate them, as to create something
with which they might worthily be compared; edifices
which would correspond with the tastes and neces-
sities of an impetuous, highly organized, and passion-
ate race, immoderately fond of variety and adorn-
ment, easily intoxicated with religious enthusiasm,
devoted to the arts and whims of riotous sensuality.
The gigantic mass of the pyramid, the elaborately
sculptured facade of the Persian palace, the elegant
588 HiSTOEY OF THB
forms of the Grecian temple and the Roman tri-
umphal arch, might excite the awe of the Arab; bat
they appealed but slightly to his ardent sensibilities,
and to his enthusiastic nature which wantoned in the
creation of a thousand extravagant and fantastic
visions. Ideas evoked by the masterpieces of an-
tiquity, however, opened a new and alluring prospect
to his talents and his ambition, and he soon became
as proficient in the most durable of the arts of peace
as he had been in the prosecution of conquest and the
extension of dominion.
No people ever utilized to sudi an extent as the
Arabs the materials perfected by the skill and ilie
labor of their predecessors; and, it may be added,
none in ancient or in modem times enjoyed such
opportunities for, and reaped such benefits from, the
ignoble work of spoliation. From the Bay of Bis-
cay to the Himalayas, sumptuous palaces and temples
were constructed by the Moslem conqueror from the
splendid relics of Egyptian, Grecian, Roman, Sas-
sanian, and Indian civilization. Great capitals rose
near the sites of cities whose origin was lost in an-
tiquity, whose history went back to the beginning of
the world. These works, while they displayed rather
the consciousness of power than the evidences of taste,
were eminently useful in laying the foundation of
new forms of architecture, whose decorations were
to exhibit forms of unparalleled magnificence and
beauty. The plans of these structures were at first
of the simplest character, their ornamentation coarse
and baj-baric. It was only when the supply of mate-
rials, great as it was, became exhausted, and the Arab
architect was restricted to the efi^orts of his own un-
aided genius, that was developed that peculiar style,
which, difi^ering in its arrangement in every coun-
try, yet preserved a general resemblance in all, a type
suggestive of the poetic rhapsodies of liie Koran and
M00SI8H Empire in Eusofe 589
fhe exigencies of a system of domestic seclusion and
mystery; whose luxury recalled, by contrast, the heat
and privations of the Desert; whose legends breathed
a spirit of pious resignation and gratitude; whose
adornments bewildered the eye with their complexity
of form and variety of color; whose apartments were
admirably contrived for the gratification of all the
caprices of unbridled indulgence. The intimate con-
nections and common belief of the different portions
of the great Moslem empire disseminated far and
wide the various stores of learning and experience
acquired by each; the principles of every branch of
art became more thoroughly understood, and their
application facilitated and promoted through, the
encouragement afforded by increasing wealth and
royal liberality. The early predilection displayed by
the Arab student for the exact sciences contributed
largely to the development and perfection of archi-
tectural excellence.
At first, the art of building had been merely con-
structive, without embellishment, merit, or original-
ity; thematerials, the plunder of antiquity; the style,
a feeble and debased imitation of the simplest parts
of those noble piles which had been the admiration and
the glory of the ancient world. Familiarity with these
models, acquaintance with the principles of mathe-
matical science, a spirit of emulation excited by the
hope of substantial reward, erelong produced a race
of builders whose creations denote a new and splen-
did epoch in the history of architecture. As in the
beginning, no conditions could have been more un-
favorable to the development of this art; in the end,
on the contrary, no people ever attained to greater
distinction in the graceful outlines, the exquisite
beauty, the elaborate decoration of their edifices. The
importance of these results is manifest from the cir-
cumstance that they were ordinarily achieved by the
540 History of the
use of the most homely materials and by the applica-
tion of the simplest rules of geometry.
The Arabs of Africa and Spain usually employed
in their more massive constructions a conglomerate
material composed of lime, day, and pebbles, called
"tabW or "tapia," which was well known to the
Romans and is mentioned by Pliny. This mixture,
which formed the body of the edifice and in time
acquired an extraordinary solidity and hardness, was
often faced with dressed stone or a coating of cement,
which united compactly with the central mass; and
whose excellent quality is attested by specimens of
masonry that have existed, practically intact, for the
long, period of eleven centuries. In some instances,
large bricks, often deeply grooved to admit the mor-
tar, were used instead of tapia; in others, the entire
wall was composed of hewn stone; the Mosque of
Cordova presents examples of all three of these meth-
ods of construction. Where the day of the material
contained oxide of iron, which was sometimes the case,
it imparted to the building a delicate tint, like that of
the petals of a rose, as in the Alhambra, whidi derived
its name from the color of its walls.
The excellent preservation which characterizes the
Moorish monuments of the Peninsula after centuries
of spoliation and neglect attests the substantial nature
of their foimdations, and the care and skill whidi
must have been employed in their erection. Many of
these structures, from their massive proportions, their
projecting buttresses, their elevated towers and bris-
tling ramparts, suggested rather a defensive fortress
than the abode of princely luxury or a temple dedi-
cated to the God of mercy and of peace. While no
creed was so much abhorred by the Arab as that of
the Magi, still he did not disdain to crown the sum-
mits of his mosques and minarets with the flame
shaped battlements of Persia, emblematic of the ado-
Moorish Empire in Europe 541
ration of Fire. The Mosque of Cordova, the Giralda
of Seville, and many of the edifices of Northern
Africa display this striking and favorite ornament,
which was preserved throughout the entire Moslem
domination in the Peninsula, and glitters alike in the
mosaics of the Alhambra, in the golden embroidery
of textile fabrics, and among the rich and splendid
illuminations of the Koran.
In both the strengthening and the embellishment
of his work, no artist ever made use of the arch with
greater effect than did the Moslem. The variations
of its curve indicate successively the different phases
assumed by Hispano-Arab architecture from the
eighth to the fifteenth century. Some of its adapta-
tions, for instance, that of the ajimeZi or double win-
dow divided by slender colunms, probably originated
in Moorish Spain, whose buildings offer exquisite
examples of its employment for the combined pur-
poses of utility and decoration. The earliest arch,
and the one most frequently adopted during the Om-
meyade Khalif ate, was the horseshoe form, whose
symbolic derivatidn ascends to the primitive ages of
phallicism and recalls the homage once paid to the
vivifying principles of Nature. The emblems of that
worship, a worship whose impressions Christianity
could modify but was unable to extirpate, were, from
the earliest times, regarded as potent talismans against
every species of malign or demoniac influence. In the
Middle Ages, European Christians wore these em-
blems as amulets; they carved them upon the altars
of their shrines; they perpetuated them in, their spires
and the pinnacles of their cathedrals; they revered
them in the sacred forms of the cross and the crucifix.
It has been from time immemorial a custom in North-
ern Africa to place by the entrances of houses, as a
security against the evil-eye, the symbol familiar to
Hindu superstition as the Yoni. From this ancient
M2 History of ths
practice was derived the sweeping curve of the ultra-
semicircular arch, which occupies such an important
place in Arab architecture, and whose appearance was
considered an augury of good fortune to all who
passed the portals of Moslem palace, mosque, or pri-
vate residence. The facility of modification which
this object affords has caused it to be represented
under a great variety of forms; and the persistence
of a custom whose origin is popularly unknown and
whose peculiar significance has long been forgotten
is demonstrated by the practice of fixing a horseshoe
above the doors of dwellings, as a sign of auspicious
greeting, still prevalent in many parts of the world.
The other Indian symbol, the Lingam, sculptured
upon the eternal rock-temples of Hindustan, car-
ried by the Egyptian priests in solemn procession
during the festivals of Osiris, carved upon the
Roman Termini, and fashioned into the crest of
the cap peculiar to the Doges of Venice, it may be
added, appears, to-day, delineated with startling fidel-
ity to nature upon the coinage of the most practical
and progressive of modem nations, — ^the United
States of America.
The survival of the emblems and ceremonies of
phallicism in both the Christian and Mohammedan
systems demonstrates the ineradicable influence that
worship has always maintained over the superstitious
of every class, a class whose members are generally
the most zealous for those observances which they do
not comprehend; and presents one of the most curious
and entertaining episodes in the annals of human in-
consistency and unquestioning devotion.
The employment of the arch, at first solely utili-
tarian, with tiie progressive development of artistic
conceptions, became in the end merely a means of
architectural adornment. The effect of the delicate
filigree arcades of the Alhambra, whose fragile ma-
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 548
terials seem inadequate to support the cornices and
entablatures apparently resting upon them, is illusory ;
they are mere structural fictions of the Moorish de-
signer. A regular series of progressions is traceable
from the bold horseshoe sweep of the early khalif ate,
through the engrailed, the slightly pointed, the poly-
foil, the ogival arches, to the highly ornate and grace-
ful curves of the palace of the Alhamares. Through-
out all its modifications, however, certain character-
istics survived; among them the spring of one or
several arches from a bracket formed by the mould-
ing of the capital, an arrangement peculiar to Arab
architecture, and preserved long after the arch had
ceased to be an essential element of its construction.
Every variation of the segment of a circle which
human ingenuity could devise furnished new resources
to the Arab. The horseshoe form was more. or less
pronounced; the Roman received fresh embellishment
at his hands; the ogival was plain, festooned, or ser-
rated. The colunms were unusually slender, after
their type had been definitely established; in the edi-
fices first erected, they were necessarily dissimilar in
dimensions, in materid, in form, in color, and in oma-
mentation, constituting, as they did, the spoil of a
hundred edifices, collected in many and widely sepa-
rated countries. In the Mosque of Cordova, the most
striking instance of this indiscriminate employment
of the plunder of antiquity, the columns had no bases,
and were disposed at random without regard to the
rules of architectural symmetry.
The weight of evidence seems to fully justify the
opinion that the ogival or pointed arch, whose adapta-
tion is so prominent a feature of Gothic construction,
was introduced into Europe either through Sicily or
Spain. Its invention cannot be attributed to the
Arabs. It was known in Asia long before the time
of Mohammed. It appears in the ruined palace of
544 HiSTOBY OF THE
the Persian kings at Ctesiphon. It is by no means
certain that it was not used in Sicily before the inva-
sion of the Arabs. The latter were familiar with its
form before the ninth century, for it was employed
extensively in the Mosque of Tulun at Cairo.
The capital offers as great a variety in form and
decoration as the arch; in some, the Corinthian, in
others, the Composite order, prevailed; many again
presented the most ornate and fantastic patterns, ex-
amples of the florid and decadent taste of Constan-
tinople; in the last period golden inscriptions from
the Koran in the graceful Arabic script replaced the
Ionian volute and the classic acanthus.
In the art of mural decoration the Arab stands
alone and unrivalled. The exterior of his edifices, as
a rule, was bare and sombre, but within, the glowing
imagination of the artist revelled in a myriad forms
of exquisite taste and beauty. A religious system,
whose simple doctrines appealed rather to the heart
than to the senses; social customs, whose jealous ob-
servance forbade even the appearance of publicity,
screened from the eyes of the curious the celebration
of religious ceremonies and the instructive exhibition
of domestic life and manners. For these reasons, few
openings appeared in Moslem dwellings; windows
were discouraged by the traditions of the harem; a
single door was generally considered sufficient; and
even the approaches to the mosques, whose crowds
of worshippers necessitated many entrances, were so
contrived that the interiors were not visible from the
street.
In some cases where the peculiar sacredness of the
structure appeared to justify a prodigality of adorn-
ment, the Spanish Arab departed from the rule which
he ordinarily observed. The twenty-one portals of
the great temple of Cordova were surmounted by or-
namental panels, composed of bricks and stucco dis-
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 546
PQsed in arabesque designs, one of the earliest forms
of this charming method of mm'al decoration. Here
also are exhibited the first examples of the marble lat-
tice, whose interstices admit the air but exclude the
light; and of the ajimez, or niche-shaped window, with
its sweeping border and diminutive columns of verde-
antique and alabaster. Carved in the lattices and min-
gled with the Persian ornaments of the doorways is
to be seen the ancient suastika, or Sanskrit cross, sym-
bolic of happiness and moral regeneration, and re-
vered by the Aryan race as a precious talisman more
than a thousand years before tiie Christian era. The
recurrence of this emblem upon the walls of a Semitic
temple — ^now dedicated to a worship to which the
tenets of both Mohammedan and Hindu are equally
abhorrent — ^is ironically suggestive of the instability
of religious institutions. Another singular circum-
stance is the appearance of the Latin cross upon some
of the capitals, imquestionably sculptured there before
the erection of the building. When the antipathy of
Moslems to the Christian emblem of salvation is re-
membered, this fact becomes not only extraordinary,
but inexplicable. The Giralda of Seville, now believed
to have been raised as a memorial of. conquest, and
to have served the double purpose of minaret and ob-
servatory, in the eyes of the Andalusian Moslems only
inferior in sanctity to the Djalma of Cordova, dis-
plays, to a remarkable degree, the talent of the Moor-
ish artist in the work of mural embellishment. Its
majestic proportions, the unique and lavish character
of its ornamentation, extended its renown to the ut-
termost regions of tiie East and made it the archi-
tectural pride and glory of Mohammedan Spain.
Both it and the Mosque of Cordova are known to
have been painted; the interstices of the elegant tra-
cery of brick arabesques which covers its sides are
said to have presented the brilliant hues of scarlet and
You JllrSB
546 HiSTOBY OF THE
azure, whfle the projecting designs were gilded, the
whole forming a blazing mass of color whose com-
binations must have produced an inconceivably gor-
geous effect.
The 'ByiAuMne derivation of many of the charac-
teristics of early Hispano-Arab architecture is em-
phasized in the 6iralda» whose construction, aside from
its decorations, is almost the counterpart of that of
the Campanile of Venice, with which it was practically
contemporaneous. Inclined planes, or ramps, instead
of stairways, afford, in both, access to the summit;
and, while the Giralda is by far the more beautiful,
their general similarity in plan, dimensions, and ap-
pearance cannot fail to impress tibe most heedless
observer.
On the two principal structures of Moorish Spain
devoted to the service of religion, the use of enamelled
tiles as an element of external decoration, an art
whose latest adaptations were also peculiar to the
Arab and which was subsequently carried to such a
degree of perfection, is first to be remarked: The
Mosque affords but a few coarse and ill-arranged
specimens; those of the Giralda are of far superior
material and finish, and from the comparatively small
number remaining we can form some idea of the ap-
pearance of this magnificent tower when, intact, its
summit was girdled with these brilliant ornaments,
whose polished surfaces flashed like jewels in the
Andalusian sunlight.
The improvement in the manufacture and dispo-
sition of encaustic tiles is an index of the progress of
the Spanish Moslems in the mechanical ^*ts, as well
as in the application of the principles of architectural
ornamentation. During the final period of tlieir do-
minion in the Peninsula, the use of tilework was prac-
tically confined to interiors, and it was in the Alham-
bra that it attained its highest development In the
Moorish Empire in Europe 547
bewildering complexity of patterns, in the accuracy
with whidb their minute pieces are united, in the va-
riety of colors, and in the exquisite taste with which
they are combined, the mosaics of that palace are abso-
lutely unapproachable by any similar work which has
ever been produced by human skill. Their surfaces
have all the brilliancy and polish of the finest por-
celain. The edges of fragments which have been
detached show marks of the file, evidence of the
painstaking and conscientious labors of the Moorish
artisan. These enamels are remarkable not only for
their elegance, but for the radical difference which
they present to the mosaics employed during the
existence of the Khalifate of Cordova. The latter
were not ceramic, but were prepared by laying the
colors upon the wall, and then covering them with
minute cubes of glass embedded in a transparent
cement.
The Mihrab of the Great Mosque shows what re-
sults can be accomplished by this simple process. In
its rich panels, arches, and cupolas, in the belts of in-
scriptions glowing with a score of brilliant hues, in
the graceful interlacing arabesques, the crystal mo-
saics, in themselves imperishable, shine with undimin-
ished lustre after a lapse of more than nine himdred
years. The most celebrated productions of this de-
scription extant in the churches and mosques of Con-
stantinople and in the cathedrals of Venice and Ra-
venna bear no comparison, save in the character of
the materials employed, to those which adorn the
sanctuary of the famous Moslem temple. The de-
signs were undoubtedly traced by Arab artists, whose
versatility is disclosed by their extraordinary profi-
ciency in an art with which they must have been hith-
erto unfamiliar, and in whose successful manipulation
they surpassed the masterpieces of Byzantine genius.
No explanation has been given to account for the
548 HiSTOBT OF THE
sudden disuse of a method of architectural embellish-
ment at its culmination, in an example whidi has
called forth the praise of thirty generations; but it
is a well-established fact that, after the destruction
of the khalif ate in the tenth century, tbe employment
of Byzantine mosaics, the most exquisite of the orna-
mental processes known to the Spanish Arabs, disap-
peared forever from the Peninsula. It may have
been that its exotic derivation was to some extent
responsible for its sudden and absolute extinction.
The soseifesa, from the Greek ^^t^kkji^, '"made of
little stones," as this mosaic was known to the Moors,
was a distinctive product of Byzantine ingenuity.
The material destined for the Mosque, as well as the
workmen skilled in its use, were sent to the Ebalif
Al-Hakem II. by the Greek Emperor of Constanti-
nople; and it was from these foreigners that Uie
Moors learned the leading principles of an art which,
long practised on the shores of the Bosphorus, had
now become familiar to many cities of the Mediter-
ranean coast. The jealous pride of the Arab — ^who
was not averse to borrowing architectural ideas from
different nations that were his masters in the sdenoe
of construction, and many of which bowed under his
yoke as tributaries — ^revolted perhaps at the open ap-
propriation of an entire system from an enemy of
his religion, and especially at the confession of intel-
lectual inferiority ibat such an act might imply.
In the perfection of enamelled mosaics, however,
his originality was undisputed; his artistic concep-
tions were untrammelled; and the proofs of his crea-
tive genius are written upon walls and columns which
have excited the admiring wonder of architectural
critics from countries imknown to both Europe and
Asia at the date of their completion. The dadoes of
the Alhambra, its pavement and its roofs, before sys-
tematic neglect and vandalism had accomplished their
MooBiSH Emfibe in Eubope 549
destmctave work, undoubtedly presented a spectade
of unique and dazzling splendor. The total disap-
pearance of at least one-third of the palace, and the
shameless mutilation of the rest, have unfortunately
deprived the architect of standards of comparison at
different epochs, by which the various steps in the
progressive development of the application of en-
caustic tiles might be definitely traced.
The most distinguishing characteristic of Arabic
mural ornamentation, however, is the stucco work,
which seems to have been of contemporaneous origin
with the earliest monuments of the khalif ate. Such
was its prodigious improvement that specimens of the
rude tracery executed in the eighth century on the
walls of the Djalma of Cordova, and the delicate,
lace-like effects produced in the fourteenth by the
builders of the iVJhambra, bear to each other scarcely
a single point of resemblance. The secret of the com-
position of this material, which in time became as hard
and durable as stone, is lost. It is supposed to have
been made of pulverized marble, lime, and gypsum,
mixed in certain proportions with the whites of eggs,
and then, while in an almost fluid condition, run into
moulds. It contained some substance noxious to all
insects, for neither flies nor spiders are ever noticed
on the walls of the Moorish palace. This singular
property, which has contributed as much as any other
cause to the preservation of this precious monument
of Arab art, has been attributed by popular tradition
to the presence of garlic in the mortar; but the odor
of that plant, however pungent, must certainly have
been dissipated in the course of years; and no sub-
stance known to modem chemistry will, if exposed to
atmospheric influences, retain for centuries its quali-
ties unimpaired. The moulding of the stucco orna-
ments facilitated their reproduction, and the multi-.
plication of an infinite variety of designs. Of the
550 HiSTOST OF THE
latter, Contreras counted one hundred and fifty-two,
all difi^erent, in a single apartment, the HaU of Co-
mares in the Alhambra. Their effect was that of the
richest embroidered tapestry, an illusion heightened
by the hangings of embossed and painted lealiier
often suspended beneath them. The peculiar textile
resemblance of Arab mural decoration owed its origin
to the drapery of the tent, and is a reminiscence of
the nomadic life of the Desert.
In the presence of this gorgeous embroidery in
stone, now resembling tissues of silken and gold bro-
cade, and again assuming the delicate texture of lace,
whose filmy and transparent meshes almost seem to
move with every passing breeze, all appearance of
solidity is lost. This pleasing artistic deception ex-
tends even to the construction of the arches, which
appear to sustain the weights resting upon their
curves by the influence of some mysterious principle
unknown to the laws of mechanics. The explanation
of the apparent phenomenon, however, disclosed a
method as simple as it is ingenious. Upon the capi-
tals were placed light but strong wooden beams,
which, covered with plaster, were lost in the maze
of ornament, while they formed the real support of
the arcades whose substantial character is demon-
strated by their successful resistance to the violence
of the elements and the vandalism of man through
many centuries. The interiors of the apartments of
public institutions and royal habitations were covered
with this kind of ornament disposed in high relief,
and in which the stalactitic or pendentive vault —
original with the Moorish architect — constituted a
most attractive and prominent feature.
It would be impossible to enumerate the wonderful
variety of forms which this plastic material was made
to assume under the skilful manipulation of the artist
Diminutive colonnades, surmoimted by delicate en-
Moorish Empire in Europe 551
grailed arches, medallions, festoons and wreaths, the
armorial bearings and mottoes of the Alhamares, Ara-
bic texts and legends which can be read from right
or left with equal facility, and geometrical designs,
whose elements are susceptible of an infinite number
of changes and combinations, are the salient points
which strike the eye and appeal to the imagination
in those palatial halls which in their original condition
must have exhibited a magnificence which baffled all
description.
The stalactitic patterns, in whose elegant arrange-
ment and marvellous diversity the constructive genius
of the Moor especially delighted, were applied, not
only to the cupolas, but in the angles along the frieze
and upon the plane surface of the walls. The domes
of the principal chambers of the Alhambra are en-
tirely composed of these pendentives, whose pieces,
in the most elaborate of their examples of artistic
taste, number many thousand. The tenacity and
strength of the material was vastly increased by the
use of twigs and rushes buried in the fresh and yield-
ing mortar, which was fastened to a wooden frame-
work by nails plated with tin, which even now, when
exposed to the air, show no evidence of corrosion.
With the exception of the columns, so conspicuous
a peculiarity of Arabic construction, marble was
sparingly used, although the quarries of Spain had
been renowned from the highest antiquity for the
quantity and excellence of their products. While a
difi^erence of opinion prevails among antiquaries upon
this point, it is reasonably certain that the columns
supporting the arca,des of the Alhambra were origi-
nally gilded. In the Hall of Justice some of them
are encased in mosaic, which produces an unique, if
not a pleasing, effect.
Of equal originality and magnificence were the ceil-
ings and the doors of the grand Moorish edifices. The
552 HiSTOBT OF THE
art of marquetry offered to the Arab workman a field
in which his characteristic love of detail and intricate
combinations, aided by his unflagging industry, found
full expression. In the buildings of the khalif ate, ibe
ceilings, instead of being either flat or vaulted, usually
conformed in number and inclination to the roofs,
which in the Mosque were nineteen, one for every
nave. The rafters, carved upon three sides, enclosed
spaces forming a regular series of panels painted with
brilliant colors, and whose mouldings and other ele-
vated portions were covered with gold. The wood-
work was not infrequently inlaid with rare and pre-
cious substances, such as ebony and ivory, mother-of-
pearl, tortoise-shell, lazulite, and various gems. In
the later periods of the Moslem domination, the same
materials were used, but more correct ideas of archi-
tectural construction governed their disposition. The
primitive angular ceilings were supplanted by the
hemispherical dome, whose surface, covered with
superb geometrical tracery, blazing with vermilion,
blue, and gold, displayed, in all its perfection, the
utmost skill of the Moorish artisan. The doors and
the lattices of the harem corresponded in style and
workmanship with the ornamented interiors of the
buildings, and it was not unusual for a single lattice
which screened an opening but a few feet square to
contain fifteen hundred pieces, combined in many com-
plex and graceful geometrical patterns. The mimbar
and the lectern of the Mosque of Cordova, already
described in these pages, whose odoriferous and pre-
cious wood-work was fastened together with golden
nails and enriched with jewels, — ^long the pride of the
faithful and now the subject of the fruitless specu-
lations of the historian, — ^were also examples of Arab
marquetry produced in the very infancy of that art
The perfection subsequently attained in the carving
of hard woods, which were often inlaid with ara-
MooBisH Empibe in Eusope 558
besques in gold, sflver, and copper, has never been
surpassed.
" In Sicily, less fortunate in this respect than Spain,
not a single well-authenticated edifice of the Mo-
hammedan domination is known to exist. The two
great structures — ^the ^za and the Cuba — ^in the vicin-
ity of Palermo, assigned by doubtful authority to
the tenth century, and certainly remodelled, if not
entirely reconstructed, by the Normans, are the only
examples by which we can form any conception of
the architecture of a kingdom not inferior to the Cor-
dovan khalifate in everything that implies an ad-
vanced state of intellectual culture and civilization.
Their proportions are bold and massive; their exte-
riors, while by no means ornate, are decorated with a
series of lofty recessed arches extending from the
foundation to the frieze, the latter being formed by
an Arabic inscription of gigantic dimensions whidi
cannot now be deciphered. These buildings, with the
exception of a few mosaics and some stalactitic orna-
mentation evidently of the time of the Normans, pos-
sess none of the distinguishing features of contempo-
raneous Saracenic architecture, a fact which has cast
a well-founded suspicion upon their imputed Arab
origin. The unprotected situation of Sicily, which ex-
posed it to the incursions of every marauder, its suc-
cession of semi-barbarous rulers, its long and bloody
civil wars, the unrelenting hostility of the See of
Rome to everything connected witiii Mohanmiedan-
ism, may account for the total disappearance of the
superb architectural monuments which history informs
us abounded during the Moslem rule. The same fate
has befallen the productions of the mechanical and
industrial arts, none of which, of any importance, or,
indeed, of established authenticity, are preserved in
either national museums or private collections. The
memorials of Moslem civilization in Sicily, of which
554 HmOBY OF THE
such copious and interesting details survive in die
works of contemporaneous native authors, have thore-
f ore been practically annihilated. The absolute dearth
of these objects of architectural and artistic ingenuity
is the* more extraordinary when the magnitude of ihe
manufacturing and commercial interests of mediaeval
Sicily, the protection and encouragement afforded
the Moslems by their conquerors, and the dose rela-
tions they sustained with neighboring countries are
considered.
The military structures of Mohammedan Spain ex-
hibit the same general characteristics as do the other
surviving examples of defensive architecture during
the Middle Ages. As might be supposed from the
purposes for which they were destined, and from their
exposure to the iminterrupted warfare of many cen-
turies, they have undergone radical changes, and at
this distance of time it is usually impossible to deter^
mine which portions are of Arabic and which of Cas-
tilian origin. The only perfect surviving exemplar
of Moorish fortification in the Peninsula is the Gate
of the Sun at Toledo. The defensive works of the
Spanish Arab were generally on an immense scale, and
their construction was in strict conformity with the
best known principles of military engineering. The
walls were of great thickness and solidity, the towers
square and disposed at frequent intervals, as, for in-
stance, those of Granada, whose lines of circumval-
lation, while not of extraordinary extent, contained
more than thirteen hundred. Covered ways and bar^
bicans provided with battlements defended the ap-
proaches and protected the fortress itself from sudden
and unexpected assault. The citadel, which fre-
quently enclosed a considerable area, and whose pre-
cincts presented the appearance of a diminutive city,
was at once the seat of the court with its numerous ret-
inue, the head-quarters of the army, and the deposi-
MooBiSH Emfibx in Eubope 555
tory of the products of the mint and the arsenal. It
communicated hy means of subterranean passages,
known only to certain officials of the government, with
the other defences, and always with the outer wall of
the city, thus affording a speedy and unsuspected
means of escape in time of conspiracy or insmrection.
With the exception of the Gate of the Sun at Toledo,
Moorish citadels exhibit little attempt at ornamenta-
tion; the serious and important destination of Uiese
gigantic works is realized in their frowning aspect and
their massive walls, which offered neither temptation
nor opportunity for the exercise of decorative skill.
Water was provided for the garrison not only by im-
mense cisterns, but by galleries cut for long distances
through the sohd rock, below the bed of the stream
whidi usually encircled the eminences upon which
these strongholds were erected. Occasionally, when
the situation of a tower afforded unusual security, its
interior was finished with all the pomp and beauty of
a royal residence.
The mosque, one of the most characteristic tjrpes
of Arab architecture, preserved to the last in its plan
and principles of construction the striking peculiari-
ties of its origin. Although its design has been sup-
posed to have been derived from the basilica, there
can be little doubt that it was modelled after the
Hebrew temple. Its rectangular form, its rows of
colonnades, its mihrab, corresponding to the holy of
holies, the f oimtains for ceremonial lustration, are all
suggestive of the numerous points of resemblance ex-
isting between the Moslem and the Jewish faith. In
spite of inherited prejudice, but a vague' and ill-de-
fined boundary has always separated these two great
divisions of the Semitic race, which trace their com-
mon origin to Abraham. The simple luxuries of the
Desert were commemorated, not only by the grateful
sound of rippling waters, but by the perfume and the
556 HiSTOBY OF THE
shade of the orange-trees of the court, which re-
freshed the senses of the worshipper and suggested
to his vivid imagination dreams of a material and
voluptuous paradise. The moderate height of the
building exaggerated its already vast dimensions; Ihe
eye, bewildered by the forest of columns, vainly at-
tempted to penetrate its interminable depths; and the
impression of the infinite was heightened by super-
imposed tiers of interlacing arches, whose combina-
tions recalled the graceful foliage of their prototype,
the palm grove of Arabia.
The Moorish architecture of the Peninsula, as the
reader has no doubt already observed, is ranarkable
rather for elegance than for grandeur. It was not
like that of Egypt, dependent for its effect upon
the lofty, the imposing, the colossal. The spirit of
Grecian art, which found expression in structures
whose perfect symmetry of form and correctness of
detail have never been equalled, furnished to the Arab
architect none of those artistic conceptions which were
the inspiration of painters, sculptors, and builders in
subsequent ages. The genius of the Arab was in gen-
eral rather adaptive than creative, rather imitative
than original. But while many of its ideas can be
traced to the examples of f oriner civilizations, a peo-
ple who profited by and improved upon the sugges-
tions of a score of races can hardly be said to have
borrowed from any. While art, especially as applied
to architecture, is an infallible index of the sentiments
and mental peculiarities of the people by whom it is
developed, none can claim absolute originality for its
productions; all are necessarily dependent upon their
predecessors for much of the creative influence by
which they are actuated. This is particularly true of
the Arabs of the Occident. Every nation of antiquity
as well as of the contemporaneous world paid intel-
lectual tribute to the great Moslem Empire of the
MooBiSH Emfikb in Eubope 657
West Its mosques were Jewish, its fortifications
Roman, its minarets Byzantine. The finest ornamen-
tation of the exterior of its magnificent temple was
derived from Ctesiphon, that of the interior from
Constantinople. Its stuccoes came from Syria, its
enamels from ancient Nineveh. The infinite combi-
nations of its geometrical designs and its method of
hanging doors had been familiar to the Egyptians
three thousand years before they were employed in
Spain. The capitals of the earliest columns are
clumsy imitations of Grecian models. The researches
of antiquaries have disclosed the germ of the penden-
tive vault in Persia, and the carved and painted ceil-
ing of wood was used in the Orient long before the
appearance of Mohanmied. Even rubble-work, the
basis of every kind of Arabic architecture, was a
process which had been adopted in the construction
of edifices from a remote antiquity.
Hispano-Arab architecture is ordinarily divided
for convenience into three arbitrary and ill-defined
periods, — ^the age of its origin, embracing the works
attributable to the Ommeyade Khalifate; the age of
its transition, which includes all constructions erected
by the principalities which arose after the dismem-
berment of the Moslem empire; and the age of its
culmination, which began with the rise of the inde-
pendent kingdom of Granada in the thirteenth cen-
tury and closed with the unrivalled excellence of the
Alhambra. The monuments of the first period, of
which the Mosque of Cordova is the most striking,
and, indeed, practically the sole perfect exemplar, are
widely scattered and incomplete.
The sumptuous edifices which abounded in every
city have disappeared or have been mutilated almost
beyond recognition. Barbaric violence has annihi-
lated the palaces which lined the Guadalquivir, and
*whose ridbness and beauty were the admiration of
55B HiSTOKY OF THE
the world. Ecclesiastical malignity has demolished to
their very f omidations or sedulously effaced the char-
acteristics of the imiumerable temples raised for the
propagation of a hostile religion, and the extent of
this systematic enmity may be inferred from the sug-
gestive fact that of the seven hundred mosques re-
quired for the worship of the Moslem capital, but one
has survived. Diligent antiquarian research has failed
to establish even the sites of all but three or four of
the remainder, of whose existence and splendor both
history and tradition afford abundant and indispu-
table evidence. The ignorance and prejudice of suc-
cessive generations have, in addition to the above-
named destructive agencies, contributed their share,
and no unimportant one, to the obliteration of these
memorials of Arab taste and ingenuity.
The Mosque of Cordova represents every phase of
Arabian constructive and decorative art during the
period of two centuries which elapsed between its
foundation and completion. It is, therefore, to that
extent an architectural epitome of the development of
Moslem civilization, in which, in a measure, can be de-
ciphered the history of the race under whose auspices
it was erected and adorned. While the technically in-
dependent character of Moorish architecture in the
Peninsula has been long established, its originality is,
as has already been stated, for the most part depend-
ent upon ingenious combinations of elements afforded
by the examples of former civilized nations. This
fact becomes evident when the various portions of the
Great Mosque are examined in detail, and is espe-
cially apparent in the magnificent decorations of the
sanctuary. Here, while the plan and the designs were
clearly of Arabic origin, the materials and the method
of their application, and, indeed, even some of the
artisans, were Byzantine. But these precious mosaics
bear but little resemblance to those of contemporane-'
Moorish Empire in Europe 559
ous Christian churches, which were identical with them
in composition and in the manner of attaching them
to the walls. What in the one instance seems the
perfection of artistic beauty and excellence, in the
others appears glaring, harsh, and grotesque; the
sublime artistic genius, alone capable of creating these
marvels, is absent. The Mihrab of the Mosque of
Cordova had no prototype in Islam or elsewhere, and
both its plan and details have defied all imitation.
The evolution of Arabic art in Spain is one of
the most curious problems in the annals of its exotic
civilization. Its origin and the impulse that first
prompted its development, as well as the principal
models from which it obtained its ideas, are buried
in obscurity. No country in Europe contains such a
variety of gigantic and well-preserved memorials of
Roman imperial greatness as the Peninsula. But
with the exception of the city walls and the castles,
Hiere is no evidence that the Arabs were ever so im-
pressed with their grandeur as to make even an in-
effectual attempt to imitate them. The isolation of
Mohammedan Spain, whose dominant sect was dis-
credited, and whose dynasty was proscribed by the
ruling Houses of Syria and Persia, was long unfavor-
able to the maintenance of those relations by means
of which an interchange of ideas and the rapid
progress of a nation in the arts of peace is ordinarily
effected. The steps by which the architectural con-
ceptions of many Oriental nations became the inspira-
tion of the builders of the Western IQialifate are
therefore undiscemible. It is possible, however, that
these ideas, apparently borrowed but developed under
similar conditions along the same lines of thought,
are after all original. The great importance attached
by the Arabs to mathematics, in the study of which
they attained to such unrivalled proficiency, must, as
sheadj suggested, have contributed more to ardiitec-
560 HiSTOBY OF THE
tural improvement than any other cause. The appli-
cation of algebra to geometry — ^an invention ascribed,
with a considerable degree of certainty, to the Span-
ish Moslems — ^immeasurably facilitated the develop-
ment of every art dependent upon mechanical and
mathematical conditions, and none is more indebted
to it, in this respect, than the art of construction.
Long anterior to the tenth century, the epoch of the
most advanced civilization of the khalif ate, the schools
of Cordova, Seville, Valencia, Malaga, and Toledo
gave instruction in geometry, drawing, and oUier
branches of mathematics pertaining to architecture,
the lessons being supplemented by practical demon-
strations of the application of their principles under
the direction of experienced masters. Under such
circumstances, the standard of Moorish taste was
formed, and its ideas of constructive excellence defi-
nitely established in the first and most important
stage of its development. The genius which inspired
its early creations, the dreams which spurred on its
youthful ambition, were never lost until the crown-
ing glory of its achievements fell before the con-
queror, and its artisans and their productions alike
were trampled in the dust by the ruthless chivalry of
Castile.
The age of transition has left no memorials from
which an intelligent idea of its progress can be ob-
tained. The Giralda of Seville is the only one which
exists in tolerable preservation, and it affords an ex-
ample of exterior ornamentation alone. In the Alca-
zar may be observed labors which were evidently com-
pleted at different epochs; but no information is avail-
able of the dates at which they were executed, nor can
it now be ascertained how much is of Arab origin and
how much should be attributed to Mudejar influence.
The damage this palace has suffered, and the material
alterations it has undergone at the hands of monarcfas
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 561
devoid of taste and of appreciation of the noble works
of the Moors, have practically destroyed its identity,
and have rendered it, on account of its absurd and in-
congruous additions and reparations, the despair of
both the archeologist and the architect. The charac-
teristics of Arabian art are better preserved and more
easily traced in the edifices of Granada erected by the
dynasty of the Alhamares, and which represent the
^final period of its development.
The Alhambra — a structure in whose luxurious
elegance are embodied the results of seven centuries
of progress — ^is the type and crowning triumph of
this epoch. In its sumptuous apartments are to be
found none of the peculiar features to be observed
in the buildings of t^e first era of the Moslem domi-
nation; none of the severe dignity, the sombre maj-
esty, the fatalistic conceptions, the tendency to exclude
all but the simplest forms of ornamentation, which
distinguish the earliest portions of the Djalma of Cor^
dova. The horseshoe arch has disappeared or has been
radically modified; its importance as a talisman is ap-
parently no longer recognized; and it has given place
to other symbols of less obscure origin and meaning.
Here one of the most important of Koranic precepts
is violated; animal forms are represented in paint-
ings as well as in sculpture; and the curiosity of the
artist is gratified by a delineation of physiognomy,
costume, and manners, unique of its Hnd, and stUl
abhorred as idolatrous by the orthodox zealots of the
Mohammedan world. The conditions of domestic
life, exacted by and dependent upon the traditions of
the harem, are everywhere observed, — ^in the frowning
exterior; in the isolated courts; in the guarded com-
munications; in the ponderous doors; in the mysteri-
ous lattices; in the exquisite decorations; in the dis-
tribution of appliances for physical enjoyment which
have exhausted the resources of Oriental luxury. The
Vol. IIL-Sd. .
562 HnrroET or the
Arabic love of variety and magnificence, so character-
istic of an impulsive, a versatile, a highly romantic
race, is visible on every side; in the arrangement of
colmnns, now single, now grouped; some smooth,
others belted with rings, the majority once covered
with gilding, a few still encased in an enamel of
sparkling mosaic; in the composite curves of the
arches, each disclosing the distinctive traits of its
original type, — ^horseshoe, ogival, semicircular, — some
engrailed, others stalactitic, all of incomparable grace
and symmetry; in the spandrels, at short distance, ap-
parently identical, yet upon close inspection moulded
in a score of fantastic designs, through whose lace-like
interstices the rays of sunlight diffuse a mellowed
glow; in the maze of polished tilework, whose bewil-
dering combinations are but broken sections of the
nine polygons of geometry, arranged by the aid of
algebraic science; in the fretted walls with their gor-
geous arabesques; in the intertwined mottoes, doubly
legible; in the cupolas, whose decorations of azure,
scarlet, and gold sparkle in the semi-obscurity of the
interior like a setting of precious gems. The eye of
the hypercritical architect sees in the Alhambra but a
confused jumble of incongruous ideas; a construction
without recognized precedent; a monument which
belongs to no order of architecture, and which trans-
gresses the established rules of that science as radi-
cally as the productions of many authors, whose
genius is the delight of millions, do the unities of time
and place, once universally considered the essentials
of poetic excellence. But it is this very irregularity,
this independence of the arbitrary and inflexible prin-
ciples of art, that, to the tmprof essional observer, con-
stitutes its greatest charm. The originality of its
component parts when analyzed may be disputed, but
no question can arise as to the consummate skill that
arranged and <!ombined them in a whole, which, al-
Moorish' Empibx m Europe 668
though it may offend the canons of artistic criticism,
if strictly construed, is yet beautiful, harmonious, en-
dianting. The famous Arabian palace is the master-
piece of the Moorish architects of Spain; the crown-
ing adiievement of the labors of twenty generations;
the embodiment of the most elegant conceptions of
the art, the industry, and the intellectual culture of
that polished age. So long as the slightest portion of
it survives, it wiU convey an instructive lesson to the
student and the antiquary, and call up memories of
that great empire, whose literary remains, whose sci-
entific discoveries, whose large tolerance, whose in-
quiring spirit, were at once the harbingers and the
incentives of modem civilized life. All that is valu-
able in the economic institutions of society, in its
multitudinous inventions, in its facility of intercom-
munication, in the excellence of its fabrics, in the
perfection of its agricultural operations, has long
been recognized as dependent upon the practical and
judicious application of the principles of science. Of
these considerations, the Alhambra, which was the
centre of the most accomplished and progressive com-
munity of the Middle Ages, is particularly suggestive.
It is a monument of national genius. It is a symbol
of national progress. It looked down upon the libra-
ries which sheltered the fragments of that civilization
whose learning had enlightened the mediaeval world.
In its halls the prodigal luxury of the Moorish princes
daily exhibited exquisite specimens of the experience
and dexterity of the artisans of the kingdom, — ^the
masterpieces of the weaver, the cutler, the armorer,
the jeweller, the enameller. Its painted battlements
towered above the lists where Moslem and Christian
knights had competed for the prize of chivalry and
daring, bestowed by the emir surrounded by the
pomp of arms and the beauty of the seraglio. Thus
was the Alhambra the emblem of the greatness and
564 History of the *
splendor of Granada, the boast of its monarchs, tiie
wonder of strangers, the pride of liie people. Its
glory has departed, its lustre is tarnished, but the
mournful traditions with which poetry and romance
have invested its history can never pass away; and its
fate is emphasized by the mottoes of the sovereigns
who respectively founded and mutilated it, still em-
blazoned upon its walls, the arrogant vaunt of Hie
Spaniard, "Plus Ultra;" the pious device of the
Moor, " There is no conqueror but Gk)d."
The injunction of Mohammed concerning tiie rep-
resentation of animal forms was disregarded almost
from the earliest days of Moslem dominion. Even
before the tenth century, Mussulman artists who de-
picted living beings seem to have abounded in the
countries subject to Islam. A biography of them is
given by Makrisi, in which great talents are ascribed
to those of Egypt. Their works were displayed not
only in wood and stone, but on silk, velvet, and dotfa
of gold. The treasiuy of the Fatimite Khalif , Mos-
tansu*, contained peacocks and gazelles of life-size,
made of the precious metals enriched with magnificent
gems. Al-Amin, the son and successor of Harun-
al-Raschid, possessed a number of magnificent barges,
fashioned like birds and animals and painted in imi-
tation of their living models, whose oarsmen were
concealed from view. As these njonsters, apparently
instinct with life, moved mysteriously over the Tigris,
they excited the astonishment of the multitude as in-
ventions of the genii. From the statement of the
great historian, Ibn-Ehaldun, who visited Granada in
1868, the representation of well-known events, as well
as of the features of distinguished personages on the
walls of houses in that city, must have been common.
He was greatly scandalized by this unorthodox cus-
tom, which, although deriving its origin from Hie Cas-
tilians, was constantly practised by those who called
Moorish Empibs in Eubofe 565
themselves good Mussulmans, among whom were
numbered many artists who had been instructed by the
Byzantine and Persian residents of the capital.
Nor was sculpture, an art implying an even more
flagrant violation of Koranic precept than that ex-
hibited by the less conspicuous objects produced by
liie brush and the pencil, neglected by Mohammedans.
Arabic histories are full of allusions to these produc-
tions. Ehumaruyah, Sultan of Egypt, in the ninth
century had a great hall in his palace filled with statues
of the women of his harem. The knockers on the
doors of many of the mansions of Bagdad were
carved in the shapes of grotesque animals. Existing
examples, few as they are, of the sculpture of the
Hispano-Arab period show to what an extent religious
prejudice was defied by the Mussulmans of Spain.
The doctors of the law disagreed as to the inter-
pretation of the command of the Koran which ban-
ished from the realm of art one of its most useful
and suggestive features. Some regarded it in the
light of an absolute prohibition to be construed in its
broadest significance; to others it seemed to refer only
to the fabrication and worship of idols. The Spanish
Arabs, who had greater liberality and a larger share
of philosophical indifference than their Oriental
brethren, apparently adhered to the latter opinion.
At all events, the admonition generally respected as
a cardinal principle of the orthodox believer was ig-
nored from the very foundation of the khalif ate, and
even the sanctuary of Islam was defiled by the pres-
ence of sculptured forms of animal life ; in the Great
Mosque of Abd-al-Rahman, the Seven Sleepers and
the raven despatched from the ark by Noah are
chiselled upon the capitals; over the portal of Me-
dina-al-Zahra stood the effigy of the beautiful favor-
ite whose vanity had suggested the erection of that
magnificent edifice; its principal fountain was em-
566 HiSTOBT at THB
bellished with the figures of twelve different quad-
rupeds of gold incrusted with precious stones; in the
designs of its rich hangings were interwoven wild
beasts and birds of brilliant plumage, whose forms,
delineated with amazing skill, appeared to move with
the swaying of the silken tapestry; in one of the
squares* of the capital stood a lion, cast in bronze and
plated with gold,' whose eyes were rubies, and from
whose mouth gushed the refreshing waters brought
from the springs of the distant sierra. In the fairy
palace of Rusafah, equal to its rival in the splendor
of its appointments and inferior only in dim^isions,
silver swans floated upon the glossy surface of the
lakes, and the fountains displayed the effigies of ni«i
and animals carved in marble and jasper by a cunning
hand. The talismanic horseman of King Habus, de-
scribed in history and immortalized by fiction, is an-
other instance of this disregard of Koranic injunction,
again confirmed by the two marble lions of the Moor-
ish mint and by the famous twelve of the Alhambra.
But the most curious of these examples of violated
law are the paintings upon the ceiling of the Hall
of Justice in that palace, and which are supposed to
have been executed during the fourteenth century.
Two of them represent scenes of war and the chase,
but no data siuvive by which it can be determined
whether they are historic or legendary. The third
contains portraits of ten kings of Granada, iii^ose
rank is indicated by the royal blazons represented in
the central painting. The faces, sober, dignified, ma-
jestic, are evidently drawn from life, and a tradition
exists that the features of some of them were recog-
nized by old Moslems of Granada when, after the
Reconquest, they were for the first tune exposed to
public inspection ; while the turbans, the flowing robes
of various colors, the swords with curious hilts and
scabbards of gold and silver, the yellow slippers, at
Moorish Emfibs in Eukofe 567
once suggest the Orient; and place before the eye
the exact costumes, and perhaps the lineaments, of
those princes who long maintained in a comer of
hostile Europe the legends, the belief, and the civili-
zation of the Mohammedan world. These unique
works are of Arabic origin, a fact established by the
monograms traced upon them, which denote, immis-
takably the nationality of the artist. In numerous
particulars they indicate lack of experience and cul-
tivation. The figures are rudely delineated, the posi-
tions strained and awkward. None exhibit the slight-
est grace; some are absolutely grotesque; the colors
are not distributed harmoniously; no attention is paid
to the rules of perspective; the lines are sharply and
unpleasantly defined; there is no symmetry of pro-
portion, no dexterous imitation of those natural feat-
ures which impart to a painting life and energy. The
mechanical arrangement is as crude as the pictorial
execution. Upon a wooden framework, pigskins
were stretched and fastened, and over these a layer
^^ gypsum was spread, forming the foundation
for the colors. The flatness of the latter and the
golden ground of the portraits are indications of
Byzantine taste and influence.
Among the architectural decorations employed by
Moorish artists, none were more popular or more sus-
ceptible of variety of arrangement and harmony of
eff^ect than those formed by the letters of the Arabic
alphabet. The inscriptions on the walls of Moorish
edifices constitute no inconsiderable part of their
choicest ornamentation. Those of the Peninsula are
principally devoted to mottoes of a religious nature
or to legends illustrating the grandeur and munifi-
cence of the sovereign. In some instances, a poem,
evidently composed for the purpose, and celebrating
the virtues of the prince or the beauty of the building
it adorned, glittered upon the panelled walls or encir-
568 History of the
ded the apartment with characters of living fire. The
square Cufic letters used in the first buildings of the
khalif ate were eventually superseded by the graceful
curves of the Neshki, of African script which is seen
in all its perfection in the Alhambra. So admirably
are these characters, adapted to the purposes of deco-
ration that Spanish and Italian workmen, ignorant of
their significance and supposing them to be arabesques,
have frequently inserted Koranic inscriptions among
the carvings of Christian churches; and it is said that
they are even to be seen upon the proud facade of
St, Peter's at Rome. What a circumstance of exqui-
site irony it would be, as a French writer pertinently
suggests, if, over the portal of the grandest temple
of Christendom, the fountain of trinitarian orthodoxy,
the stronghold of Catholicism, the seat of the infallible
Vicar of Christ, should be found inscribed the Moham-
medan declaration of faith proclaiming the mission of
the Arabian Prophet and the unity of Godl
The colors most affected by the Spanish-Moslem in
his interior decorations were vermilion and ultra-
marine, both esteemed by artists as much for durability
as for brilliancy; and the permanence of those used
by the Moors of Granada, whose vitid tints have been
perfectly preserved through the lapse of ages, attest
their extraordinary purity and excellence. While
these remained the basis of artistic coloring, others —
such as green, black, yellow, and purple — ^were spar-
ingly employed, excepting in the mosaics, which blaze
with a mingled mass of gorgeous hues.
No feature of Moslem civilization has lingered
more persistently in the Peninsula than its architec-
ture. The scanty knowledge of the Visigothic builder
was swept away by the Conquest. The pride of the
Castilian, bred to arms and incompetent by education
and experience, revolted at the restraints and drudgery
incident to such an occupation. As a result, Arabic
MooBiSH Emfibe in Eubofe 569
artisans constructed most of the edifices erected for
years after the fall of the Saracen power, and the pre-
dominance of their artistic ideas gave rise to a new
style called Mudejar, whose creations are often diffi-
cult to distinguish from those of the original Moorish
order. No more flattering tribute can be paid to their
accomplishments than the circumstance that no class
of buildings profited so much by their talents as
those erected under the auspices of the Church. After
the capture of Cordova by the Castilians, Moorish
masons and carpenters were compelled to work for a
specified period every year on these sacred structures,
in consideration of which they were exempted from
the payment of taxes. Turbaned artificers, vassals
of the clergy, assisted in the construction of some of
the noblest piles of the Peninsula; the walls of great
monasteries, the windows of lofty spires, exhibit the
engrailed and horseshoe arches of the Moor; his skill
was exercised in the chiselling of tiie intricate designs
which cover the fronts of magnificent cathedrals; a
chapel in the grand metropolitan church of Toledo, the
seat of the Primate of Spain, which dates from the
thirteenth century, is a beautiful specimen of Mudejar
art. This influence is also apparent in many of the
finest ecclesiastical edifices of France, — ^in the churches
of Maguelonne, in the cathedral of Puy, and in the
ancient abbeys of Provence and Languedoc. It is
said by Dulaure, in his " Histoire de Paris,'* that
Moorish architects assisted in the construction of
Notre Dame.
The absence of all remains of sepulchral architec-
ture dating from the Mohammedan period deprives
posterity of one of the most reliable standards by
which the customs, the sentiments, and the character-
istics of a nation may be determined. In common with
all Semitic races, the Arabs seldom reared imposing
monuments to the dead. No trace of a tomb which
fi70 HI8TOAY OF THB
enclosed the body of any of the Ommeyade khalif s
has been discovered; the very place of their erection
was lost in the tempest of ruin which accompanied
the Almoravide conquest. The few existing in the
Alhambra were simple marble sarcophagi, without
ornament, upon whose lids were sculptured long in-
scriptions in letters of gold on a ground of blue.
Of these slabs but one remains, for the tombs, aban*
doned to the curiosity of the rabble when Granada
was taken, perished, and the bones of the princes who
had illumined all Europe by their genius and learning
were unceremoniously cast outside the waUs.
Deprived to a great extent of the artistic resources
to be obtained from the representation of the forms
of animal life, the Moslem utilized with unrivalled
skill the segments of geometrical figures and tlie
graceful foliage of the vegetable world for the mani-
fold purposes of decoration. Every line in the com-
plex designs of mosaic is the side or the curve of a
polygon, a circle, or an ellipse; the eminently beautiful
domes of wood and of stucco were suggested by the
symmetrical productions of nature, — ^the hemispheri-
cal were modelled after the section of an orange, by
which name they were known to the Arab; the stalac-
titic were striking adaptations of the pomegranate
divested of its seeds. The arabesques are but repro-
ductions of vines and tendrils combined in wonder-
ful mazes of tracery; the lotus, that sacred emblem
of India and Egypt whose mysterious significance was
long a secret of the sacerdotal office, is sculptured
upon panel, cornice, and capital; the rose nestles
amidst the entwined ornamentation of the walls; the
frondage of the palm is simulated by the sweeping
arches which cross and intersect like the drooping
branches of the date-forests of the Nile. By other
classes of natural and inanimate objects, by the jewels
of the firmament, and by the denizens of the sea, was
Moorish Emfixe m Eubofe 671
contributed the inspiration that imparted to ardiitee-
tural adornment its choicest forms of elegance and
beauty. The great marble shell, fifteen feet in diam-
eter and carved from a single block, which covers the
sanctuary of the Mosque of Cordova, is one of the
most curious and highly finished works that ever pro-
ceeded from the chisel of the Moslem sculptor. Its
fidelity to nature, its perfect proportions, the striking
position it occupies, render it one of the most interest-
ing objects in the ancient temple whose holy of holies
it embellishes. Stars are scattered in endless profu-
sion throughout the Alhambra; in the centre of
mosaic designs; through the belts of floral patterns
which encompass the halls; in the lofty ceilings,
where in the uncertain light their golden lustre re-
calls the sparkle of their originals on the spotless
ground of the Southern heavens.
The painted windows, sparingly distributed in
buildings erected by the jealous Moslem, were yet
one of their most enchanting and characteristic fea-
tures. No trace of them appears in the constructions
of the khalifate; their existence during the age of
transition is a matter of conjecture; and it is only
in the last half of the final period of Hispano-Arab
architecture that this art attained its highest develop-
ment. The labors of the Gothic artist, have from time
immemorial been celebrated as the most perfect of
their kind; and the jewelled designs whose tints illu-
mine the aisles of mediaeval cathedrals would seem to
be of incomparable brilliancy of color and harmony
of effect. And yet competent judges have pro-
nounced that these superb works were rivalled, if not
surpassed, by the rich and elegant combinations of
Arabian genius. There is no reason to believe that the
execution of the windows was inferior in beauty to
the decoration of the walls; the same dexterity of
hand, accuracy of eye, and correctness of taste must
572 HiSTOST OF THE
have presided over both; and a glaring deficiency in
any prominent part must have been prejudicial to
all. The patience which was not exhausted by years
of toil upon an object intended for the uses of the
harem, and to be seen by comparatively few, would
not be likely to neglect the designs whose gorgeous
hues were a principal attraction of the palace, the
ornament and the glory of the capital. The stained
glass employed was of every color, and corresponded
in pattern with the arabesques of the interiors; and
the blazons and devices of royalty disposed at intervals
through the mass of ornament reminded the observer
of the greatness of the monarch under whose auspices
the work was completed. The exquisite charm of
these efi^ects when combined with those of the walls
and cupolas must be imagined, for no description can
convey an adequate idea of their surpassing excellence.
Such was the rise, the progress, tiie culmination of
architectural construction and embellishment in the
states of Mohanmiedan Spain. The modifications —
dependent upon economic conditions, upon wide and
varied acquaintance with the masterpieces of other
races, upon the development of more correct concep-
tions of the harmonious and the beautiful — ^whicfa
were imdergone by this branch of the arts are more
pronounced than is usually noticeable in the material
and intellectual progress of a people from a state of
barbarism to the highest point in the scale, of civiliza-
tion. The character of the Arab is, however, anoma-
lous, independent of precedent, and apparently sub-
ject to few of those laws whose operation prescribes
the career and fixes the ultimate fate of nations. The
simplicity of form and comparative absence of deco-
ration characteristic of a nomadic race are conspicuous
in its first great architectural achievement, — ^a temple
dedicated to the unity of God. In glaring contrast
appears the culminating efi^ort of its labors, a palace
MooBiSH Empibe in Eusofe 578
reared for the purposes of voluptuous indulgence,
where even the principles of durable construction were
apparently sacrificed to the pomp and prodigality of
excessive adornment, a precursor of impending dis-
solution, an unmistakable indication of decadence.
Thus the Arabs, like all races that preceded them,
have recorded their deeds in the forms and inscrip-
tions of their architectural monuments; permanent
registers of the grandeur and depth of religious sen-
timent; suggestive memorials of proficiency in the
arts of peace; potent manifestations of national
genius, energy, and culture.
The artistic tastes of the Moslems, always largely
controlled by pious considerations, were displayed,
not only in the construction of splendid edifices, but
in the embellishment of their most common accessories.
The well-curbs, cylinders of marble or of enamelled
pottery, girdled with raised inscriptions in gold and
originally placed in court-yards, are examples of the
persistence of Oriental tradition as well as of the
reverence with which the Arab regarded that element
which was the most precious treasure of the Desert.
The use of water for the piu*poses of ceremonial
lustration is a custom of unknown antiquity. It was
constantly employed in the sacerdotal mysteries of
Egypt, India, Persia. The inhabitants of those coun-
tries venerated it as representing an active force in
their systems of cosmogony. The Egyptians wor-
shipped the Nile; the Hindus still sacrifice to the
Ganges. By the former the rare geological formation
of water crystals was regarded with peculiar rever-
ence, because the drops thus mysteriously inclosed in
their transparent envelope were believed to be spirits
imprisoned by divine agency. In the traditions of
Phoenicia the sacredness of springs was continually
referred to; the Greeks assigned to each element a
place in Olympus; the superstitious Roman sculp-
574 HlSTORT OF THE
tured his well-curbs with scenes of mythology or with
graceful garlands of flowers. No nation of an-
tiquity, however, ascribed such extraordinary impor-
tance to the divine virtues of water as the Hebrews.
In the time of Abraham wells were regarded as of
peculiar sanctity. Their locality confirmed the sacred-
ness and obligation of an oath; it was a token of
alliance, a place of reconciliation for enemies, a sym-
bol which ratified and enforced the validity of con-
tracts. The only permanent characteristic recognized
by the nomadic Israelite was the possession of a well,
which established the residence and station of his tribe.
The sacred character which invested the sources of
water was intensified by the climatic conditions whidi
magnified its importance and increased its value. It
is not strange that the heat and drought of the Desert
should have imparted to that indispensable fluid some
of the beneficent attributes of Divine Power. The
unsettled state of tribal existence is attributable solely
to its scarcity. Its profusion was synonymous wili
fertility, prosperity, abimdance. Its prominence,
actual and symbolic, in the Jewish religious system
constantly recurs in the Bible. The Hebrews made
use of it on every important occasion, in every cere-
mony which called for the exercise of its mysterious
virtues. They sprinkled it over the victims of sacri-
fice. They purified themselves with it before entering
the precincts of the Temple. The veneration with
which they regarded its ceremonial usage was trans-
mitted to Christianity, which has consecrated its appli-
cation as a rite indispensable to salvation. The dis-
persion of the Jews by the Romans familiarized every
nation that received them with their customs, and not
a few adopted the latter after more or less modifica-
tion. Many of the fugitives settled in Yemen and
other parts of Arabia, where their influence subse-
quently played an important rdle in Hie formation of
Moorish Emfise in Eubofe 575
the creed of Mohammed, whose doctrines are so largely
of Hebrew and Christian derivation. From them
the Arabs absorbed many traditions centuries old,
which had been transmitted through numerous nations
to the credulous Jews, who thus became the deposi-
taries of all.
In the extensive and varied domain of tlie indus-
trial and the useful arts, Hispano-Arab genius devel-
oped no less grace and dexterity than in the conspicu-
ous and permanent creations of the architect. The
effect of Koranic restrictions was to impede all ad-
vance until the artisan evaded or openly disregarded
them. To the last, however, the universal prevalence
of that religious sentiment, which was at once the
incentive and the power of Islamism and inspired the
skill that designed even the most homely articles of
domestic use, as well as the exquisite ornaments of the
palace, was disclosed by all the products of Arabian
industry. Texts from the Koran were carved upon
the wooden stamps used by the baker. They formed
the bit of the key that unlocked the great door of
the castle. On swords and knives, on vases and thim-
bles, on garments and banners, on the massive brace-
lets of the rich, on the rudely fashioned but highly
treasured amulets of the poor, were engraved or em-
broidered legends of pious origin and significance.
These objects have for the greater part disappeared.
The prejudice fostered by centuries of imrelenting
hostility, tibe aversion entertained by the ministers of
an antagonistic and triumphant faith, have, as far as
human diligence could accomplish it, destroyed all the
smaller and more inconspicuous evidences of Moorish
civilization. The durability of their materials, the
excellence of their workmanship, and the multiplicity
of uses to which these articles were destined, would
imply that vast numbers of them would still be met
witib, especially in the old Moslem provinces of Spain.
576 HiSTOEY OF THE
But such is not the case. The hatred of the Spaniard
for everything Mohammedan extended even to the
inanimate objects on which his vanquished enemies
had exercised their skill, and which were at once sug-
gestive of heresy and, indirectly, of his own ignorance
and mechanical incapacity. It was the Christian cus-
todians of the Mosque of Cordova who broke to pieces
its magnificent pulpit and lectern for the jewels and
ivory they contained; it was Ximenes, one of the
greatest scholars of his time, who raised in the square
of Granada the funeral pyre of Arabic literature;
it was Philip II., the most powerful of [European
sovereigns and the worthy representative of his nation
and his age, who ordered every stone in Toledo which
bore an Arabic inscription to be destroyed. Much
perished by the African invasions and the bloody sedi-
tions which followed them. Many articles of gold
and silver, far more precious for their workmanship
tlian for their intrinsic value, were consigned by the
ignorant and the avaricious to the blow-pipe and the
crucible. In the face of such indiscriminate and sys-
tematic destruction, whose spirit even massive edifices
have not been able to withstand, it is not strange that
so few of the minor objects of general utility have
survived. Indeed, the work of ruin has been so thor-
ough that there are now many educated persons in
Spain who refuse to credit the artistic ability of the
Saracens, on account of the dearth of evidence pro-
duced by the instrumentality of their own ancestors.
Chief among the branches of mechanical industry
in which the Spanish Moors excelled was the treat-
ment of metals. The casting of bronze, especially in
large pieces, — an art requiring the greatest skill even
in our day, — ^they understood to perfection. The speci-
mens which have been preserved exhibit a smoothness
unusual in works of this description, and reveal no
subsequent finish with the burin or the file. Not only
Moorish Empire in Europe 577
statuary, but utensils for worship as well as for do-
mestic use — Clamps, censers, vases, knives, cups, and
hundreds of other articles — ^were produced by this
convenient process. Their ornamentation, especially
when they were destined for the service of the mosque,
was rich and graceful; interlaced with the arabesques
were pious mottoes and inscriptions; in some the
parts in relief were gilded. An exquisite Arab vase,
which tradition referred to the Crusades, but whidi
most probably derived its origin from the Mussul-
mans of Spain, was for several centuries used in the
baptismal ceremony of the infant princes of France.
The complete destruction of portable objects of the
Mohammedan period during tiie centuries of igno-
rance and fanaticism which followed the Reconquest
may be inferred from the non-existence of Moorish
lamps, necessarily one of the most conmion utensils
of both temple and habitation. It is a matter of
historic record that in the Great Mosque of Cordova
were suspended nearly two thousand; and, as there
were seven hundred other edifices devoted to the
worship of Islam in the Saracen metropolis, the num-
ber in use in that city was obviously immense, and the
total amount throughout the empire must have been
incalculable. And yet, of all these, not one is known
to have siurived uninjured. The so-called lamp of
the Alhambra, which was captured at the taking of
Oran and is supposed to have belonged to the mosque
of that palace, is the only remaining example of this
branch of Arab art once so flourishing, but which,
with innumerable others, disappeared forever with
the Castilian occupation. Their connection with the
detested worship of Mohammed no doubt supplied
the motive for this thorough annihilation.
Arabic lamps were of various metals, gold, silver,
copper, or bronze. They contained two or more
lights, placed one above the other, their rays being
Vcnu IIL-37
578 History of the
tempered by a polygonal screen, whose sides presmted
different patterns in arabesques cast or carved in the
metal, producing a charming effect from the illumi-
nation within. From the base usually hung four
spheres of open-work formed of lotus or palm leaves
and pomegranates, and which exhibited verses of
poetry or Koranic legends, — ^reminiscences of the
"knops and flowers" which were suspended from
each branch of the sacred candlestick in the Hebrew
Tabernacle. In addition to metals, glass of different
colors was frequently employed in these works of art,
whose exquisite finish constituted their greatest value.
The materials were almost always obtained from fhe
spoil of Christian churches, — from the gold and silver
vessels of the altar, from the candelabra and from the
bells, — ^trophies which gratified the piety of the Mos-
lem, and contributed in no small degree to the pride
and exultation of victory.
Accident or good fortune has preserved for the
examination of posterity a few of the numerous im-
ages which the Arab artists cast in bronze. Among
them are a lion and a gazelle, whose history cannot
be traced, but which the researdies of archaeology have
assigned to one of the simiptuous palaces which
adorned the suburbs of Cordova. These rare and
interesting evidences of Moslem dexterity no doubt
originally formed part of a fountain; they belong to
the most advanced period of the khalifate; the forms
are somewhat grotesque, but the mechanical execution
is not inferior in delicacy to that of the best examples
of the present age. Cufic legends are inscribed upon
them, and there are indications that their eyes were
formed of precious stones, as was the custom in Moor-
ish Spain.
The frequent recurrence of the lion among ihe
sculptures of Moslem civilization attests the symbolie
importance with which that animal was regarded by
Moorish Empire in Europe 579
those whose religion prohibited the representation of
every species of animal life. In Arabic tradition that
royal beast had acquired an important, almost a
sacred, significance. With the eagle, it had been as-
signed a place in the eighth heaven of the Moham-
medan faith. From the earliest ages its strength and
ferocity had awakened the awe of the superstitious
and imperfectly protected tribes of the Desert. It
was recognized as the representative of power; the
emblem of energy, nobility, and courage. With the
Spanish Arabs, these sentiments of fear and respect
were intensified by considerations of policy, custom,
and tradition. In the enchanting gardens of palaces
reared by the greatest khalif s stood bronze statues of
lions with eyes of rubies and emeralds. They were
the supporters of the arms of the Nazerite kings.
Their marble efBgies guarded the entrance to the royal
mint. In the famous court of the Alhambra, they
replaced the twelve oxen that sustained the brazen
laver of Solomon, of which the fountain of that palace
is an unitation. The Moslem princes of the Penin-
sula gloried in the title of " Lion of Battle.*' Arabic
tradition was in time confirmed and strengthened by
the influx of Persian ideas through constant inter-
course with the Orient, where the lion was a symbol
of the Principle of G!ood.
The art of damascening metals was, as the name
itself implies, of Syrian origin, and was practised as
eariy as the twelftii century. In its application to
arms and armor the Moorish artificers of Spain had
no superiors. .Exquisite specimens of their skill have
descended to *our time, not only in helmets and cui-
rasses,— ^trophies of many a bloody field, — ^but in the
suits eagerly sought after in intervals of peace by
the knights of Christian Europe. The arms forged
upon the Tagus» whose waters, it was supposed, pos-
sessed some peculiar property that imparted an un-
580 HiSTOBY OF THE
rivalled temper to blades of steel, were famous even
during the Visigothic domination* Under tiie Moors,
however, the weapons that issued from the armories
of that ancient city attained their greatest excellence
and reputation. Toledo did not by any means enjoy
a monopoly of this manufacture, which was carried
on with great success in many other towns; the swords
of Seville especially enjoyed a wide and deserved
celebrity. This chosen weapon of the Arab was cher-
ished with pecular pride and fondness. Upon its hilt
and scabbard were lavished the finest efforts of the
enameller's and the jeweller's art. The temper of
its blade was of such perfection that an iron rod could
be easily cloven without its edge exhibiting the sli^t-
est blemish. Broad and heavy, as was required by Uie
rough usage they were destined to undergo, these
weapons were curiously wrought with gold and silver
tracery, alternating with quaint or pious inscriptions.
No nation excelled the Spanish Moslems in the costly
and exquisite adornment of their arms. The hilts
were not infrequently of massy gold enriched with
many colored enamels and set with gems. The scab-
bards, of purple or scarlet velvet, glittered with fili-
greed and jewelled mountings. Of most capricious
forms were the guards, sometimes representing the
heads of elephants or dragons, at others carved in
ovals, globes, and crosses; always inlaid with ara-
besques of the precious metals, representing floral
designs and intricate geometrical figures, with the
omnipresent legend, suggestive of the unquenchable
fervor of the Moslem faith.
The peculiar veneration with which the Hispano-
Arab regarded his favorite weapon is thus disclosed
by the beauty and excellence of its form and materials
and by the sacred texts inscribed upon its blade.
Many considerations contributed to invest the sword
with a religious character, and to enhance its moral
Moorish Emfibe in Eusofs 581
influence as well as its material value. Its adoption
was intimately connected with the most cherished asso-
ciations of the Arab race. Its use was derived from
the Hebrews, that nation of common ancestry, mode
of life, and historical traditions. It was carried by
the cherubim who guarded the gates of Paradise.
The Khalif Ali, the son-in-law of Mohanuned, whose
valor was proverbial, rejoiced in the appellation of
the " Sword of God." Although not a weapon
adapted to the desultory warfare of a nomadic peo-
ple, it had won the victories of Islam from the Pyre-
nees to the Himalayas, from the Oxus to the equator.
It had established the prowess of the champion of the
tribe in many a chivalric encounter before the cameFs-
hair tents grouped in the unbroken solitude of the
Desert. Its manufacture, perfected at Damascus, had
travelled to the Spanish Peninsula in the train of the
Ommeyade partisans, who sought protection and
honor under the beneficent rule of that famous dy-
nasty; and it was in Syria that Biblical and Koranic
tradition placed the forge of Tubal-Cain, the first of
smiths and armorers. Popular superstition imputed
to it many mysterious and talismanic attributes, such
as the emission of peculiar odors and the utterance of
a groan at the death of the owner. In the Arabic
language, as already stated, a thousand different
names are used to designate the sword, a fact which
indicates the significance attaching to this weapon,
ever in the hand of the warrior, as well as the infinite
capacity of. the idiom in which its varieties and its
qualities are expressed.
The last epoch of Moslem civilization was especially
remarkable for the ingenious processes and exquisite
workmanship developed in the fabrication of vitreous
mosaics and filigree jewelry. The Moorish craftsmen
understood the difficult art of encrusting metals with
various crystals and artificial stones; their enamels
582 HlBTOBT OF THE
were of every color and of exceeding fineness; llieir
goldsmiths had acquired such dexterity that they could
make a single grain of that metal, beaten into a sheet,
cover a space of fifty-six square inches. Their
wares, originally Byzantine in style, kept pace witii
the progress of other branches of artistic industry,
and, before the close of their domination, were not
inferior in any respect to those made in Italy and
Gtermany four centuries afterwards.
In the glyptic art, as developed by the Spanish
Arabs, the inclination to the mysterious and the super-
natural, common to all members of the Semitic race,
f oimd full expression. The traditional' seal of Solo-
mon, whose wonderful power made the forces of
nature and the genii of tiie spirit world alike subser-
vient to his will, confirmed the hereditary belief of
the Moslem in amulets, charms, and talismans. The
device of that famous ring is variously supposed to
have been the ineffable name of God, or a star formed
by the combination of two equilateral triangles. Be
this as it may, its magical virtues were a part of the
creed of every uneducated Arab, in whose mind tiie
idolatrous and superstitious practices of Paganism
seemed ineradicable. The imaginary talismanic quali-
ties of certain stones — such as the camelian, the gar-
net, and the onyx — ^had far more connection with their
popular use than any passion for ornament or love
of display. Many were regarded as specifics for
various ailments, others were efficacious in averting the
malign influences of sorcery. The engraving of gems
conformed to the general principles and characteris-
tics of the arts as pursued by the Arabs. The process
of the cameo does not seem to have been adopted by
them, but the word itself, which does not exist in the
vocabularies of antiquity, would seem to be derived
from the Arabic kamh, meaning " Jiump'* or " pro-
jection." The name or monogram of the owner, a
Moorish Ekfibe in Eubope 588
Terse of the Koran, a wreath of entwined foliage, a
complex design of geometric lines and curves, these
were the sole objects upon which the talents of the
artist might be legitimately exercised. As in ancient
Egypt, when the name of Deity appeared in the
inscription, it was placed on the highest part of the
stone; and this concession to celestial dignity was
ohserved even in the signets of the proudest of sov-
ereigns. Here also artistic skill was greatly hampered
by the prohibition relating to the representation of
animal life, but no example of its violation in this
department of the arts is known to exist. The en-
graved stones of the Spanish Mohammedan period
are notable for the sharpness of their lines, the har-
mony of their patterns, and the grace and delicacy
of their ornamentation. Signets formed the greater
number, but amulets constituted no small part of the
productions of the Moorish lapidary. The hand, sym-
bolic of the five cardinal precepts of Islam, and the
heart, whose mystic influence is still tacitly recognized
even by Christian nations, were the favorite forms
in whidi objects of this kind were carved. These two
were considered as especially efficacious in counter-
acting the dreaded power of the evil-eye. The inscrip-
tion of the signet was not only a mark of the indi-
viduality of the owner, but indicated his piety by its
formulas from the Koran, a love of ostentation too
frequently a trait of the Arab character, and hardly
reconcilable with the constantly inculcated spirit of
religious humility. On the other hand, the more de-
vout Moslems were always accustomed to remove their
rings during the hour of prayer.
In none of the countries of Europe did the ceramic
art attain such excellence in materials, design, and
execution as in Mohammedan Spain. The conquest
of Africa was the first signal for its development, and
from that time its progress was steady and rapid.
584 History of the
The fragments of porcelain dating from the khali-
fate, while showing Byzantine features, reveal the
germs of that perfection of form and style which
characterize the vases of the latest period, when the
products of the potteries of Valencia and Malaga
were exported to the utmost limits of the commercial
world. Even the shattered specimens of unglazed
day that have come down to us are remarkable for
the symmetry of their lines, and suggest the finest
models of Grecian and Roman origin. The influence
of Persia — ^whose colonists settled at Granada, and
whose traditions exerted such a marked effect upon
the civilization of the Peninsula — ^is plainly discern-
ible in all the most elaborate efforts of the potter's
skill. Besides the island of Majorca, whose towns
were noted for their ceramic wares, eight cities of
Moorish Spain were engaged in this lucrative and
artistic branch of industry. Of these Malaga ranked
first; the extraordinary lustre by which her ceramics
were distinguished defied imitation. The peculiarity
of this pottery consisted in the brilliancy of the
enamels, into which one or more metals were intro-
duced in such a manner as not to interfere with its
transparency and yet to retain all the beautiful reflec-
tion to be obtained from a metallic surface. This
unique appearance has been supposed by some writers
to have been produced by alloys of different kinds, laid
in a stratum of almost inconceivable thinness upon
the bisque. By this means a play of colors, iridescent
in character, was obtained, whose brilliancy or soft-
ness was dependent upon the predominance of one
or the other of the metals employed. The glaze was
effected by the application of silicates. In this
method of decoration silver and copper were most
frequently used, along with those gorgeous colors
whose harmonious adaptation to ornament of every
description was so thoroughly understood by the
MooEiSH Empibe in Eubofe 586
Moorish artist. When the copper was united with
silver the latter diminished the intensity of lustre,
and produced the most superb effects. The com-
binations of different metals exhibited an indefinite
variety of beautiful hues, whose exquisite delicacy
could only be compared to the iris-like refraction of
mother-of-pearl. This singular process imparted the
double quality of transparency and distinctness of
coloring in a very hi^h degree, for, examined at an
angle and in a strong light, the sheen of the metallic
ingredients could be readily discerned, while at the
same time the tints which formed the base of the
ornamentation appeared with undiminished brilliancy
through the shining and transparent enamel. It is
scarcely necessary to observe that the finishing opera-
tions of these works of art demanded the greatest
skiU and experience.
The forms of the Hispano-Arab vases were sugges-
tive of those of the classic amphoras. Largest above
the centre, and tapering rapidly towards the base, they
were designed to be placed in metallic stands or upon
hollow wooden pedestals. Their curves were exceed-
ingly graceful, their decorations most profuse and
elaborate. The handles were large and massive; in
some instances covered with arabesques, in others rep-
resenting hands grasping human eyes, — ^talismans
against demoniac influence. The designs of the latter
were often radically different in the same vase, yet
they harmonized so perfectly with the work as a
whole that the closest inspection was required to detect
any want of resemblance. The colors most affected
by the Arab potter were blue, white, black, brown,
and yellow, and their dexterous and exquisite combi-
nations afford convincing proof of his remarkable
proficiency.
While this industry — probably originally derived
from Assyria and Egypt — ^was improved by the
586 HiSIOBT OF THE
Etruscans and brought to perfection by Greece and
Rome, it disappeared with the influx of the barbarians,
who trampled in the dust every token of European
civilization. Revived during the early years of the
khalif ate, its history is a record of continued improve-
ment
The traditions of the Orient, the models of an-
tiquity, the absorbing passion of the Persian for
flowers, were all adopted and perpetuated in Mo-
hammedan Spain. The beauties of the rose and the
tulip were celebrated alike by the poets of Andalusia
and Cashmere; and the national predilection for the
blossom of the latter is recalled by its appearance upon
the magnificent and unique vase of the Alhambra.
The Moorish potters did not restrict themselves to the
more brilliant colors ; they possessed also neutral tints,
and, by the skilful blendiSag of both, succeeded in
producing that perfect harmony of design and tone
which is perhaps the greatest charm of their artistic
efl'orts. They anticipated by three hundred years the
methods rediscovered by Palissy, which wrought sudi
a revolution in the manufacture of porcelain. The
Moorish secret of metallic enamelling is now com-
pletely lost, along with the pre-eminence once enjoyed
by Spain in every department of the ceramic art, and
few specimens of pottery of undoubted Arabic origin
remain. The royal ordinances published by Ferdi-
nand IV. and Charles V., at the instance of the
Inquisition, prohibited the possession of articles of
Moorish manufacture, and were, no doubt, directly
instrumental in causing the destruction of innumer-
able objects of priceless value, whose discovery might
result in the confiscation of property and a lingering
death by torture.
The mosaics which were such a prominent factor of
the architectural decoration of the Mohammedan
period constituted a notable branch of this important
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 587
industry* The use of vitrified materials in building
is an art of high antiquity. It was familiar to India,
China, Assyria, long anterior to the dawn of historical
narration. Glazed tiles were used in the palaces of
Chaldea twenty-three hundred years before the Chris-
tian era. They covered the interior walls of the pyra-
mid of Sakkarah, the oldest in Egypt. The frag-
mentary specimens found in the ruins of Assyrian
cities are identical in color with those preferred by
the Arabs. The Greeks employed them in the embel-
lishment of the temple of Theseus. They were adopted
by the Arabs in the construction of the tomb of Mo-
hammed. Among the Moors of Spain, the process
reached its greatest development, and the permanent
character which distinguishes it has preserved for the
admiration of modem times some of the most original
artistic effects wrought by the prolific genius of His-
pano-Arab civilization. Suggested by the Byzantine
mosaics, from which, however, it differed essentially
in material and design, it was never able to rival them
in splendor, although in durability it far surpassed
those rich and brilliant productions of the artists of
Constantinople. The patterns of the latter were
floral, those of the former geometrical. In the one,
the effects were produced by colors seen through mi-
nute cubes of glass; in the other, by intricate combi-
nations of opaque pieces of porcelain.
Like all articles manufactured in the Moorish pot-
teries of Spain, mosaics were subjected to a long and
tedious method of preparation. They underwent a
threefold baking process before and after painting
and when glazed. Metals were used in their compo-
sition, and in rare instances the peculiar iridescent
decoration for which Malaga was renowned was em-
ployed. The evident costliness of this must have
prevented its adoption, except in edifices of the great-
588 History of the
est importance, for no example of it exists even in
the Alhambra.
The fabrication of leathern hangings — ^whose sur-
face exhibited the play of many hues brightened witii
gold and silver — ^was early one of the specialties of
Cordovan industry, from which city it derived its
name. Superb effects must have been produced by
this curious tapestry, embossed and gilded, stamped
and embroidered with graceful arabesques, and sus-
pended between rich and capricious cornices of stucco
and dadoes blazing with a score of colors in mosaic
These elegant hangings find no counterpart in modem
decorative art save perhaps in the finest binding of a
book. Goatskins formed the material, but the process
by which they were prepared and ornamented passed
away from ihe Peninsula with the expulsion of the
Moriscoes, and its memory alone remains in the leather
of Morocco, the most valuable known to commerce.
In the perfection of their textile fabrics, the Span-
ish Moors demonstrated their infinite superiority to
aU contemporaneous nations. In other kingdoms of
Europe, silk was reserved for the use of royalty.
Constantinople alone, by reason of its relations witii
the Orient, was able to provide a limited supply of
this precious material. From Sicily the manufacture
had been introduced into Spain, and, as already men-
tioned, was the most lucrative industry of Granada in
the days of its greatest prosperity. After ihe elev-
enth century, in botii those countries all classes used
this fabric, elsewhere regarded as so valuable; the
garments of men and women of the middle dass of
Granada were made of it, as were also the uniforms
of the royal guards of Norman Palermo. The light-
ness and strength of these silks were remarkable, and
their beautiful ornamentation displayed to llie utmost
the finished efforts of the designer and the artisan.
The great Moslem banner captured at Ihe battle of
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 589
Las Navas de Tolosa and preserved in the Abbey of
Las Huelgas near Burgos is an elegant example of
tiie weaver's art Upon the ground of crimson silk
appear inscriptions, medallions, and interlacing
curves, interwoven in blue, white, green, and yellow.
The harmonious arrangement of these colors denotes
the exercise of the greatest taste and dexterity.
Throughout the maze of graceful designs the name
of Grod appears ibousands of times, emblazoned in
gold. In the patterns of the cloaks and robes of
royal personages, mingled with brilliantly tinted ara-
besques, rich floral embroidery, and formulas from
the Koran, appeared portraits of the owners, in the
colors of nature, depicted with consummate skill. The
tiraz, or tunic of Hischem II., preserved in the Mu-
seum of the Academy of History at Madrid, is the
only specimen of this branch of the textile fabrics for
which the khalifate of Spain was so celebrated now
to be found in the world.
Modem science with all its improvements has never
been able to equal in strength and delicacy of texture
the products of the Moorish looms of the Peninsula.
The extraordinary permanence of the dyes employed
in these fabrics constitutes one of their best established
claims to superior excellence. Of the few examples
which have survived the revolutions of ages, little, if
any, diminution of brilliancy in color is discernible.
In this department of industry, also, Asiatic influence,
traiismitted successively through Byzantine and Sicil-
ian channels, was disclosed in the manufactures of
Mohammedan Spain, a country whose life and tra-
ditions have bequeathed to our times so many im-
pressive reminiscences of the luxurious Orient. In
numerous other fields of industry was the artistic
and inventive spirit of the Hispano-Arab artisan
developed, — in damascened treasure-chests of iron and
steel, the complicated structure of whose locks is the
500 HiSTOST OF THE
wonder of ilie mechanic of to-day; in furniture, inlaid
with precious and aromatic woods, and embellished
with ebony, tortoise-shell, and pearl; in gem-incrusted
caskets of ivory and onyx which Christian supersti-
tion has not deemed unworthy to enshrine the relics
of her saints; in manuscripts, upon whose bindings
fortunes were lavished, embossed with jewels, glitter-
ing with silver, lapis-lazuli, malachite, and gold.
The art of calligraphy, so greatly appredated by
the Arabs that it was styled The Gk)lden Profession,
and in which the Spanish Moslems acquired extraordi-
nary proficiency, was developed, under the Khalif ates
of both the East and West, to a condition of almost
absolute perfection. Before the invention of paper,
their parchments exhibited a luxury which far sur-
passed that of the Byzantines, until that time the
most renowned calligraphists in the world. The skins
they used had a groimd of gold or silver or were dyed
of various colors, — scarlet, green, purple, blue, and
black; their lustre was so great that they reflected
light like the polished surface of a mirror. Their
inks were also of many kinds; their brilliancy and
durability exceeded those of any known to modem
manufacture; the writing in distinctness, accuracy of
alignment, and elegance — ^accomplishments in winA
the Mussulmans of Spain, who wrote a peculiarly
graceful hand, excelled all the other nations of Islam
— ^rivalled the most finished labors of the compositor;
in epistles and documents destined for royidty like
characters were written in liquid gold. The manu-
scripts were enriched with illuminations, an art wfaidi,
carried into France and Italy, was subsequently bor-
rowed by the mediaeval monks, whose missals repre-
sent the highest, and, indeed, almost the sole, artistic
manifestations of their time. The designs of the
Arabs were not only geometric, floral, and grotesque,
lliey included medallion portraits and representations
Moorish Empire in Eubofe 591
of men and animals delineated with astonishing skill.
These products of Moorish talent and ingenuity
have, so far as is known at present, entirely perished;
their curiously wrought borders, without the mysteri-
ous and unintelligible script which was supposed to
contain formulas for the invocation of evil spirits,
were alone sufficient to proscribe them.
The knowledge of the various mechanical processes
referred to in this chapter — ^methods by which the
artistic conceptions of Arabic genius were endowed
with form and stability — ^has absolutely vanished.
Not only is this the fact, but even all tangible evi-
dences, upon whose existence was dependent the
reputation for proverbial dexterity enjoyed by the
Moorish artisan, have been destroyed, and we are
forced to rely for their enumeration and character
upon the vague and imperfect accounts of ill-informed
and often unfriendly historians. In the eyes of the
fanatic Castilian, everjrthing derived from Moslem
sources was necessarily tainted with heresy. The
articles of luxury displayed in such profusion by the
vanquished were indisputable proofs of mental supe-
riority, and, as such, offensive to his pride. He de-
nounced the splendidly bound and embossed volumes
of the libraries as magic scrolls, whose contents should
be regarded by good Christians with every demon-
stration of aversion and contempt. The mysterious
and unfamiliar characters of the Arabic alphabet
assumed in his superstitious eyes the symbols of witch-
craft, sorcery, and incantation. He hastened to pro-
hibit the use or preservation of the souvenirs of Mos-
lem culture and power by sumptuary laws, whose
provisions were enforced by every resource of original
and ingenious cruelty. In the estimation of the clergy,
Mohammedanism, blasphemy, and scientific knowledge
were, to all intents and purposes, synonymous terms.
Without taste to admire or capacity to emulate the
502 HlfiTOBT OF THE
achievements of Arabian skill, alike inestimable for
their variety and excellence, they could at least anni-
hilate the material evidences of that civilization whose
monuments were at once an open challenge and a
secret reproach. How thoroughly this congenial task
was performed has been described in these pages. No
people mentioned in history who rose to eminence in
the various arts that contribute to national glory or
domestic happiness have left behind them so few
memorials upon which their title to superiority can be
founded. But while the architectural remains have
been defaced and destroyed, tibe libraries abandoned
to the flames, the mechanical processes that gave to
the world artistic results unrivalled in that age and
unapproached in this, have been neglected and for-
gotten, priceless treasures, representing years of in-
dustry, broken to pieces for the sake of tiie materials
of which they were composed, tens of thousands of
skilful artisans exiled, plundered, murdered, there still
remained in the public mind the impression insensibly
produced by contact with a race of superior attain-
ments, which, in its turn, was destined to form ihe
germ of a new and far more widely extended civili-
zation.
Africa, despite its innate barbarism, exercised some
influence on the arts in Spain. As the Moslem con-
quest was planned in that country, so it subsequently
became the avenue by which ardhitectural and artistic
ideas were transmitted to the people of the Peninsula,
many of whom were natives of its soil. By the latter,
still imder the spell of Ommeyade culture and tradi-
tions, the crude, robust, and semi-barbaric conceptions
of Mauritania were, however, soon refined and im-
proved beyond recognition. The door of the Mosque
of the Aljaferia at Saragossa, and an arch in the
Cathedral of Tarragona, are almost the only remain-
ing examples of the primitive African style. The
Moorish Emfibe m EtntoFS 598
Almohade princes made a more distinct and perma-
nent impression on architecture lihan any sovereigns
who had preceded them. They introduced many novel
and striking features in exterior miu*al ornamentation.
They were the first to make use of the raised terra-
cotta work, the graceful festoons, the glazed bricks
of many colors, which render the Qiralda of Seville
the most elaborate and majestic tower ever reared by
the hand of an architect. While the largest and most
superb, this magnificent minaret had yet many coun-
terparts, in all but size, throughout the provinces of
Moorish Spain. Those attached to the mosques of
Toledo, Valencia, and Almeria were but little inferior
to it in elegance. Their promifience, and the uses to
which they were destined, were sufficient to insure their
early demolition. The modified African style differed
from that of the khalif ate in that it was more florid
than graceful, and exhibited a barbaric love of pomp
rather than an inclination to observe the principles of
good taste and just architectural proportion.
The artistic relics of a people are the surest criterion
of its manual dexterity, its material progress, its in-
tellectual culture. The paucity of souvenirs relating
to the Hispano-Arab period has in certain quarters,
as already mentioned, raised serious doubts as to the
claim of that race to mediaeval supremacy.
The same skepticism as to the influence of the liter-
ary and philosophical principles adopted and promul-
gated by the Mohammedans of Spain prevailed for
centuries. After a closer acquaintance with the edu-
cational facilities they possessed, the scientific methods
they employed, the intimate mercantile relations they
established with every state accessible to commerce, the
extent of that influence becomes strikingly apparent.
Even among the descendants of the conqueror, bound
by faith and tradition to eternal hostility, it was, and
is still, manifested in a thousand forms. There is to-
VoL. III.-58
594 HiSTOBT OF THE
day in the Spaniard far more of the romantic and
artistic temperament of the Saracen, whose blood is
a reproach, than of the sullen ferocity of the Goth,
whose lineage is the glory of Castilian ancestry. Rem-
iniscences of that domination whidi seven c^itories
of warfare were required to overtim>w survive in the
forms and omanientation of garments; in the terms,
the construction and the pronimdation of language;
in the crude imitation of mosaic effects; in the florid
sculpture of magnificent cathedrals. In other coun-
tries of Southern Europe, their traces, while not so
marked or general, are none the less distinguishable;
Moorish customs •and traditions, eminently conge-
nial to the national disposition of Gaul and Latin,
reacted strongly upon tiie literary and social life of
France and Italy. In the latter country the glowing
artistic conceptions of the Arab speedily succumbed
to the onmipresent examples of classic genius; in
France they were somewhat more persistent; in both
countries they exercised no unimportant influence in
the suppression of barbarism, in the promotion of
efforts that tend to the material improvement of
society, in the cultivation of politeness, in the revival
of letters.
Moorish Empibb in Eubofe 595
CHAPTER XXX
AOBICULTUBE, MAKUFACTXntES, AND COMMERCE OF
THE EUROPEAN MOSLEMS. THEIR MANNERS, CUS-
TOMS, AND AMUSEMENTS
750-1609
Disappearance of the Memorials of Arab* Civilisation — ^Agricul-
tural System of the Spanish Moors — Its Wonderful Per-
fection— Irrigating Apparatus — ^The Tribunal of the Waters
— The Works of Ibn-al-Awam — Universal Cultivation of
the Soil — Mineral Resources of the Peninsula — Manufac-
tures— ^The Great Moslem Emporiums of the Mediterranean
— Commerce — Its Extensive Ramificati9ns — Articles of
Traffic — Commercial Prosperity of Sicily — The Magnetic
Needle — Gunpowder and Artillery — ^War — Coinage — Char-
acteristics of the Khalifs — Demoralization of the People —
The Bath — General Prevalence of Superstition — Social Life
of the Moslems of Europe — Privileges of Women — Polyg-
amy and Morals — Slavery — ^Amusements — The Game of
Chess — Other Pastimes — Dances — Music — Equestrian
Sports — The Bull-Fight— The Tilt of Reeds— The Course
of the Rings — Hawking — Peculiarities of Hispano-Arab
Civilisation — The Crusades — Their Effect on Christendom
— Unrivalled Achievements of the Moors in Europe —
Conclusion.
In all the vast domain of historical inquiry there
is probably no subject which has been treated with
such studied neglect, with such flagrant injustice, as
the civilization of the Arabs in the Spanish Penin-
sula. Its story has been written in the majority of
instances by tiie implacable enemies of those who
founded and promoted it. Theological hatred has
lent its potent aid to the prejudice of race and the
eavj arising from conscious inferiority to deny or
596 HiSTOBY OF THE
belittle its achievements. The greatest of MooriA
princes have been represented by zealous but malig-
nant churchmen as barbarians, persecutors, idolaters.
The accumulated wisdom and labor of centuries mani-
fested in rare copies of the literary treasures of an-
tiquity, chronicles descriptive of epochs now veiled
in hopeless obsciuity, elegant productions of the most
accomplished poets of Cordova and Seville, innumer-
able treatises of mathematical and physical science,
have been consigned to the flames by ignorant prel-
ates, who regarded these precious works as copies
of the Koran or works on magic and necromancy.
Others, which the negligence of clerical enmity per-
mitted to escape for the time, were subsequently
ruined by damp, by insects, by accidental con^agra-
tion. The carelessness of inappredative governments,
aided by the stupidity of the masses and the innate
levelling tendencies of the imeducated, the invasions
of foreign armies and the vicissitudes of revolution,
have wrought the partial or complete destruction of
many of the noblest monuments of architectural gen-
ius that ever illustrated the history of any people.
The dejSled ruins of mosque and palace, the mutilated
fragments of products of the industrial arts whose
form and materials indicate the highest degree of me-
chanical knowledge and classical culture, the remains
of that wonderful system of irrigation, whose per-
fection was the secret of Moorish prosperity and opu-
lence, constitute almost all the remaining data by
whose aid we may attempt to picture the splendors and
the glory of the mighty Khalifate of the West. No
just idea of the greatness and power of the Peninsula
imder the Onmieyade sovereigns can be formed from
the present condition of even those states whose in-
habitants in physical aspect, mental disposition, man-
ners, habits, and industry have preserved, in a striking
degree, the characteristics of their Mohammedan pro-
genitors.
MooEisH Empibs in Europe 597
^ It has been happily remarked that '" facts are the
mere dross of history." The rise and fall of dynas-
ties, the evolutions of armies, the recital of battles,
sieges, and skirmishes, the enumeration of captives
and booty, the exultation of the victor, the distress of
the vanquished, the crimes and excesses engendered
by sedition, have, it is true, in all periods of the world,
been considered the most important, often the only,
subjects worthy of historical narration. These, how-
ever, are but the manifestations of conditions upon
which are dependent all tliat is valuable and all that
is instructive in the noble science which depicts the
occurrences of past ages. The true interest and utility
of that science, the benefits to be derived from the
lessons it teaches, the warnings pronounced by the tri-
umphs or the disgrace of its heroes, the application
of principles by which universal prosperity may be
advanced and national disaster dimini^ed or wholly
averted, are not usually apparent to the superficial
and careless observer. They are to be laboriously
traced in the analysis of the incentives of human
actions; in the gradual development of schemes of
ambition; in the contention of religious sects for
political supremacy; in the exhibition of the preju-
dices, the foibles, the superstitions of mankind; in the
incessant mutations of social life; in the delineation
of manners. No event is too trivial, no custom too
unimportant for notice, which, by even its most remote
consequences, may serve to disclose the motives of a
government or illustrate the policy of a nation. The
prevalence of certain habits, the existence of certain
inclinations are often of more weight in determining
the career of a people than the fortunate issue of a
campaign or the disastrous result of a revolution.
It is in the chronicle of prosaic, every-day existence
that we must search for the origin of momentous
events, that we must study the philosophy of history.
698 History of thx
One great cause of the phenomenally rapid estab-
lishment of Islam was polygamy, which absolutely
confiscated the means of racial propagation. Moham-
med, like Moses and all other ancient lawgivers, recog-
nized and inculcated the supreme importance of the
increase of mankind, — ^a principle on which was
founded Phallic Worship as well as the widely dif-
fused practice of Communal Marriage. The vast
power of its empire was dependent upon tiie culture
of the soil and the marketing of the products of labor,
in which no people were more successful than the
Arabs. Its decline is attributable to the many inherent
faults of its political and religious organization; to
the uncertain course of royal succession; to the
implacable spirit of tribal enmity whidi survived and *
dominated every other feeling; to the inevitable want
of harmonious co-operation existing between the nu-
merous and conflicting elements representing a «core
of nations governed by force; to the treasonable
sdiemes of zealots, envious of the consideration ex-
tended to literary merit; to the social corruption inci-
dent to a society abandoned to boundless prodigality,
vice, and luxury.
The agricultural system of tiie Spanish Moham-
medans, who understood the soil and the resources of
their country better than any nation that has ever
inhabited it, was the most complex, the most scientific,
the most perfect, ever devised by the ingenuity of
man. Its principles were derived from the extreme
Orient, from the plains of Mesopotamia, and from
the valley of the Nile, — ^those gardens of the ancient
world where, centuries before the dawn of authentic
history, the cultivation of the eartih had been carried
to a state of extraordinary excellence. To the
knowledge thus appropriated were added the results
obtained from investigation and experiment; from
the introduction of foreign plants; from the adoption
Moorish Empibb m Europe 599
of fertilizing substances; from dose and intelligent
observation of the effects of geographical distribution
and climatic influence.
The statesmanlike policy pursued by the khalifs
was productive of incalcidable advantage to every
branch of agriculture. As previously stated, accom-
plished botanists, provided with unlimited f imds, were
regularly despatdied to the most fertile regions of
the East, — ^to Egypt, Mesopotamia, Hindustan, —
under instructions to collect seeds of useful plants
and fruits for experimental cultivation in the royal
demesnes. There is scarcely a country in the tem-
perate zone to-day which has attained to even a mod-
erate degree of civilization, whose inhabitants are not
the beneficiaries of this zeal for agricultural improve-
ment constantly manifested by the sovereigns of
Moorish Spain, nor one, unhappily, which is willing
to even reluctantly concede to those entitled to the
gratitude of nations csedit for that progressive spirit
which has contributed so essentially to the physical
well-being and advancement of mankind.
The divine origin assigned to agriculture by Arabic
as well as by Persian tradition had almost as much
to do with its development as the imperative neces-
sity which demanded its practice. The rural economy
of every people was diligently explored for advan-
tageous suggestions by the Moors of the Peninsula.
Their tastes, although the pursuits of their ancestors
were pastoral and manual labor of every description
is distasteful to a nomadic and predatory race, seemed
to adapt themselves at once to the circumstances of
their new environment. Their progress in that science
is not less striking than the rapid succession of their
military triumphs. No nation in so short a period
achieved such extensive and important conquests. No
people so quietly abandoned the excitements result-
ing from tiie profession of arms and embraced the
600 HiSIOBY OF THE
toils of a sedentary life as the Arabs of the Peninsula.
No sooner did they change their mode of existence
than they began to excel in the new pursuits to which
they devoted themselves. Many inducements were
afforded by the cultivation of the soil, whose results,
despite its hardships, seemed to more than eoimter-
balance the benefits to be derived from life in large
communities. The Koran declared it to be especially
meritorious. The air of the country, like the atmos-
phere of the Desert, seemed congenial to indepen-
dence. The vast estates acquired by the followers of
Musa, their wealth, and the social superiority which
they assumed, did much to incite others to emulate
their example.' In villages and on plantations larger
harems could be maintained, and more numerous
families could be reared than in cities, — considerations
of great weight in the mind of the luxurious and am-
bitious Moslem. Every encouragement was afforded
by a succession of wise and generous rulers to those
who embraced an agricultural life. A considerable
portion of the country which had never been subjected
to tillage because of its aridity became suddenly meta-
morphosed, as if by the wand of an enchanter. Bar-
ren valleys were transferred into flourishing orchards
of olives, oranges, figs, and pomegranates. Rocky
slopes were covered with verdant terraces. In dis-
tricts where, according to ancient tradition, no water
had ever been seen, now flowed noisy rivulets and
broad canals. Where marshes existed, the rich lands
they concealed were drained, reclaimed, and placed
under thorough cultivation. On all sides were visible
the works of the hydraulic engineer, — ^which supplied
the necessary moisture to the flelds by every device
then known to human skill, — ^the reservoir, the well, the
sluice, the tunnel, the siphon, the aqueduct. The in-
genuity of the Moors improved methods of terrestrial
culture, for centuries regarded as perfect by many
MooBisH Empire in Eubofe 601
highly civilized nations. They adopted and extended
the irrigating system of Egypt. They appropriated
the Persian wheel, which, with the rows of jars on
its periphery arid propelled by cattle, served as a
pump; or, driven by the rapid current of streams, dis-
tributed the waters of the latter through lands of
higher level. Some of these wheels were very large,
not infrequently attaining a diameter of seventy feet;
one at Toledo was ninety cubits high. Their number
was immense; within an area of a few square leagues
five hundred might often be coimted. Fields were
surveyed and grades ascertained by means of the as-
trolabe.. The public works constructed .for irrigating
purposes were on a gigantic scale. The artificial basin
near Alicante, elliptical in shape, is three miles ip cir-
cumference and fifty feet deep; the dam at Elche is
two hundred and sixty-four feet long, fifty-two feet
high, and a hundred and fifty feet wide at the bottom ;
that over the Segura, near Murda, is seven himdred
and sixty feet long and thirty-six feet in height. The
aqueduct at Manesis, in Valencia, is seven hundred and
twenty feet long, and is supported by twenty-eight
arches. The principle of the siphon, familiar to the
Arabs eight hundred years before it was known in
France, was utilized to a remarkable degree in the
Moorish hydraulic system. The length of the curve
in the great siphon at Almanzora is five himdred and
seven feet; the diameter of the latter is six feet, and
it passes ninety feet under the bed of a mountain
stream. The subterranean aqueduct at Maravilla,
which waters the plain of Urgel, is a mile long and
thirty feet in diameter; that of Crevillente, north of
Orihuela, is fifty-five hundred and sixty-five feet long
and thirty-six feet in diameter. All of these under-
ground conduits are cut through the solid rock. The
masonry of the reservoirs is of the finest description,
and the cement made use of has become harder than
602 HiSTOEY (XF THE
stone itself. Contingencies are provided for with such
skill and foresight that no overflow occurs, and no
damage ever results, even in time of the greatest in-
undations. The excellence of construction which char-
acterizes these massive works of Arah engineering
genius is demonstrated hy the fact that they have
needed practically no repairs in a thousand years.
As was necessary under the conditions which pre-
vailed in a region where water was so valuable, the
greatest care was exercised in its apportionment and
distribution. The irrigating system of the khalifate
was governed by a peculiar code of laws, perfect
familiarity with whose provisions was only to be ob-
tained by a life-long experience. The strictest econ-
omy yras enforced. All waste was forbidden. The
water conducted from one canal to another was used
again and again. The sluices were opened at certain
times, the quantity furnished being accurately gradu-
ated according to the requirements of the cultivator.
Theft was punished with exemplary severity. In
some provinces those whose crops for the time did not
need irrigation might dispose of their diurnal supply
to their neighbors; in others this privilege was not
conceded. No one could be served out of his turn.
The complexity of the system may be inferred from
the variety of distributing outlets dependent upon the
extent and character of the soil to be watered. There
were two hundred and twenty-four of these, all dif-
ferent, and each designated by a separate name.
Under the especial care of the imperial authorities, a
vigilant police patrolled the canals and guarded the
reservoirs of every district All disputes and viola-
tions of law were passed upon by a court — ^whose
judges were chosen by the farmers themselves— called
The Tribunal of the Waters, which sat on Thursdajrs
at the door of the principal mosque. The place where
its sessions were held imparted to it a semi-religious
Moorish Empire in Europe 608
diaracter. To it the complicated and expensive or-
ganization of modem judicature was unknown, and,
secure in the good sense and integrity of its magis-
trates, it was equally free from royal interference,
political interest, judicial corruption, absurd techni-
calities, and legal chicanery. Its proceedings were not
embarrassed by vexatious delays. No official was re-
quired to preserve order. No record was kept of its
deliberations. No costs were incurred. * No advocate
was present to perplex by subtle arguments and frivo-
lous distinctions the plain interpretation of the law.
Each party stated his own case. The accused con-
ducted his own defence. Judgment was rendered
after a brief consultation, and from it there was no
appeal. The most exalted rank, the greatest wealth,
the most distinguished public service, did not confer
exemption from the jurisdiction of the court or affect
the impartiality of its decrees. The noble was simi-
moned to its bar with but little more ceremony than
the slave. Infractions of the various ordinances which
protected the canals and their supply were punished
by fines. Where the offence was repeated, the culprit
was deprived of the right to enjoy Ite privileges upon
which the existence of his crop depended.
The wisdom of these regulations is demonstrated
by their longevity. Preserved by tradition, they have
descended to our times almost unchanged, and The
Tribunal of the Waters still sits every Thursday, the
last day of the Mussulman week, at the door of the
Cathedral of Valencia, as it did before the portals of
the Great Mosque under the rule of the famous Om-
meyade monardis ten centuries ago.
In the distribution of water the measurement was
by volume, a certain quantity being allotted to a stated
area during a given period of the day or night at in-
tervals of ten to fifteen days. The sides of 5ie canals
were provided with flood-gates, kept under lock and
901 HiSTOBY OF THE
key, by which the adjoining fields could be submerged
at the proper time. Drains carried the surplus back
into the original channels, so that there was the least
possible loss.
The same care and economy were observed in fertil-
izing the soil, which the requirements of a dense popu-
lation never permitted to rest. Unlike the poliqr
adopted under the Roman and Gothic dominations,
there were few large estates. The land was divided
into small tracts, and for that reason was much more
thoroughly tiUed. Manure and dust were collected
from the highways. The contents of sewers and
vaults were preserved, desiccated, and, mingled with
less powerful substances, were used to supply the
impairment consequent upon incessant cultivation.
Ashes, the burned and pulverized seeds of fruits, the
blood and bones of slaughtered animals, all played an
important part in the intelligent and systematic treat-
ment of the rich and productive valleys of the South,
whose surface, resting on an impenetrable subsoil of
day, required continual renovation. The curious and
minute investigations of the skilled agriculturist had
determined the best composts, the most advantageous
modes of applying them, the kind of vegetation to
which they were specially adapted.
Manures were deposited in stone reservoirs con-
trived to prevent evaporation or leakage. Nothing
was wasted; every substance available for the fertili-
zation of crops was carefully preserved, the different
varieties being separated and applied to such soils as
experience had taught were most productive under
their use. No natural obstacle was suffidentiy for-
midable to check the enterprise and industry of the
Moorish cultivator. He tunnelled through moun-
tains. His aqueducts traversed deep ravines. He
levelled with infinite patience and labor the rocky
slopes of the sierra. Where the vast public works of
MooBisH Empibe in Eubope 605
Roman genius could be utilized, they were repaired
and extended. The vegetable products of the re-
motest countries of the globe — ^the grains of Asia, the
nuts and berries of Europe, the luscious fruits of the
African coast — ^were transported to Andalusia.
Profound botanical knowledge, which went hand in
hand with Arab horticulture, wonderfully promoted
these researches. The Spanish Moslems were per-
fectly familiar with the circulation of the sap, with the
difference of sex in plants, with the process of arti-
ficial f ecimdation. They invested them with the con-
ditions of activity and repose, of motion and sleep.
They employed eight distinct methods of grafting;
and the injurious effects of the sun were obviated by
the use of a perforated vessel, from which the water
fell drop by drop upon the graft, which, without this
precaution, would have been withered by the heat
The Moorish gardeners devised numerous expedients
for the improvement of their products, not a few of
which modem ignorance has assigned to a more recent
date. An example of these was the removal from the
tree of a portion of the fruit before maturity to insure
the superior size and excellence of that which re-
mained. They cultivated such dye-stuffs as madder
and indigo, products of India. They introduced on
a diminished scale the hanging gardens of Babylon.
In floral ornamentation they had no superiors. They
contrived labjnrinths, artificial grottoes, concealed
fountains. They traced texts and inscriptions by
means of gorgeous blossoms on a ground of living
emerald. The intricate designs of tapestry were imi-
tated by an infinite variety of flowering plants, whose
tints blended in perfect harmony, like the colors of
the material they were intended to represent. They
acquired such dexterity in the culture of roses that, at
all seasons of the year, they bloomed in profusion in
every garden. Like our modem florists, they to-
606 HlSTOST OF THE
deavored to produce them of unusual tints, and met
with corresponding failures. They understood how to
extract opium from the poppy, but the process they
employed has not come down to us. They treated
with success the diseases of all the known species
of the vegetable kingdom. They were exceedingly
skilful in the distillation and refining of essences,
and great plantations of flowers were cultivated for
the sake of the exquisite perfumes they afforded.
Twenty-five differ^it kinds of these are mentioned,
and they were so abimdant and cheap that they were
scarcely accounted a luxury. In all the multifarious
duties of his occupation the Moorish horticulturist pos-
sessed expert knowledge. He could preserve fruits
for an indefinite period; banish noxious insects; expel
poisonous gases from wells and excavations. He was
versed in meteorology, and could foresee atmospheric
changes with an accuracy incomprehensible to those
whose daily pursuits did not require familiarity with
the varying aspects of the seasons and the annual
recurrence of natural phenomena. In the principal
cities of the Peninsula were schoob where practical
instruction in the various departments of husbandry
was given.
As the Koran explicitly forbade the exportation of
grain, the surplus of the harvests was deposited in sub-
terranean granaries hewn in the rock. When a child
attained his majority, one of these magazines was pre-
sented to him, and such was the drjmess of the recep-
tacles that wheat in perfect preservation was found
in some of them near Granada, where it had lain two
centuries after the capture of that city. The wisdom
of this arrangement was apparent during the famines
which, despite the industry of the people, occasionally
afflicted the Peninsula. Reliance was sometimes placed
upon less palatable food, however, and near Fedrocfae,
from time immemorial, forests of giant oaks were
MooKisH Empire in Europe 607
carefully preserved for the sake of their acorns, which
furnish^ a coarse but nutritious diet when aU other
resources failed.
The great work of Ibn-al-Awam, of Seville, a vast
monument of industry and erudition embracing every
conceivable branch of the subject, shows to what ex-
traordinary perfection the science of agriculture had
been carried in the twelfth century by the Spanish
Mohammedans. It treats, in a comprehensive and ex-
haustive manner, not only of the methods found by
tibe experience of centuries to be the best adapted to
the sowing and harvesting of grain, to the planting
and cultivation of orchards, to the propagation of
edible and aromatic plants; but it also, with infinite
minuteness of detail, describes the breeding and care
of every species of domestic animals, their qualities,
their relative excellence, their defects, their habits,
their diseases. It discourses at length upon the dif-
ferent breeds of horses and upon the rearing of that
useful animal so prized by the Arab. It explains the
details of artificial incubation, a process borrowed
from Egypt. It directs how to produce in geese the
abnormal hepatic conditions which induce the foie
gras, that artificial delicacy so dear to the epicure, and
a thousand years ago, as to-day, an invaluable adjimct
to fashionable gluttony. It teaches difif^erent methods
of cooking and the preparation of various confections,
jellies, syrups, and sweetmeats of every description.
The manufacture of wine, so rigidly forbidden to
the Moslem, and whose immense consumption had
already, in tiie time of the khalif ate, scandalized llie
pious, is detailed in all its stages in this remarkable
book. In it are given recipes for cordials of many
kinds, cooling beverages, and hydromel. It also
prescribes the rules by which the household of the
farmer should be governed, and defines the reciprocal
duties of employer and employee. In every operation
608 HI8T0BY OF THE
of rural life and domestic economy, it enforces by re-
peated admonition the necessity for cleanliness, sys^
tem, and order.
From the treatise of Ibn-al-Awam we learn that
much of his information was derived from Sicilian
sources, where agriculture and its dependent occupa-
tions were fully as advanced as in the Peninsula. In
that rich island, saffron and numerous other herbs were
indigenous, and thence with many vegetables and
fruits were carried into Spain. The vineyards and
the wines of Sicily, famous in antiquity, maintained
their reputation during the Moslem and Norman
dominations, but, during the contest of the [Empire
with the Papacy, the culture of the grape declined and
was practically extinct for more than a century.
To Moorish enterprise Europe owes such fruits as
the strawberry, tiie lemon, the quince, the date, the fig,
the mulberry, the banana, the pomegranate; such nuts
as the pistachio and the almond; such cereals as rice,
sesame, buckwheat; such vegetables as spinach and
asparagus; such spices as mace, nutmeg, and pepper;
such condiments as the caper and saffron. The coffee
and the cotton plant, which grew wild in Arabia; the
sugar-cane, whose product bears, almost unaltered,
the name bestowed by those who were the first to
extract it, were also introduced by the Arabs. The
olive plantations in the vicinity of Seville alone, con-
taining millions of trees, indicate the estimation in
which its culture was held, and the enormous profits
it must have yielded the owners. Grapes were so abun-
dant at Ubeda that there was no market for them; at
Malaga, Ibn-Batutah says, eight pounds sold for a
dirhem. Al-Makkari refers to the prodigious size of
the melons of Cintra. The pears grown at Daroca,
unequalled in richness of flavor, weighed three pounds.
The apples of Santarem were thirty inches in circum-
ference. Oranges were of not inferior dimensions;
Moorish Emphie in Eubope 609
and to-day in Southeastern Spain it is not unusual to
see them eight inches in diameter. It is impossible
at the present time to realize the extent and thorough-
ness of the culture of the soil which obtained under
the Moslem domination in the Peninsula. The south-
em portion, in its exuberant fertility now the admira-
tion of the traveller, was under the Moors infinitely
more productive. La Mancha, the Castiles, and Estre-
madura, which ofi^er at present an unhappy picture of
sterility and want, were as late as the twelfth century
covered with luxuriant harvests, interspersed witii
groves and orchards, amidst which nestled countless
villages, farm-houses, towers, and hamlets.
These scenes of rural thrift and beauty were tra-
versed by thousands of canals and conduits diffusing
on every side their refreshing and fertilizing waters.
The gardens were enclosed by trellises made of reeds
woven together and covered with trailing roses and
climbing vines, the mingled odors of whose blossoms
filled the air. Salamanca, now the centre of one of
the most poverty-stricken and deserted districts in
Spain, was in the tenth century a populous and flour-
ishing provincial capital \fith a hundred and twenty-
five towns, many of them of considerable magnitude,
subject to its jurisdiction. Segovia, whose present
condition is even more deplorable, was during the
khalif ate the centre of the woollen manufacture of the
country, a source of great wealth to all who embarked
in it. Horticulture in Aragon, where every product
of the vegetable world not prohibited by the asperity
of the climate grew in profuse abundance, reached its
climax in the exquisite scenery of the valley of the
Ebro, called the River of Fruits, from the intermin-
able orchards that lined its banks. The entire kingdom
was formerly dotted with forests, and in its deserts
are to be discerned the day-beds of many a lake and
water-course, whose moisture once brought prosperity
Vol. III.-S9
610 History of the
to a numerous Moorish population. The cajntaU
Saragossa, long the seat of an enlightened dynasty,
was celebrated far and near for the accomplisdiments
of its princes, the learning of its scholars, the skill of
its artisans, the wealth of its Jews, and the superb
decorations of its mosques. No city of the khalif ate
possessed a better class of inhabitants, greater wealth,
or a higher degree of civilization. Its walls were
nearly two leagues in circuit. Its gardens extended
for a distance of eight miles in every direction. Its
atmosphere was perfumed by the flowers which cov-
ered its plain. A territory of great extent containing
many villages and castles acknowledged the authority
of the Beni-Hud, its. rulers. The entire region was a
paradise, which foreigners compared to Chaldea on
account of its fertility, its numerous groves, and its
profusion of waters. In its climate wood did not de-
cay or grain mildew, and provisions might be kept for
years without deterioration. The royal palace, called
the Abode of Pleasures, contained a magnificent hall
of state, whose marbles and arabesques were one of
the wonders of the Peninsula. Abulf eda refers to the
Moorish capital of Aragon as, "' the Silver City sur-
rounded by emeralds mingled with gold." The pres-
ent dreary aspect of Toledo offers no suggestion of
its former grandeur under Arab rule when its popu-
lation numbered two hundred thousand, and from the
towers of its citadel a succession of farms and planta-
tions could be discerned stretching away to the verge
of the horizon. It was in the tropical South, however,
that the inexhaustible resoiux!es of the Moorish agri-
culturist rioted in the exhibition of their amazing
power. The Mediterranean coast from Gibraltar to
Barcelona was an unbroken belt of verdure. For fif-
teen miles below Seville the Guadalquivir was shaded
by a succession of orchards. Near that dty the district
of the Axaraf e — ^which embraced fifty square leagues
Moorish Empibe m Eusofe 611
and was thickly planted with olive- and fig-trees — ^in
the twelfth century contained a thousand thriving
villages, two hundred and twenty-five years after the
dismemberment of the Ommeyade empire. Here
flourished in close proximity representatives of the
vegetable kingdom collected from the most widely
separated portions of the globe. Here were to be seen
hundreds of varieties of plants, some gathered on the
slopes of the Himalayas, others collected in the forests
of Germany; others again transplanted with infinite
labor from Ethiopia and the sources of the Nile-
Here were propagated the orange and the pomegran-
ate of Syria; the palm of Egypt; the tamarind of
Barbary; ihe fragrant balsam of Arabia. Vast
groves of mulberries indicated the importance attached
to the manufacture of silk.
In the manifold avocations either connected with or
dependent upon the pursuit of agriculture, — ^in the
rearing of cattle and horses, in the breeding of sheep,
in the culture of bees, — ^the Moor of the Peninsula
attained to the highest degree of proficiency. The
Arabian horse lost none of his incomparable qualities
in the climate of Andalusia, and to his swiftness and
endurance are to be attributed many of the most sig-
nal victories which attended the progress of the Mos-
lem arms. The silky and abimdant fleece of the
merino sheep owes its fineness as well as its name to
the peculiar method by which flocks were tended and
propagated under the laws of the Western Khalif ate.
Immense munbers were conducted twice each year be-
tween the Pyrenean slopes and the plains of Estre-
madura, by this means securing fresh and continual
pasturage, and equally avoiding the droughts of sum-
mer and the storms of winter. The organization which
controlled these migrations, protected by the authority
of the government, eventually acquired the impor-
tance and the power of a political institution. It was
612 HiSTOBY OF THE
designated the Mesta, and, adopted by the CastQians,
its privileges, become oppressive through abuses long
practised with impunity, were, until the middle of
the last century, when they were largely curtailed, one
of the most intolerable grievances endured by the
Spanish peasantry.
The richness of the Peninsula in valuable minerals
not only facilitated the development of the arts, but
aided materially in the establishment of oomimeree
with foreign nations. The silver mines of Iberia were
famous from all antiquity, and after centuries of neg-
lect under barbarian misrule tiieir treasures were again
made available under the energetic administration of
the Khalifs of Cordova. In the neighborhood of Li-
nares are still to be traced the square pits of the Arab,
side by side with the circular excavations of the Ro-
man ; and their number, exceeding five hundred in this
single locality, indicates the magnitude of mining
operations, a pursuit whose intelligent prosecution and
economical management contribute so much to the
material wealth of a community. From the sands of
the Darro and the Tagus were extracted considerable
quantities of gold. In Spain, the centre of the largest
deposits of cinnabar in the ancient world, the pro-
duction of quicksilver was one of the most profitable
employments of Moorish industry. At Abal, a day's
journey from the capital, were mines where a thou-
sand workmen were constantly employed. The supe-
rior quality of the copper utensils, the unrivalled tem-
per of the steel blades, for which Andalusia especially
was renowned, attest not only the excellence of the
respective ores from which those metals were obtained,
but the skill required for the fabrication of the latter
into objects of utility and beauty in the workshops
and armories of Almeria, Seville, Granada, and To-
ledo.
For leagues before approaching the great Andalu-
Moorish Emphub in Eubope 618
sian cities the traveller traversed by highways covered
with arching foliage districts so iliickly settled as to
resemble a succession of contiguous hamlets. The
air was sweet with the fragrance of flowers ; the mur-
mur of waters was everywhere; along each stream
was a row of picturesque mills; on one side rose the
towers and cupolas of some palace rich with gilding
and sparkling tiles; on the Other a line of cottages
embowered in jasmine and roses. Nothing impressed
him more forcibly than the thrift which seemed to
universally prevail. Every foot of land susceptible
of cultivation was carefuUy tilled. Every drop of
water was used. Great crowds filled the narrow
streets. No beggars plied their annoying trade on
the thoroughfares or infested the portals of the
mosques. The teeming population of the country was
the best indication of the general prosperity. In the
year 910, there were more people in any one of the
Hispano-Arab provinces bordering on the Mediter-
ranean than there were in all Great Britain at the
beginning of the sixteenth century.
Every indulgence and encouragement was afi^orded
by the laws to the Moorish cultivator. The indepen-
dence so necessary to the successful prosecution of agri-
cultiu*al pursuits, he enjoyed to the utmost degree
compatible with the maintenance of social order. For
the most part, he himself instituted the regulations
of husbandry, which were enforced by magistrates
taken from his class and of his own selection. His
taxes were not oppressive. The productiveness of the
soil, the equability of the climate, never permitted his
labors to go unrewarded. In Valencia, where each
week yielded a new crop to the farmer, rest of the
land, essential to the preservation of fertility else-
where, was unknown. In Murcia, the wonderful vege-
tation had given to the coimtry a name suggested by
its resemblance to the luxuriant Valley of the Nile.
614 HiSTOEY OF THE
The annual yield of oil by the Axarafe at Seville
was two million one hundred and eighty-seven thou-
sand five hundred gallons; every day during the olive
harvest a hundred and twenty-five thousand gallons
were brought into the city. All Africa, Asia, and
Europe were supplied with this useful article of food
by the plantations of Southern Spain. It was not
without reason that the olive-tree — ^the source of such
wealth, the emblem of peace — should have been re-
garded as blessed by both the Moslem and the Jew.
Roses were so abundant at Cordova that twenty-five
pounds of the leaves only brought two dirhems, and
every one was at liberty to pluck all the flowers he
desired from the hedges that bordered the highways
or in private grounds, a privilege which was never
abused. In localities unfavorable to cultivation tibe
deficiencies of the soil were supplied by imtiring indus-
try. Walls of ponderous masonry supported terraces
where the very cliffs were made productive, and where
only a bush or a vine could.be planted the narrow
space was utilized. Not only water, but loam and
fertilizing materials were brought from great dis-
tances.
The dimensions, the splendor, the opulence, of the
principal cities amazed the foreigner accustomed to
the crowded quarters and squalid wretchedness of the
European capitals. All were surrounded by suburbs,
themselves of vast extent, stretching as far as the eye
could reach. The mountain slopes of Almeria and
Malaga were covered with vineyards; in the plains
were thousands of acres of sugar-cane ; in the marshes,
rice plantations. The gardens of Almeria extended
for a radius of twenty miles north, east, and west
from the harbor. The supreme importance of the
agricultural interest as affecting the general welfare
of a commtmity was never more conclusively demon-
strated than by the disastrous results consequent upon
MooBisH Empibe in Eubofe 615
the expulsion of the Jews and the Moriscoes: These
results have already been alluded to in these pages.
The destructive policy which blotted out a great civili-
zation brought with it its own punishment. Extensive
regions, which under the Moslems produced immense
revenues, are at the present day barren and uninhab-
ited. The sole traces of former prosperity in districts
now relinquished to the bandit and the smuggler are
disclosed by moimds designating the sites of former
villages. Where were once endless plantations of
valuable trees are now dreary wastes destitute of all
vegetation, incapable of supporting animal life, cursed
with eternal drought and hopeless sterility. The cities
have lost by far the greater portion of their inhabi-
tants; the villages have dwindled to hamlets; the
ancient hamlets have disappeared. In the Peninsula,
under the Arabs, there were no uncultivated tracts
except those covered by the forests; in the middle
of the last century in Estremadura — ^not including
the moimtain regions which embraced one-third of the
area of the province — ^there were two hundred thou-
sand acres abandoned; in La Mancha forty-five thou-
sand; in the district of Utrera thirty-one thousand.
The only localities wher« agriculture still flourishes
are those where Nature has distributed her choicest
favors; where the necessity for arduous labor does
not tax the capacity of native indolence; where the
products of the earth grow in spontaneous profu-
aon ; where the systems of irrigation and tillage intro-
duced by the Moors still prevail without substantial
alteration, disclosing their unrivalled adaptability to
the pmposes of rural industry.
The great productiveness of the soil and the prox-
imity of the Mediterranean naturally suggested the
development of natural resources and the extension
of commerce in Moorish Spain. With the ancient
Arab, the predatory instinct alone took precedence of
616 History of the
the mercantile propensity. That propensity received
a tremendous impidse from the f omidation of Islam.
Encouraged by the precepts and example of the
Prophet, who, as the factor of Khadijah, had visited
the cities of Syria, the calling of the merchant soon
came to be regarded by every Moslem as a profession
of honor as well as of profit. The inhabitants of the
Desert were, for the most part, divided into two
classes, — ^those who organized caravans and those who
plundered them. Centuries before the Hegira, a
lucrative trade was carried on between the districts
of Mecca and Yemen and the rich cities of India,
Assyria, and Egypt. Little effort therefore was
required for the establishment of profitable commer-
cial intercourse between the seaports of the Spanish
Peninsula and those which at frequent intervals dotted
the shores of the Mediterranean. Ahnost coincident
with the Conquest an extensive trade was inaugurated.
The control of the sea by the navy of the khalifs
extended immeasiu*ably the facilities of mercantile
intercommunication. The great markets of Christen-
dom maintained the closest relations with the opulent
houses of Almeria and Malaga; the wares of Con-
stantinople, Venice, and Genoa found ready pur-
chasers in the bazaars of Cordova as well as in those
of the provincial capitals of Andalusia and Al-Magh-
reb. But the dauntless spirit of the Moorish Moslem
was not limited to maritime trade; his factors were
to be found in every country accessible to the influ-
ences and the enterprise of civilization; his caravans
traversed with equal rapidity and perseverance the
forests of Europe, the deserts of Ethiopia, the illimit-
able plains of Central Asia, the marshes and jungles
of Hindustan. The mysterious perils of unexplored
seas, the fierce aspect and savage manners of wild and
barbarous tribes, the formidable obstacles presented
by trackless wastes and pestilential swamps, were all
MoosiSH Empibe in Eubofe 617
forgotten in the thirst for gain and the excitement of
adventure. The memory of the expeditions periodi-
cally despatched hy their ancestors from the cities of
Arabia, the sight of the enormous profits accumulated
by the Jews, at once their instructors, their allies, and
their competitors, stimulated the ambition of the
Spanish Arabs, already predisposed to mercantile
occupations, and whose extraordinary energy seemed
to promise success in every undertaking. Mussulman
legislation, so eminently favorable to the requirements
of internal and foreign commerce, offered aid to the
followers of the Prophet in a more effective manner
than had ever been suggested by the founders of other
religions. The duties imposed by the pilgrimage to
Mecca and Medina were intimately connected with
the conditions of traffic. Long before Mohammed,
the altar and the bazaar had been placed in a position
of mutual dependence by the sagacious and thrifty
traders of Yemen. The idolatrous shrine of Mecca
looked for its support to the pilgrims who, allured
partly by superstition, partly by avarice, at regular
interv3,ls swarmed within the waUs of the Holy City.
The Koran enjoins under all circumstances the strict
observance of contracts and the practice of honesty,
and menaces with the justice of heaven such as vio-
late the principles of equitable dealing in business
transactions. In addition to the general principles of
Mohammedan law which promoted the intercoiu^e of
nations, the Ommeyade khalifs of Spain exempted
from taxation many products of manufacture and
objects of luxury, — among them weapons, armor, and
jewelry, — aware that the increased wealth which must
result from this privilege would enure to the benefit
of the people far more in the end than the transitory
advantage resulting from the imposition of taxes or
duties.
The sea, as well as the land, was made tributary
618 HiSTOBY OF THE
to the enterprise of the Saracens. Amber was tfaioiim
up in considerable quantities around Lisbon. The
pearl fishery was an important occupation of the
natives of Valencia and Alicante. In the neighbor-
hood of Almeria quantities of exquisite onyx and
agates were found. Rock salt was abundant^ — ^a
great hill of it stood near Saragossa. The mountains
of Alhama were composed of gypsum, which afforded
the finest quality of plaster. Deposits of lapis-lazuli
existed at Lorca. At Macael were inexhaustible beds
of white marble that rivalled in lustre and beauty the
product of the Grecian quarries of Fentelicus. The
moimtains of Andalusia abounded with jasper. Car-
thagena yielded amethysts. Rubies were mined near
Malaga.
Inland traffic was assisted by means of f airs» — ^those
popular mercantile expedients whidi foster trade and
at the same time develop the social instincts of
humanity, — ^institutions especially acceptable to semi-
barbarous nations and long familiar to the people of
Arabia. Ease of commimication, the most potent of
civilizing influences, promoted this national inter-
change of both commodities and ideas. The dispo-
sition of merchandise, profitable as it was, while the
ostensible motive, was by no means the most impor-
tant object of these popular assemblies. Familiar-
ity with distant communities, the conversation of
strangers, the varying panorama of novel and inter-
esting scenes, the excitement and bustle attendant
upon the congregation of vast multitudes, are won-
derful stimulants to the intellectual faculties. The
literary contests for poetical supremacy which were
said to have formed a Active future of the mighty
concourse of Okhad were revived in the fairs of Anda-
lusia. While the latter were designed for provincial
benefit, they, in fact, partook largely of a cosmo-
politan character. Their fame attracted commercial
Moorish Empire in Europe 619
speculators from the most distant countries. Articles
of great rarity and value were exposed for sale in
their booths. The transactions concluded within their
limits were not inferior in importance to those which
had created the commercial prosperity of Malaga and
Almeria. The circimistances incident to their insti-
tution and siuTOimdings offered representations of
tropical life strange to the eyes of Christendom. The
encUess lines of plodding camels, loaded with precious
stuffs; the splendidly caparisoned horses; the sump-
tuous litters enclosing the beauties of the harem;
the sullen and ferocious eunuchs; the retinues of the
nobles glittering with steel and gold; the swarming
crowds in the white robes of the Oriental ; the end^ant-
ing landscape, with its groves of palm, orange, and
pomegranate, its rippling waters, its fragrant exotics;
the narrow streets covered with awnings to exclude the
sun; the gay pavilions; the strange costumes of luxu-
rious Asia and barbaric Africa; the mingled accents
of a score of idioms, manifested on highway, thor-
oughfare, and plain the foreign influence which,
apparently established forever, had obliterated the
Roman and Gothic traditions of the Peninsula. No
such spectacle could be elsewhere exhibited unless in
countries where Eastern customs had held sway from
time immemorial. The effect of these periodical
assemblies upoii the commercial, literary, and social
Uf e of Mohanmiedan Spain was of the highest impor-
tance.
Great as was its internal traffic, it was necessarily
to its foreign mercantile connections that the Moorish
empire looked for its most profitable returns. Its geo-
graphical position was unusually favorable for the
prosecution of maritime enterprise. The Mediterra-
nean gave its traders ready access to all the most
civilized countries of the world. But a few hours' sail
separated them from the ports of Northern Africa,
620 HiSTOBT OF THE
where were amassed the rich commodities of that vast
continent. The Bay of Biscay afforded a passage for
their vessels to the harbors of France and Britain.
According to Edrisi, they explored Madeira, the
Canaries, and the Azores four hmidred years before
those islands were occupied by Europeans. Through
the passes of the Pyrenees they could reach the mar-
kets of Northern Europe. Thus brought in contact
with remote nations which had no other means of
communication, the European Moors enjoyed pecu-
liar commercial advantages which they were not slow
to improve. The carrying trade of the Peninsula was
largely in the hands of the Jews. The latter had
been a lucrative source of revenue to the Gk)ths, as
they were subsequently to the persecuting Spaniards.
They were the bankers, the importers, the carriers of
the empire. They imparted a large share of Uieir
energy and enterprise to the Moslems, already envious
of their success and their opulence. In the ninth cen-
tury an extraordinary impetus was communicated to
the intercourse with llie Orient; in the tenth the mer-
chants of Spain and Sicily practically engrossed the
conmierce of the Mediterranean. Every provision
was made for both security and profit. Armed gal-
leys patrolled the coasts and convoyed the fleets of
merchantmen as they traversed the seas. The inland
mercantile transactions of the Spanish Moslems were
probably not inferior in importance to their maritime
ventures. The discovery of innumerable coins and
pieces of jewelry on the coast of Scandinavia and
along the rivers of Germany and Poland indicates,
more certainly than any historical record could do, the
former presence of the adventurous traders of the
Peninsula. The khalif s had consular agents in India,
China, and Persia. They sent magnificent gifts to
Oriental potentates. They negotiated treaties with
the barbarian princes of Central Africa. Tribal hos-
MooBisH Empire in Eurofe 621
tility was forgotten in the mutual advantages arising
from traffic with the Mussuhnan cities of Egypt,
Syria, and Arabia, and with the settlements of the
Indian archipelago. Policy as well as interest con-
firmed the friendship early established between the
Moslem sovereigns of Spain and the Greek emperors
of Constantinople. They exchanged presents, de-
spatched special embassies, received the representa-
tives of imperial dignity and hostile faith with every
demonstration of honor and respect. The exclusive
commercial privileges enjoyed by the merchants of
the two empires gave them a vast superiority over all
competitors. Colonies of foreign Christians who
occupied quarters by themselves and were governed
by their own laws were established in all the seaports
and in many of the inland cities. The number of these
in Granada at the time of the Conquest was twenty-
five thousand, the majority of whom were Italians.
The traders of the Bosphorus were frequently seen
at the fairs of Castile; the great houses of Almeria
and Barcelona maintained agencies in the Byzantine
capital which controlled the rich commerce of the
Euxine and the Baltic.
In the great markets of the East and West the
choicest articles of luxury passed through the hands
of the shrewd and enterprising dealers of Moham-
medan Spain. From the borders of the Arctic Circle
came the precious furs of the Ijmx, the fox, and the
ermine, the least valuable of which was worth a hun-
dred dinars; from Norway and Siberia stores of fos-
sil ivory; from Arabia balsams and aromatics; from
Germany honey and wax; from the countries of the
Baltic mastic, storax, and amber; from China tea
and porcelain; from Ethiopia gold-dust and asbestos;
from Persia perfumes; from India spices and sandal-
wood; from Sweden and Finland female slaves with
faultless complexions and flaxen tresses, whose ordi-
622 HnrroBY of the
nary price in the bazaars of Cairo and Cordova was
a thousand pieces of gold. The Jews and the monks
of France, adepts in an execrable occupation, pro-
vided the harems with white eunuchs. Timbuctoo and
the districts of the Niger contributed blacks of gigan-
tic proportions and ferocious aspect, to be enrolled in
the body-guard of the khalif s. The hawks, so gener-
ally used in the sport of the Middle Ages, were for
the most part bred or furnished by the Moslem mer-
chants. They also imported from Africa wild ani-
mals, such m lions, giraffes, and leopards, for zoologi-
cal collections and for sale in distant countries. A
lion in the markets of China was valued at thiirty thou-
sand rolls of silk. The camel, easily domesticated in
Andalusia, always conmianded a high price as a beast
of burden. The principal emporiums of mediaeval
conmierce and international exchange, where were
collected the most valuable products of a hundred
kingdoms, all of which paid tribute to Moorish enter-
prise and wealth, were Constantinople, Alexandria,
Mdaga, and Palermo.
The great centres of manufacturing and mercan-
tile activity were situated on the Mediterranean. Of
these, Almeria was the most important. From the
extreme East, from the Nubian deserts, from the
coast of Guinea, from distant Britain, from the
frozen regions of the North, traders crowded her
streets and markets. In her harbor were to be encoim-
tered the ships of every maritime nation. Her eight
himdred silk factories, emplojring more than ei^t
thousand looms, sent forth gold and silver tissues,
carpets, curtains, robes, — ^whose delicate texture and
exquisite designs excelled the finest products of Uie
Orient The iron and copper utensils made by her
artisans enjoyed an extensive reputation for dura-
bility and finish. The influx of strangers who con-
tributed to her wealth and shared her hospitality may
Moorish Empire in Exjbofe 628
be conjectured from the fact that nine hundred and
seventy caravansaries within her walls were registered
to pay the excise on wine.
At Malaga, another great scHiport, were situated
the largest potteries in Andalusia, where was manu-
factured the porcelain whose surface of enamelled
gold, silver, and copper was due to a process known
only to the Arabs of Spain. The clay found in the
vicinity was peculiarly adapted to the purposes of
the potter, and had centuries before assumed the sym-
metrical forms of classic elegance under liie dexterous
hands of the Roman. The efforts of antiquity had,
however, been surpassed by the Moors, who in time
brought this industry to a perfection heretofore un-
known. In other towns, such as Valencia, Murda,
Murviedro, and Calatayud, it was also pursued with
great success. The resources of modem ingenuity
have been taxed in vain to discover the secret whidi
could give to a porcelain vase the peculiar finish which,
while preserving unchanged the colors of the metals,
increased far more than any burnishing could effect
the lustre of its brilliant surface. In no city in the
world, excepting those of China, was the fabrication
of porcelain pursued with such skill and profit as at
Malaga. Its exportation was one of the most lucra-
tive sources of wealth enjoyed by the kingdom of
.Granada. With the people, this industrial pursuit
was not merely a vulgar trade carried on for mer-
cenary motives, but an occupation which permitted
and encouraged the development of the highest sci-
entific and artistic instincts of humanity. The vases
of graceful form and exquisite decoration which
came from the Malagan potteries were eagerly
sought after by the opulent and luxurious of every
land. The perfection of this branch of the ceramic
art with the secret of the metallic enamel disap-
peared with the final conquest of the dty. Tlds
624 HnrroBY of the
fact is not in itself remarkable, for the advent of
the Spanish domination was signalized by the de-
struction of many forms of useful industry; but it
is absolutely imprecifedented that a manufacture of
such magnitude, whose extent and perfection were
established by so many indisputable proofs, should
not have left intact to posterity a single specimen of
its excellence. There is not positively known to be a
genuine piece of the famous metallic pottery of Mal-
aga in existence. Some fragments have been found
in that city, whose glassy surface displayed the bril-
liant lustre which excited the wonder of contempo-
raneous nations ; but no European museum or private
collection, it is almost certain, now possesses an article
which exhibits this marked peculiarity, or whose origin,
with any degree of probability, can be assigned to the
greatest centre of the ceramic art in the mediaeval
world.
Not for the fabrication of silks and pottery alone
was Malaga famous. Her glass and paper, her uten-
sils of iron and copper, the complex and elegant labors
of her cabinet-makers and joiners, also enjoyed a
wide and deserved celebrity.
The use of metals as a means of ornamentation was
also frequently applied to leather. This was for the
most part made at Cordova, whose products were con-
ceded to be of superior quality, and commanded the
highest price in every market. Some of the tanning
vats, huge vessels of terra-cotta, in which this material
was prepared, are still to be seen in Spain. The
leathern hangings produced in the capital were justly
ranked among the most important of its numerous
manufactures. By some ingenious process the skins
were rendered as soft and pliable as the iSnest doth,
and were then decorated in accordance with the canons
of Arabic taste, which, without offending the eye with
glaring contrasts, could blend in harmony the ridiest
Moorish Empire in Europe 625
tints and the sheen of the brightest metals. The gold
and silver were applied with stamps; the colors were
laid on with the brush; and the gorgeous designs pro-
duced an almost magical effect when viewed amidst
the varied magnificence of a Moorish palace. This
art, like that of the metallic glaze of porcelain, also
appears to be irretrievably lost. The torn and faded
fragments of ornamented leather which have de-
scended to us prove not only the durability and excel-
lence of the material, but indicate a skill beside which
the efforts of the most accomplished modem book-
binders seem clumsy in comparison. It was often
impressed with colored figures in relief, which added
greatly to its beauty, imparting to it the appearance
of brocade. The finer grades were perfumed with
amber. The artisans of Cordova also excelled in the
carving and engraving of vessels of silver an4 gold.
The manufacture of silk at Seville gave employ-
ment to a hundred and sixty thousand weavers, a
number of whom were employed in the fabrication
of the stuff called tiraz, whose use was a royal pre-
rogative. Xativa was long the seat of the first paper
factory in Europe, — ^that substance whose invention
has contributed so greatly to the dissemination of
knowledge and the progress of civilization. For ages
known to the Chinese, the Arabs substituted linen,
and finally cotton, for the silk which had been em-
ployed in the Celestial empire. Its introduction by
the Spanish Moors into Europe is indisputable, a
manuscript of cotton paper dating from the eleventh
century having been discovered in the library of the
Escorial. Although used at Mecca in 710, it was prac-
tically unknown in Europe until the fifteenth century,
and was not manufactured in London before 1690.
The extraordinary impulse imparted to letters by the
khalif s, the coimtless volumes contained in the impe-
rial libraries, the transcriptions of rare manuscripts,
Vol. III.— 40
626 EElSTOBY OP THE
and the constant publication of new works for whose
composition, if possessed of merit, incredible pre-
miums were paid, must have caused an immense con-
sumption of paper. A profession held in such honor,
and whose productions' were rewarded with such
munificence, naturally attracted to its ranks the noble
and the learned of every Moslem nation; and espe-
cially was this the case in the Peninsula, where the
highest literary advantages were enjoyed even by
families of humble rank; and where education among
all classes was not only a religious duty, but a stigma
attached to its neglect. In consequence of this, liter-
ary pursuits became not only a fashion but a pleasure;
a correct taste was formed; popular emulation was
aroused; the manufacture of books was multiplied;
and the palaces of the rich, irrespective of their na-
tionality, were filled with collections which would have
provoked the astonishment of a learned " clerk" of
France or Britain, whose superiority over his parish-
ioners consisted in his ability to write an illegible
scrawl and to intone the service — ^whose meaning he
often did not comprehend, and the application of
whose teachings was a matter of conjecture — ^in a
barbarous jargon of monkish Latin. Care for the
preservation, and facilities for the purdiase, of these
literary treasures kept pace with their original pro-
duction. Binding in leather was perfectly understood,
and the elaborately decorated cases in which the vol-
umes were often enclosed were deposited upon shelves
of aromatic and precious woods, such as cedar, aloe,
ebony, and sandal.
The change from the roll of the ancients to the
square form of books now used dates from the middle
of the fifth century. The art had abeady reached a
high degree of perfection before the establishment of
Islamism. Its best efi^orts were originally, as might
be conjectured, confined to works on sacred subjects.
MooEisH Emfibe in Eubofe 627
Bindings enriched with ivory, gems, cameos, medal-
lions, and clasps of fhe precious metals were adorned
with the utmost skill of the goldsmith and the lapi-
dary. The Arabs, and especially those of Spain, —
the seat of the greatest culture of the race, — excelled
in this art, as in all others to which they diligently
applied their talents and their industry. The supe-
riority of their materials, the beauty of their designs,
the brilliancy of their colors, and the profusion of
their ornamentation were proverbial. The value of
their covers caused the disappearance and mutilation
of great numbers of works, now either entirely lost or
existing only in a fragmentary condition. At the sack
of Cordova, the Berbers used the leather of priceless
volumes for sandals. The Castilian invader stripped
others of their gold and jewels and contemptuously
cast the manuscripts away. The magnificence of
those sacrificed to the malignant energy of Ximenes
in the destruction of Moslem learning at Granada only
intensified the prejudice existing against Arabic liter-
ature in the mind of every ignorant and infuriated
bigot of the time.
The trade in books held a high rank in the com-
mercial world; its profits corresponded with its mer-
cantile importance; and in the time of Al-Hakem II.
the booksellers in Cordova alone nimibered more than
twenty thousand.
The various kinds of textile fabrics manufactured
by the Spanish Arabs embraced every species of stuffs
and every style of pattern. In addition to silk, the
fine merino Wools of Lusitania and the cotton and
flax for which Andalusia was long famous furnished
to the weaver supplies of raw material unsurpassed in
strength and delicacy of fibre. Silk introduced into
Spain by the Moors had for centuries been known to
the inhabitants of Yemen, who had become familiar
with it through their trade with China. Its use was
628 HiSTOEY OP THE
forbidden to men by Mohammed, in whose time it
was a mark of effeminacy; but this prohibition was
constantly and systematically evaded by the artifice
of mingling a few threads of wool or cotton in the
web of the fabric. Essentially an article of luxury,
the amount consumed in the Peninsula indicated the
prosperous condition of a society which could afford
to purchase in such quantities a material that in many
countries commanded extravagant prices. As an
article of export none was more in demand or more
profitable. The broad and discerning government of
the khalifs, which, in accordance with the true prin-
ciples of political economy, promoted every important
branch of commerce, regarded its culture and manu-
facture with peculiar favor. It was by an especial
provision of the law exempted from taxation. They
encouraged by boimties the planting of mulberry-
trees. In addition to the incredible numbers of these
to be encountered in the valleys of Granada, Valencia,
and Almeria, the city of Jaen, whose climate and
situation were remarkably propitious to the rearing of
silk-worms, was the centre of three thousand hamlets
devoted to this lucrative industry. While in Spain
silk was a common material for the apparel of the
rich, elsewhere in Europe it was one of tiie rarest of
commodities and a commercial curiosity. It formed
part of the most precious booty of tiie Crusaders.
Relics were enclosed in its folds as the most costly
of fabrics. It was spread upon the altars of noble
cathedrals. Monarchs were delighted with the pos-
session of a small piece of a stuff which for genera-
tions had filled the shops and furnished the wardrobes
of wealthy citizens of Granada, Cordova, and Seville.
By the cultivation of a single branch of manufac-
tures in a particular locality, the subjects of the khalif ,
profiting by experience, by the transmission of heredi-
tary talent to successive generations, by the improve-
Moorish Empikb in Eusofe 629
ment in mechanical processes which from time to time
spontaneously suggested themselves, attained in many
departments of industry to an aknost imprecedented
degree of dexterity. Water-power was used to drive
machinery in all the Andalusian manufacturing cen-
tres; in the time of Ferdinand and Isabella looms
were still operated by means of it at Cordova. Nearly
every city was noted for a specialty in whose fabri-
cation it excelled. The armorers of Seville were
famous for their coats of mail and armor inlaid and
embossed with gold. The swords of Toledo were con-
sidered imapproachable for the elegance of their
chasing, the keenness of their edge, and the fineness
of their temper. At Almeria were made articles of
gilded and decorated glass, the method of whose
manufacture, carried by the Moors to Italy, is now
possessed in its perfection by the Venetians alone.
The superiority of the woollens of Cuenca and the
cottons of Beja was undisputed. Bocayrente pro-
duced a Unen fabric of gossamer lightness, which
resembled the meshes of a spider's web in strength
and in delicacy. The carpets of Miwcia had no equals
except in Persia. The silken gauzes and sumptuous
caparisons of Granada were sent as presents to kings.
In its Alcaiceria, or Silk Market, were two hundred
shops for the exclusive sale of that staple. It is said
that in this beautiful city edifices built for the trans-
action of business resembled palaces in their splendor.
Its tapestries and brocades were wonderful specimens
of the weaver's skill, and their designs were subse-
quently used as models by the artisans of Italy and
France. There also were made exquisite enamels and
vases of rock-crystal. The ]\^oorish jewellers of
Granada were the most celebrated in Europe.
Among the specimens of their handiwork is mentioned
a necklace containing four hundred pearls, each worth
a hundred and fifty dinars. Alicante enjoyed a mo-
680 HlffEOBY OF THE
nopoly in its mats and baskets of esparto, that tough
African grass, whose employment dates from the
occupation of Iberia by the Carthaginians, and whose
manifold uses are so admirably adapted to the re-
quirements of a tropical climate. The mills of Sara-
gossa and Murcia, built upon boats moored over the
rapid currents of the Ebro and the Guadalaviar,
were renowned for the excellent character of their
flour. The drug-market of Liorca was universally
resorted to by physicians, aware that their reputation
depended on the purity of the medicines they adminis-
tered and relying upon the official supervision of the
government as a sufficient guaranty of their excel-
lence. No such organized and co-operative system for
the production of commodities and fabrics had at that
time been adopted by any other nation in the world.
The f oimder's art, particidarly exemplified in the cast-
ing of ponderous pieces of metal, was practised with
a surprising degree of skill. Cordova 90]itained at
least one establishment of this description, where were
made the figures for the decoration of the fountains
at Medina-al-Zahra. The usual difficulties attending
the even distribution of the molten metal during the
operation of casting seem to have been entirely over-
come in the examples to be met with in the museums
of Europe, and tihe results appear to have been as
complete and satisfactory as in the perfected processes
of the present day.
In every department of scientific labor, in every
practical operation of life demanding a high degree
of mechanical skill, the Spanish Moor exhibited on
all occasions a precocious and remarkable ingenuity.
There was no field tqo extensive, no detail too insig-
nificant, to be investigated by his enterprising genius.
The marvellous scope of his powers was the greatest
factor of his success. Like the famous English phi-
losopher, he seemed to have "' taken all knowledge to
MooBisH Empibe in Extbofe 681
be his' province." His intellectual faculties grasped
and utilized in an instant conceptions that individuals
of other nations would have, and, in fact, often did,
cast aside with contempt. The pioneer of modem
progress, the permanent traces he has left upon civili-
zation, and his salutary customs, adopted by posterity
in defiance of popular odium and traditional preju-
dice, are unwilling tributes of national and ecclesias-
tical hostility to the talents and greatness of an accom-
plished people to whom history is indebted for the
sole bright spot on the dark map of mediaeval Europe.
For the commodities of European convenience and
Oriental luxury were bartered innumerable products
of Moorish agriculture, mining enterprise, and manu-
facturing skill, — ^the oils, the fruits, the sugar, the
rice, the cotton, of Andalusia and Valencia; cochineal,
which aboimded in many parts of the Peninsula;
the antimony and quicksilver of Estremadura; the
rubies, amelliysts, and pearls of Alicante and Car-
thagena; the linens of Salamanca; the woollens of
Segovia; the silks of Granada; the damasks of
Almeria; the blades and armor of Seville and Toledo.
The product of the paper-mills of Xativa, famous
throughout the East, was annually exported in large
quantities. Malaga disposed of the most of its exqui-
site ceramic manufactures in Syria and Constanti-
nople. From Cordova came the enamelled leather,
long famous from the name of the Ommeyade capital.
The horses of the Hispano-Arab breed were trans-
ported in great numbers even as far as Persia. In
the kingdom of Granada a hxmdred thousand were
regularly maintained for the use of the crown. An-
dalusia enjoyed an infamous celebrity as the principal
market for eunuchs in the world. The supply came
from France, Galicia, and Barbary, through the me-
diimi of Christian and Hebrew dealers, by whose
instrumentality, also, these unfortunates were pre-
682 History of the
pared for the humiliating service of tiie seraglio. Vast
multitudes of other slaves, the produce of foray and
conquest, were also disposed of from time to time;
a single expedition of Al-Mansur conveyed to Cor-
dova nine thousand Christian captives. Thus, exclu-
sive of other booty, prisoners of vjrar were a source of
constant and enormous revenue to the state.
The natural resources of Sicily and its fortunate
position, as the entrepot of the Eastern and Western
Mediterranean, were the means of enriching its peo-
ple beyond that of any territory of equal area known
in any age. The harbors of Palermo and Syracuse
were constantly crowded with shipping. Sicilian mer-
chantmen were to be encountered in every European
port; they brought cargoes of slaves, ivory, and gold-
dust from the coast of Guinea; they traversed the
canal of Suez, — ^reopened by the Egyptian khalif s, —
and, braving the tempests of the Red Sea and ilie
Indian Ocean, penetrated to the Spice Islands of the
far distant East. The intimate relations of the Moor-
ish princes of Sicily with the khalif s of Cordova and
the Byzantine emperors placed within reach of their
merchants every article of popular research and com-
mercial value. In exchange for these, they exported
the vegetable and mineral productions of the island, —
cotton, hemp, grapes, oranges, sugar, wine, and oil;
copper, lead, iron, and mercury; rock-salt, sal-ammo-
niac, and vitriol; cattle and horses; and the sheU-fish
from which was extracted the Tyrian purple. The
profits of this extensive commerce were naturally pro-
ductive of enormous wealth; the warehouses of the
Sicilian cities were crowded with valuable merchandise
of every conceivable description; the houses of the
Palermitan merchants rivalled the palaces of sover-
eigns; and the people in effeminacy and voluptuous-
ness, in no respect surpassed by the inhabitants of an-
Moorish Empib£ m Eubofe 888
dent Sybaris, were proverbial for their opulence, their
refinement, their extravagance, and their luxury.
It will appear from the foregoing observations that
the energy manifested by the European Moslems in
mercantile pursuits was fully equal to their industrial
and literary activity. In neither the ancient nor the
mediffival world did any nation— excepting the Phoe-
nicians— ^approach the Spanish and the Sicilian Arabs
in craft, in foresight, in enterprise, in accuracy of
judgment, in that singleness of purpose which is indis-
pensable to success. Their Midas touch turned every-
thing to gold. They were familiar with Oriental
countries at a period when the very existence of the
latter was unknown to Europe or was considered
fabulous. The number of shops for the sale of
merchandise which existed in the great cities indi-
cated the immensity of the trafiic of which they were
the centres; of these Cordova contained more than
eighty thousand. The rules which governed the trans-
actions of commercial intercourse in the markets of
the Peninsula were so simple, convenient, and equita-
ble that they were subsequently adopted by many
other nations. The learned French writer, Sedillot,
is authority for the statement that Europe has bor-
rowed from the Arabs some of its most important
principles of finance as well as its present code of
maritime law.
To the Moslems we owe the adaptation of the mag-
netic needle to the p\u*poses of navigation, an inven-
tion long erroneously attributed to the sailors of
Amalfi. Its peculiar properties, familiar for ages to
the Chinese, were probably commimicated by them to
the Arabs. OriginaUy inserted in a cork and per-
mitted to float on the surface of water,, the Moors were
the first to mount it on a pivot, thereby vastly in-
creasing its utility and accuracy. They were evidently
acquainted with it before the twelfth century, as Arab
684 History of thb
writers of that epoch allude without comment to the
compass as an instrument perfectly familiar to the
seamen of the Mediterranean. To the Mussulman
the magnet possessed! a threefold significance and
value. It guided his vessel across the trackless waters
independently of the appearance of the stars. It indi-
cated unerringly the course of the caravan in the
Desert, constancy menaced by the perils of thirst and
of the simoom. And it enabled the pious worshipper,
however distant from the Mosque of Mecca, to ascer-
tain in an instant the point to which he should direct
his face during the hours of prayer.
The laborious and exhaustive investigations of
Reinand, Fav6, Le Bon, and Viardot have demon-
strated beyond dispute that the Arabs were the in-
ventors of gunpowder and artillery. While it was
admitted that these destructive agents were introduced
into Europe by the Moors of Spain, their discovery
was long universally ascribed to the Chinese. As a
matter of fact, they were first made use of in Sjrria
and Egypt, probably as early as the beginning- of the
thirteenth century. The primitive lombards of the
Sultan of Egypt, which cast great balls of stone, ter-
rified the army of St. Louis in 1249. Artillery was
employed by the Moors, besieged in Niebla by Alfonso
X., in 1257* According to Ibn-Khaldun, it was used
by Abu-Yusuf , Emir of Morocco, at the siege of
Sidjilmesa, in 1278. Ibn-al-Khatib says that cannon
were made in Granada before 1800, and mentions
Ibn-al-Hadj as famous for his skill in their manu-
facture. After that time they are frequently men-
tioned by the Spanish historians of the Reconquest.
Their first appearance in the wars of France was in
1888. The Earls of Salisbury and Derby, who served
in the army of Alfonso XI., before Algeziras, in
1842, carried the knowledge of the invention to Eng-
land four years before the battle of Crecy, an epodi
Mcx)si8H Empire in Extbofe 885
which marks its general adoption in Europe. Con-
sidering the immense military superiority which we
should naturally attribute to a people exclusively
acquainted with the formula for the manufacture of
gunpowder and experienced in its application to fire-
arms, it is remarkable that this enormous power was
not more profitably utilized by the Spanish Arabs,
who possessed it a century before the portentous secret
became known to the nations of Christendom.
Among the Moslems, the operations of war were
rarely carried on according to a definite plan. Military
service was not merely a matter of patriotism or loy-
alty, it was a religious duty imposed by his faith upon
every Mussulman, and from which only the infirm
and the aged were exempt. As of old in the Desert,
each dan marched under its hereditary commander.
In important campaigns the army was marshalled in
five grand divisions, symbolical of the five cardinal
precepts of Islam, an arrangement by which the valor
of the warrior was strengthened by the stimulus of
fanatical zeal. The Koran was always in sight, either
borne like a standard on the point of a lance or held
in the hand of the general, as he directed the manoeu-
vres of the field. There was no regular attempt at
organization. The troops depended largely on the
enemy for subsistence. The cavalry were generally
clad in mail; the infantry were, as a rule, little better
than a half -armed rabble. If repulsed at the first
onset, it was almost impossible to rally a Moslem army.
Among the most remarkable institutions of the
Arabs of Spain was the Ribat, or station on the fron-
tier of the enemy, which formed the model of the
orders of military monks of the Middle Ages. These
establishments were strongly fortified castles, garri-
soned by devout soldiers, who expected the recompense
promised by the Koran for constant service against
the infidel. The leisure time of their occupants was
886 HlffTOBT OF THE
spent in religious exercises. Many pious volunteers
sought glory and holiness in the dangerous life whidi
the exposed position of these outposts afforded. The
latter guarded the passes of every hostile country;
they were found on the borders of Italy, Languedoc»
Castile, Aragon, Portugal. Their rules of discipline,
their vows, and their penances presented a striking
analogy to those of the orders of Santiago, Alcan-
tara, and Calatrava, whose organization they evi-
dently suggested. Their foundation preceded those
of the Hospital and the Temple by more than two
hundred and fifty years.
The coinage of the Ommeyades of Spain was Uie
purest, the most artistic in design, the most elegant
in execution, which had to that time been known in
Europe. It was composed of the dinar, of gold, equal
to two dollars; the dirhem, of silver, equal to twelve
cents; and various small pieces of copper of fiiuctu-
ating value.
The balance, whose value to the merchant would
not be fully apparent unless he were deprived of it,
is also an invention of the Arabs. The Moorish unit
of linear measure was represented by a horsehair. Six
of these placed together were equal to a grain of
barley; six grains of barley made a finger-breadth;
fom* fingers a palm; six palms a cubit Of modem
weights in ordinary use, the grain, represented by a
barley-corn, and the carat, adapted from the seed of
the pea, have descended without alteration from tiie
Arabs to our goldsmiths and jewellers.
The political, religious, and domestic institutions of
the Arabs, which account in a measure for the amazing
rapidity of their progress in Europe as elsewhere,
were also largely responsible for the downfall of their
power. Their government, derived from the patri-
archal organization of the Desert and confirmed by
the revered precepts of Islam, placed absolutely un-
MooBiSH Emfibe in Eueofe 687
limited authority in the hands of the sovereign. The
khalif , as th^ word implies, was the Successor of the
Prophet. Fortune was long eminently propitious to
the Ommeyade dynasty in providing it with a line of
kings even more distinguished in the arts of peace
than in the arduous and uncertain achievements of
conquest. But these talents for administration and
war, it is obvious, could not be indefinitely transmitted.
With the first apearance of royal incapacity, the scep-
tre passed into the hands of ambitious statesmen, ready
to sacrifice the claims of religion and hereditary de-
scent to considerations of private emolument and dis-
tinction. The epoch included in the reign of Hischem
II. is the most glorious in Moslem annals. But that
renown was achieved not by the Khalif in person, nor
even under his direction, but by Al-Mansur, his Prime
Minister, who, although of obscure birth, guided, as
did the Frankish Mayors of the Palace, by his tran-
scendent and unaided genius the destinies of the
empire. The example of his success and the attempt
to bequeath to his son the power which he alone was
able to wield were fatal to the Moslem domination,
and contributed with other causes of equal gravity to
its ultimate overthrow.
In the civil and military organization of the govern-
ment the patriarchal traditions of the Bedouin were
preserved, under circumstances little suggestive of his
origin and highly incongruous and inexpedient, amidst
the results of an advanced civilization. The author-
ity and office of the sheik were reproduced imder
other names, which, even to the ignorant foreigner,
did not serve to disguise their identity. Founded
equally upon the legislation of the Koran, the admin-
istrations of the Sultans of Bagdad and the Khalifs
of Cordova differed only in the most trifling details.
Under both, the prince was daily accessible to the com-
plaints, and redressed in person the grievances of his
688 HiSTOBY OF THE
subjects. Under both, the kadi, whose office was in-
vested with a certain degree of sanctity as well as of
secular power, dispensed justice at the portals of the
mosque. His position was rather sacerdotal than ju-
dicial. He was one of the interpreters of the Koran,
the original source of all Moslem jurisprudence. In
his appointment the greatest care was exercised. Only
individuals conspicuous for learning, experience, and
integrity were considered eligible to such a responsi-
ble employment. Even the Khalif obeyed his sum-
mons. The Chief Kadi, who had supervision over all
the others, was the most powerftd dignitary of the
empire.
The Arabs left no extensive code of laws like that
of the Visigoths, wherein the rights of persons and
the penalties of crimes are systematically enumerated
and defined. As their government was presumed to
be theocratic, its principles were necessarily unalter-
able. Of legislation, in the modem understanding of
the term, they knew nothing. The decrees of the kha-
lif s, based upon the construction of the Koran and
the traditionary opinions of the Prophet embodied in
the Sunnah, formed the entire body of legal principles
and precedents available for the instruction and
guidance of magistrates.
Among the other officials of the administration
were the Hajib, or Prime Minister; the Viziers, who
composed the Divan or Council; and the Katibs, or
Secretaries. All of them were mere advisers of the
sovereign, and their authority was, except imder
extraordinary circumstances, only nominal.
The most important subordinate office was that of
the Mohtesib, or Supervisor of Markets, who held
court at the gate of the mosque. His emissaries paid
frequent visits to all provision merchants and drug-
gists, prevented the use of false weights and meas-
ures, the sale of damaged food and adulterated medi-
MooBiSH Empibe in Eueofe 689
dnes, the overcharging and cheating of purchasers.
Their 4uties also extended to the protection of beasts
of burden from the inhumanity of their drivers, and
of*diildren from cruel punishment by parents and
sdiool-masters. They dispersed street crowds. They
prescribed sanitary regulations. The authority of the
Mohtesib was enforced by fines and scourging, and,
like most Arab judicial fimctionaries, from his deci-
sion there was no appeal.
In the demeanor of the Spanish khalifs there was
little of that haughty reserve which we are accustomed
to associate with the exercise of the imperial dignity.
For generations no atmosphere of exclusion sur-
rounded the monarch. As a rule, he was easy of
access to the meanest of his subjects. With the patri-
archal condescension of his forefathers, he frequently
sat in judgment at the gate of his palace. He de-
lighted in assuming disguises and in visiting by night
the most humble precincts of his capital. He super-
intended in person the construction of great public
works; in the erection of religious edifices, it was
not unusual for him to labor, for a certain time each
day, with his own hands. His charity, a duty enjoined
by the faith of which he was the national represen-
tative, was boundless, and was greatly abused. In
the execution of the laws, his sentence was often cruel
even to ferocity; but an apt quotation or a well-
turned couplet often turned aside the axe of the exe-
cutioner. A fortunate event — ^the birth of an heir,
a recovery from illness, the tidings of an important
victory — ^afi^orded an occasion for a noble exhibition
of gratitude and mercy, the pardon of criminals, the
liberation of Christian captives, the lavish distribution
of alms. The high and generous qualities which dis-
tinguished the princes of the Ommeyade line — quali-
ties confirmed and developed by a learned education —
prevented the exercise of those acts of tyranny which
640 HiSTOBY OF THE
often spring from the possession of unlimited and
irresponsible power. But with all their greatness, iheir
clemency, their generosity, the khalif s were univer-
sally hated. The obsequious submission exacted *by
their oflSce was highly repugnant to the native inde-
pendence of the Arab, whose cherished traditions
required obedience only to the chieftain of his tribe.
The doctors of the law, who regarded all learning
inconsistent with the Koran as heretical or suspicious,
had no admiration for a sovereign who collected great
libraries, translated the infidel works of antiquity, and
patronized studies whose results savored of magic and
sorcery. Among the aristocracy the spirit of insub-
ordination, always strong, was intensified by the vigi-
lance and severity with which it was suppressed, by
the memory of past renown, and by the hope of future
revolution that might open an avenue to the throne.
The incongruous elements composing the masses, held
together solely by fear, incapable of fusion, detesting
each other with unquenchable hatred, yet joining in
the universal execration of their rulers, were ready for
any emergency which might afford an opportunity for
bloodshed and rapine. It was the intolerant f aquis
who were responsible for the deluge of African bar-
barians that overwhelmed the empire. It was the pop-
ulace which renounced its allegiance to the govern-
ment in the horn* of national peril. The ambition of
rival nobles established the score of petty kingdoms
whose dissensions and weakness made possible the suc-
cess of the conunon enemy.
Nor were the characters of the khalif s always sudi
as inspire respect. Considerations of political expe-
diency, if not of unquestioning religious belief, en-
forced their strict observance of the ceremonies of
public worship. But with this concession to popular
prejudice, the apparent devotional obligations of the
Successors of the Prophet not infrequently termi-
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe 641
nated. Some, indeed, were men of eminent piety and
zeaL Others, however, were considered of suspicious
orthodoxy. The preferment of Jews and infidels to
posts of high responsibility was looked upon as incon-
sistent with the professions of a devout Mussulman.
The pursuit of philosophy, the mysterious studies of
the laboratory, the toleration of pantheistic doctrines,
were regarded with equal distrust and disfavor. It
was known that thousands of works in the libraries of
the empire treated of prohibited subjects. It was
more than suspected that certain Commanders of the
Faithful were addicted to the habitual use of wine,
and sometimes surpassed the limits of moderation in
its indulgence. There were other Koranic admonitions
of even graver importance flagrantly defied. It is evi-
dent, from the unmistakable allusions of Arab histo-
rians, that many of the wisest and most distinguished
princes of Mohanmiedan Spain were given to the prac-
tice of unspeakable vices of Oriental origin, and that
these crimes against decency were of such frequent
occurrence as scarcely to elicit a passing notice. The
greatest tyrants among them were slaves to the foolish
vagaries of women. A single instance will suffice to
show this fond subserviency to feminine caprice. Ho-
mequia, wife of Motamid, Prince of Seville, who was
famed for his learning and wisdom, having one day
from her windows seen some children wading in the
mud, expressed a desire to divert herself in the same
manner. Thereupon Motamid caused the floor of
the principal court of the palace to be thickly covered
with a paste of musk, camphor, ambergris, and spices,
mixed with rose-water; and the favorite with her
attendants disported themselves for a few hours in
this precious mud, at an expense of tens of thousands
of pieces of gold.
Guarded in his public utterances, sentiments ex-
pressed by the khalif in the privacy of the palace, and
Vol. III.— 41
642 HiSTOBT OF THE
which conveyed no exalted idea of his sincerity as the
venerated head of a great religious system, often
reached the outside world. Music, reprobated by the
Koran as an incentive to idleness and vice, was one of
the most popular amusements of the imperial court.
The licentious dances of the East, which had rendered
Spain infamous from the days of the Phcenidans,
were daily perfoi^ned in the presence of aristocratic
assemblies. The palace swarmed with catamites and
buffoons. Astrology and divination, especially con-
demned by Mohammed as reminiscences of Paganism
and offensive to Gkxi, were practised everywhere,
almost without concealment. While these violations
of Moslem law by its representative horrified the de-
vout, it afforded a pernicious example to the people,
ever ready to profit by the foibles of their superiors.
Under the later khalif s, Moorish society in the Penin-
sula became frightfully corrupt. The secret contempt
for religion was only accentuated by the apparent
regard manifested for its outward observances. Infi-
delity was rife among all classes. The people, from
the noble to the beggar, indulged in brutalizing sensu-
ality. In their excesses they once more demonstrated
the truth of the principle that the highest civilization
as well as the most degraded ignorance are equally
unfavorable to the development of principles of mo-
rality; that the hardships endured by races the least
removed from the brute creation and the profligacy
engendered by the splendors of the most polished soci-
eties are alike destructive of the noblest instincts of
mankind; or, in the language of the great Dutch
historian, '' that a singular analogy exists between the
vices of decadence and the vices of barbarism." The
heartless, cynical, and debauched atmosphere which
enveloped tiie court of Hischem II., and whose evil
effects upon the nation the great abilities of AI-Man-
sur were not sufficient to redeem, offered no sugges-
Moorish Empibe in Europe 648
tdon of the pious spirit under whose influence the
khalif ate was founded. The enormous wealth of the
country permitted a display of license and luxury of
which the annals of degenerate Rome alone can fur-
nish a parallel. The markets were crowded with
female slaves collected from such distant regions as
Finland, Ethiopia, Hindustan, and the Caucasus. Of
these the harem of the IQialif absorbed a large pro-
portion; that of Al-Nassir contained nearly seven
thousand. In an age when intellectual accomplish-
ments were valued almost as highly as the charms of
person and manner, it was no unusual circumstance
for an educated slave to bring four thousand pieces
of gold. The dress of even the ordinary female servi-
tors of the harem exceeded in richness the attire of
wealthy ladies of to-day; that of the favorites of the
prince displayed the prodigal magnificence of the most
opulent and powerful of empires.
In the celebration of public festivals the pomp of
ihe nobles and merdiants — ^the gorgeous appointments
of their households, their imposing array of slaves and
eunuchs, the beauties of their seraglio, the glittering
damascened armor, the silks embroidered with gold,
the sheen of priceless gems — ^awakened the astonish-
ment of the stranger and provoked the sullen and
impotent anger of the populace. In the homes of
the wealthy, the rarest perfumes — essences of rose,
jasmine, and orange, the incense of musk and amber-
gris— diffused through the palatial apartments the
odors so grateful to the senses of the voluptuous Arab.
The bath, at once a religious necessity, a hygienic insti-
tution, and an instrument of luxurious pleasure, vied
in the splendor of its equipment and furniture with
the most sumptuous establishments of imperial Rome.
The public baths were used — ^as they still are in all
Moslem countries — ^not alone for the purposes of rest
and ablution, but for gossip, entertainment, and in-
644 HisroEY OF THE
trigue. It was usual for women to pass many hours
within their precincts attended by their slaves, to be
regaled with delicate confections, and to be soothed
by the music of itinerant musicians. The pernicious
effects of the presence of evil genii, who, according
to an ancient superstition, were believed to haunt these
localities, were averted by the repetition of pious texts
and by the wearing of amulets. Mohammedan pre-
judice, not without cause, regarded the public bath
with suspicion as a convenient means of moral cor-
ruption; and those whose circumstances permitted it,
surrounded this institution of personal enjoyment and
religious necessity with the privacy of domestic life.
In the abodes of the rich it was invested with all the
splendor which the command of unlimited means could
provide. The tessellated floor was composed of the
rarest marbles. The walls were encrusted with mosaic.
Through curiously wrought windows of colored glass
the tempered light broke into a thousand variegated
hues. The pipes were of massy silver, the vessels not
infrequently of gold. In the outer apartments the
floors were covered with silken carpets, and tapers,
from which emanated the most exquisite and costly
perfumes, burned slowly in ghttering lustres of
rock-crystal and alabaster. The luxury of the Mos-
lem culminated in the bath. The latter, borrowed
from the Romans, was invested with a magnificence
unknown even to the sumptuous thermae of the
Caesars. The ancients, with all their civilization, were
unacquainted with soap, which is an invention of the
Arabs. An indispensable appendage to the worship
of Islam, the first building erected in a city occupied
by the Mussulman arms, was one designed for pur-
poses of public ablution. In some respects it even
took precedence of the mosque, for a Christian church
could be purified and consecrated to religious service,
but no corresponding substitution of the bath was
Moorish Empibe in Eubofe 645
possible among infidels, who regarded evidences of
filthy habits as an infallible criterion of orthodoxy;
and without complete lustration on Fridays no Mo-
hammedan was fit to enter the temple of God. So
important was this duty considered, that it was not
unusual for persons in the humblest walks of life to
sacrifice even their physical wants for the sake of
cleanliness and to spend their last dirhem for soap,
preferring rather to endure the pangs of hunger than
to incur the reproach incident to personal neglect.
With the frequent use of the bath was also intro-
duced the practice of wearing underclothing, which,
often changed, is so conducive to physical purity. The
domestication of the cotton plant in the Peninsula,
which cheapened the soft and delicate fabrics woven
from its fibre, promoted the adoption of this custom
even among Christians; and the name of the now
indispensable undergarment worn next the skin by
both sexes in every civilized country has passed almost
imaltered into the principal languages of Europe. In
most of its details the dress of the Spanish Arabs was
borrowed from the Orient. Their flowing robes were
generally white, the peculiar color of the reigning
family, as well as that best adapted to the temperature
of a southern climate. The turban was considered
the appropriate badge of the learned professions,
whose members would have regarded its assumption
by persons of another calling as an unpardonable
breach of privilege. Individuals of the middle class
wore caps of green or red; in later times the Jews, as
a distinguishing mark of their race, were restricted
to yellow. The common people went bareheaded or
boimd a silken scarf about their temples, as is still to
be seen in many parts of Andalusia. All who could
afi[^ord it displayed a profusion of rings, many of them
talismans; there were few, however poor, without a
signet of some description.
646 HlSTOUY OF THE
The maxims of phflosophy, the enjoyment of un-
equalled educational privileges, the enlargement of
the mental faculties obtained by travel, were alike un-
able to divest the Spanish Arabs of puerile supersti-
tions. The tenacity with which human nature clings
to these legacies of ignorance was well understood by
Mohammed, who incorporated many of them into his
religion. The ordinary Moor of the epoch of Al-
Hakem II. was as sincere a believer in the importance
of dreams, in the significance of omens, in the occult
virtues of amulets, as the Bedouin who roamed over
the Desert five hundred years before the Hegira.
Even the most wise and philosophical of the khalifs
entertained diviners and astrologers. It will require
but an instant's reflection to recall to the mind of tiie
reader events in his own experience which demonstrate
the ineradicable character of similar superstitions, a
weakness incident to humanity from which no race,
age, or civilization seems to be entirely free. There
were many kinds of magic and enchantment for the
counteraction of whose effects various ceremonies were
prescribed. The most dreaded of these was the evil-
eye, a belief in whose influence, for centuries preva-
lent among Orientals, was recognized by Mohanomed
himself. Of sovereign efficacy in averting its conse-
quences were the ejaculation of well-known texts and
the possession of certain talismans. The hand, which
represented symbolically the five cardinal principles
of Islam, was one of the most popular forms of the
latter. Long before the invasion of Tarik, it had been
the most generally adopted emblem for protection
against malign influence used in the Moslem world.
It was probably of Pagan origin, like many of the
ancient symbols of Islam. The Romans may have
received it from the Arabs, for it appears in the centre
of a laurel wreath on an imperial standard upon the
colmnn of Trajan. Kings sculptured it on llie key-
MooBiSH Emfibe IK EUSOFE 647
stones of their palaces. Feasants painted it over the
doorways of their hovels. It was one of the devices of
the khidifs. Carved in jet, camelian, or agate, it was
prized by women more highly than the costliest gem.
At the time of the Conquest of Granada it was so fre-
quently worn that the suppression of its use claimed
the attention of the ecclesiastical authorities, and
severe penalties were denounced against all in whose
possession it was found. In defiance of these ob-
stacles, however, the custom survived, and the talis-
manic hand — along with the crucifix, the Agnus Dei,
the rosary, and other accessories of Christian supersti-
tion— ^is still to be met with among the mountain peas-
antry of Spain.
The fertile mind of the Arab, whose early existence
had been passed amidst the impressive solitude of the
Desert, delighted to people wiiii imaginary beings the
limitless domain of the invisible world. The learned
society of Cordova was far from renoimcing a belief
sanctioned by the religion of the state and entertained
for centuries by the aristocracy of Arabia. The mys-
teries of demonology exerted an uncontrollable fas-
cination over the multitude. An infinite gradation of
power and malignity characterized the vast array of
spirits, from the hideous ghoul that haunted the
charnel-house and the cemetery to the majestic genii
that stood in the presence of the celestial throne,
whose armor blazing with light and jewels recalls the
panoply of Milton's angels; whose gigantic forms
assumed at will the shapes of seraphs or pillars of
vapor; and whose martial hosts, invested with a
strange reality, appeared to the excitable Arab an
army of sentient beings rather than the gorgeous
phantoms of an enchanted vision.
The civil organization of the Spanish Khalifate
was one of the prodigies of the age. Order was en-
forced by regulations whose effects were experienced
648 HiSTOSY OF THE
equally in the capital and in the extreme frontier out-
post of the empire. Justice was administered quickly,
wisely, impartially. Taxes were regularly appor-
tioned, and the laborer was always sure of the enjoy-
ment of the product of his toil. By means of watch-
towers and beacons, information could be transmitted
over great distances in a short time. In a few hours
the approach of an enemy was known throughout all
Andalusia. As early as tiie reign of Abd-al-Rahman
II. an extensive system of posts was established. The
stations, where relays of swift horses were kept for
the service of the government, were each under charge
of an oflScer whose duty it was to correspond directly
with the khalif , and to inform him of all that trans-
pired in the vicinity which might come to his knowl-
edge. * Where more rapid communication was neces-
sary, carrier-pigeons were employed for the trans-
mission of important despatches, a custom introduced
from Sicily. Six hundred years after this there was
no postal system in any country of Europe. The
highways were protected by barracks, from which
patrols were regularly detailed to watch over the
safety of travellers and to keep order in the surround-
ing country. All officials, without exception, were
directly responsible to the sovereign, and held their
places during his pleasure. An army of spies in every
foreign court and in the council and household of
every provincial governor kept the coiul; informed
not only of matters which affected the policy of
great kingdoms, but of the most trivial circumstances
growing out of the intercourse of daily life. When
a new province was conquered, it was the first duty
of the imperial secretaries to prepare schedules of its
agricultural and mineral resources, its commerce, its
wealth, and its population.
The character of the Mussulmans of Spain was
defiled by all the vices which follow in the train of
Moorish Empule in Europe 649
prodigal luxury and boundless wealth. Among these
drunkenness was one of the most common. Person-
ages of the highest rank were not ashamed to appear
in public while intoxicated. Wine was often served
at the royal table. Al-Mansur indulged in its use
habitually. His son, Abd-al-Rahman, was a con-
firmed drunkard. Once when the muezzin announced
the hour of prayer, this young reprobate exclaimed,
"Were he to say * Come to drink!' it would sound
much better." Many of the rulers of the Moorish
principalities were notorious for their excesses. Some
Moslems drank white wine, as they declared that
the prohibition of the Prophet only applied to red.
Hypocrites used vessels of metal for their libations,
so that their shortcomings might not be detected by
their neighbors.
In Arabian Spain, which inherited many of the dia-
bolical arts of Asia, poisoning was a most popular
mode of revenge. Deadly substances were conveyed
or administered to the victim by methods against
which no precautions could avail, — in robes of honor,
in golden caskets, in suits of armor, in perfumed
gloves, in flowers, in delicious sweetmeats. They
were often enclosed under the jewels of rings for use
in sudden emergency. The barbarous practice of
using poisoned weapons long prevailed. The moim-
taineers of Granada during the Conquest dipped their
arrow-heads in aconite and hellebore, and the wounds
which they inflicted generally ended in torture the life
of the stricken enemy.
The people of the difi^erent cities of Andalusia had
each their peculiarities, few of which elicited compli-
mentary notices from strangers. The inhabitants of
Cordova were famous for their lawlessness and their
hypocrisy, their pomp and their epicureanism ; in those
of Seville voluptuousness, indolence, and frivolity
were predominant traits; those of Granada were pro-
650 History of the
verbial for vindictiyeness and turbulence; tiiose of
Xeres for politeness and elegance of manners. Na-
tional degeneracy early indicated the approaching and
inevitable dissolution of the empire. The posterity
of the conquerors, who in three years had marched
from Gibraltar to the centre of France, became in
the course of a few generations cowardly, effeminate,
corrupt. The geographer Ibn-Haukal, who visited
Spain in the tenth century, described the people of
the Peninsula as feeble in body and light and vacil-
lating in character. Ibn-Said, who wrote in the
eleventh, expresses surprise that the Castilians had
not long before expelled them from the land. !Even
in an age of decadence, however, the influence of
former traditions was not easily obliterated. Despite
revolution, conflagration, and African barbarity, Cor-
dova in the twelfth century was still the intellectual
centre of Spain. The difference between the two
great cities of Andalusia was from the beginning in-
dicated by the fact that when a scholar died his books
were sent to Cordova to be sold; but the instruments
of a musician were always disposed of to the best
advantage at Seville.
With the Spanish Moors a plurality of names was
considered an indication of social importance, an
opinion which has been transmitted to the Spaniards.
The beard, also, from riemote antiquity regarded as
a sign of dignity and wisdom among Orientals and
often reaching to the girdle, was, according to uni-
versal custom among learned Moslems of the Penin-
sula, restricted in length to a palm. Only the f aquis
and the doctors of the law wore long hair. No one
except slaves was shaven. To seize a person by the
beard was an unpardonable outrage, and even to touch
a woman's hair was an insult which might have cost
the offender his life at the hands of the mob. The
khalif s and all personages of rank dyed their beards
MooBisH Empire in Eubofe 651
red with henna to distinguish themselves from the
Christians and the Jews, who were never permitted to
use it
No characteristic of the Arabs of Spain was more
marked than their passionate love of jewels and per-
fumes. According to then* belief and traditions every
precious stone had its peculiar virtue. The emerald
banished evil spirits; the ruby possessed the property
of magnifying objects; the turquoise afforded im-
munity from misfortune. The cat*s-eye was sup-
})osed to render the wearer invisible. Mohammed had
declared that the camelian conferred happiness upon
its possessor. The sapphire banished melancholy.
The diamond was beneficial in insanity; the opal cured
sore eyes; ,the red-bezoar was a safeguard against
poison. The talismanic qualities presumed to be in-
herent in many gems were partly attributed to the
astral influence supposed to affect inanimate objects
as well as living organisms, and partly ascribed to the
Divine Essence believed to pervade aU matter. To be
efficacious, it was indispensable that the cutting or en-
graving of a stone should be done while certain con-
stellations were in the ascendant. The Moorish lapi-
daries were experts in their art. With the aid of tiie
bow, copper wheels, and emery, they produced work
little inferior to that of the most skilful diamond-
cutter of to-day. Even in the seal, an indispensable
mark of consequence with the Moslem, the shape had
ordinarily an important significance. Those of the
khalifs were usually round or polygonal; those of
diplomatists square; those of financiers oval.
Love of flowers was a veritable passion among the
Spanish Moslems. As they were the greatest bota-
nists in the world, so no other nation approached them
in the perfection of their floriculture and the ardor
with which they pursued it The profusion and va-
riety of blossoms of every description were marvellous
652 History of the
and enchanting; each had a meaning, by whose aid
tender sentiments could be conveyed without the in-
stnmientality of speech; they were associated with
every pubKc ceremony and with the most prosaic oc-
currences of domestic life; they dispensed their fra-
grance from the priceless vase of the palace; they
covered the cottage of the laborer; they formed the
daily decoration of the luxuriant tresses of the prin-
cess and the peasant; their garlands were the common
playthings of the infant; on the marble column which
marked the sepulchre of a virgin was sculptured a
single rose.
The social life of the Moors of Spain and Sicily
presents us with a picture at once lively, sensual, in-
tellectual,— ^where the highest physical enjoyment, di-
vested of every feature of coarseness, was varied by
the constant exhibition of wit and learning. To a con-
siderable extent, — ^yet far less than at the present day
in Mohammedan lands, — ^it was, as a necessary result
of their domestic regulations, bounded by the walls
of the harem. A feverish activity, such as pervades
the atmosphere of oiu* modem cities and which shows
no abatement after simset, was unknown to the Mos-
lem residents of Cordova and Palermo. The streets
of those great capitals, almost impassable by day,
were at night deserted save by the guardians of the
peace. In the court-yards of private mansions, on
the other hand, all was mirth and gayety. Lamps of
colored glass were suspended from the balconies. The
air was laden with the grateful odors of countless
blossoms. From the terrace which crowned every
Moorish dwelling could be traced the silvery Guadal-
quivir, as it wound its tortuous way through endless
olive and pomegranate plantations, and the glimmer-
ing rows of lights belonging to the suburban villas
which extended to the distant slopes of the Sierra
Morena. From the deep shadows of the palm- and
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe 658
orange-trees came the harmonious strams of lute and
mandolin mingled with the gentle murmur of the
fountains. In one gallery of the arcade women of
exquijsite grace and beauty executed the voluptuous
dances which had charmed the people of Tyre and
Carthage fifteen centuries before; in another, the
professional story-teller recounted tales of wonder
with their fascinating accessories of astrologers, genii,
magicians, fairies, and enchanters. During the holy
festival of Ramadhan, when the Moslem indenmified
himself at night for the abstinence and privations of
the day, Andalusian life in the gay capital of the
khalif ate was seen to its highest advantage. The city
was illuminated. The mosques were never closed.
The baths were crowded. In the seclusion of do-
mestic privacy there were feasting, dissipation, often
unseemly orgies, until dawn. Buffoons and jugglers
entertained with indelicate jests and antics the groups
of hilarious loungers in the parks and on the comers.
Itinerant minstrels, progenitors of the troubadour,
chanted in monotonous accents romantic ballads of
love and chivalry. Gilded litters, guarded by eunuchs
with drawn scimetars, traversed the streets. On the
Guadalquivir, lighted by the brilliant radiance of the
moon and perfumed with the odors of a thousand
gardens, floated innumerable boats hung with many-
colored lanterns and garlanded with flowers. Among
the graver part of the population, the gratification of
the senses was discarded for the more profitable diver-
sions of the intellect, — for philosophical experiments,
learned discussions, literary contests. In the library,
the scholar collated the historians of Greece and
Egypt. In the caravansary, the man of leisure played
chess and backgammon or watched the swaying move-
ments of the half -nude dancing-girls. On all sides
resounded the clapping of hands, — ^the Oriental call
for servants, — still heard to-day in every public place
654 HiSTOBY OF THE
in Southern Spain. The women donned Iheir richest
apparel. Their forms were enveloped in chemises of
the finest linen; their trousers, which reached to the
knee, were hlue, green, yellow, or scarlet; their tunic,
of two colors, was richly embroidered with gold.
Leggings in many folds imparted to their lower limbs
a singularly clumsy and awkward appearance. Their
feet were enclosed in slippers. An ample garment
which could be used for both a cloak and a veil effec-
tually concealed the identity of the owner in the mov-
ing crowds. To a comb placed at the back of the head
was attached a scarf of elegant material and gauzy
texture, the prototype of the Spanish mantilla. The
material of the costume common to every class was
ordinarily of silk. For ornaments, the rich displayed
a profusion of dazzling gems; the poor were forced
to be content with jingling coins and amulets. All,
without exception, like the Moslem females of to-day,
heightened the lustre of their eyes with antimony and
stained their finger-tips with henna. Their nomen-
clature was suggestive of the romantic character
which invested their beautiful country. Such names
as Saida, "Happy;" Sobeiha, "Aurora;" Safia,
"Pure;" Ronmian, "Pomegranate;" Lonilion,
"Pearl;" Zahra, "Flower," were common among
the Saracens of Spain.
Under the Spanish Arabs, women enjoyed privi-
leges from which they were rigidly exdud^ in other
Mohammedan countries. They appeared everywhere
unveiled. As mentioned in a previous chapter, public
opinion not only permitted, but openly encouraged,
their participation in the national and provincial con-
tests for the palm of literary excellence. The rare
educational facilities of the khalifate were at their
disposal. Many — ^proficient in poetry, philosophy,
grammar, and rhetoric — excited universal admiration
by the scope and variety of their mental accomplish-
MoosiSH Empibe in Eubofe 655
ments. Some even became the political advisers of
great sovereigns. These circmnstances, so favorable
to the development and exaltation of the female char-
acter, eventually procured for the sex a consideration
elsewhere denied. As Mohammedanism was the first
of creeds to spontaneously recognize the right of
woman to an amelioration of her social condition, so
in the Peninsula the Hispano-Arab invested her per-
sonality with a dignity and an importance heretofore
not conceded to her merits by members of any race
or religion. From such novel doctrines were evolved
those chivalrous sentiments which, imparted to Eu-
rope, effected such a salutary reformation in the
intercourse and social usages of mediseval society.
Mohanunedan Spain presents the only instance, in
ancient or modem history, of a country under whose
laws and customs woman did not exist in a state of
tutelage. The quality of infant or chattel has, to a
greater or less extent, always seemed inseparable from
her condition. Among races highest in the scale of
civilization, her inferiority appeared the more striking,
partly from actual legal disabilities, partly from con-
trast. It is true that among the Greeks, when Athens
was at the summit of her renown, there were females
of polished education, of extensive knowledge, gifted
with talents of tiie highest order, able to cope in every
intellectual exercise with the most distinguished schol-
ars, philosophers, and statesmen. But these were few
in nimoiber, and belonged to a class which modem
prejudice has branded as infamous; the Athenian
wife of the time of Pericles was little better than a
slave. Charlemagne is generally conceded to have
been the most enlightened Christian sovereign of his
epoch. The civilization of his dominions offers a vivid
contrast to the darkness which enveloped contempo-
raneous states and kingdoms. He professed at least a
nominal respect for the preeepts of Christianity. He
656 HiSTOBY OF THE
publicly avowed himself the champion of the Holy
See. To the policy inherited by his successors is
largely due the subsequent increase of authority which
rescued the Papacy from contempt and made the
Bishop of Rome for centuries the dictator of Europe.
The learning of his coiui;, modified and in a measure
directed by Arabic influence, was far from mediocre.
And yet the old chronicles inform us that this great
prince in the presence of his courtiers engaged with
his sister in a personal encoimter, whose result was
doubtful until the vigorous use of his steel gauntlet,
which knocked out several teeth of his amazonian ad-
versary, gave him the advantage. If such was the
treatment accorded to ladies of the highest rank in the
. Middle Ages, the degradation of women belonging
to the remaining orders of society can scarcely be con-
ceived. Nor were these conditions materially im-
proved for centuries. Even so late as 1750, the laws
of England permitted women to be treated with a
severity almost barbarous; nor have the humiliating
restrictions bom of masculine superiority been in our
age entirely removed. During the reign <5f Charles
II. illiteracy was almost universal; learning in the sex
was decried as pedantry or worse; it was rarely that
a housewife could write her name; and even the prin-
cesses of the royal blood were unable to speak or spell
grammatically. This condition, bom of ecclesiastical
precept derived from the customs of a remote and
barbarous age and confirmed by national depravity
whose tendency was to' depreciate and ridicule female
virtue, is an unfailing sign of moral perversity and
intellectual decadence. Eight hundred years before,
women of Cordova had established an enviable reputa-
tion for their proficiency in all the arts which con-
tribute to the culture of nations; for the skill which
they exhibited in every department of scientific re-
search; for their profound acquaintance with the
MooBisH Empire in Eubofe 657
models of classic antiquity; for their originality in
poetical composition; for the signal success they
achieved in the literary congresses, wherein they were
forced to compete with the assembled genius and
learning of the empire. They were treated with the
dignified respect and courtesy which were due to high
mental attainments, as well as dictated by the regu-
lations of chivalry which governed the conduct of
every Moorish cavalier. These demonstrations of
gallantry never degenerated, however, into the ful-
some adulation and the worship, half mystical, half
sensual, and expressed in terms of florid hyperbole,
that prevailed in the social life of the Limousin and
Proven9al courts, whose development marked an age
imique for its extravagance, its epicureanism, its licen-
tiousness; an age of ostentatious asceticism and secret
indulgence ; an age when ballad-singers moralized and
bishops abandoned the crosier for the lute; an age of
arduous pilgrimage and romantic exploit; the age of
Jongleur, Knight-errant, Crusader, and Troubadour.
In spite of the distinguished consideration they
evinced for woman, the Moslems of Spain were un-
able to divest themselves of the prejudice regarding
the fickleness of the sex, which, from inmiemorial an-
tiquity, had been accepted as one of its prominent
characteristics. The position she occupied in the social
polity was anomalous. Her features were exposed
to the public gaze; she was permitted to attend the
lectures of the University; she participated in aca-
demical exhibitions. But the liberty she enjoyed was
only apparent. Her steps were constantly guarded
by eunuchs. Her lord was not less suspicious than
his Oriental brethren, and she, if the literatiu-e of the
time is to be credited, probably for fear of disappoint-
ing him, not infrequently gave abundant cause for
jealousy. Nothing discloses the general sentiment of
a people upon any given subject so comprehensively
Vol. hi "
658 HiSTOBY OF THE
as its proverbs and epigrams. The estimation in which
the Spanish Arabs held the feminine character is in-
dicated by the following saying, often quoted by
them, and which is as old as the Pharaohs, " Never
trust in women, nor rely u})on their vows, for their
pleasure and displeasure depend upon their passions.
They offer a false affection, while perfidy lurks
within their garments. By the tale of Joseph be
admonished, and guard against their stratagems."
The question of polygamy is one which is almost
universally viewed through a false medium. Its ex-
istence in the torrid climates of the East from a period
of unknown antiquity wotdd seem to demonstrate
at least the practical usefulness, if not the supreme
physiological necessity, of a system which has endured
for so many ages. It is eminently unfair for us to
condemn a practice sanctioned by Holy Writ and
recognized by the patriarchs, without an accurate
knowledge of the ethnological conditions under which
it is perpetuated. What public opinion, custom, and
long experience have found to be beneficial and have
pronounced not inconsistent with morality, is very
often not a question of ethics, but merely a matter of
expediency. Institutions which nations inhabiting the
tropics defend as necessary could not be adopted with-
out injury by the sluggish races of the North ; and of
their propriety, we at a distance of eight thousand
miles are incompetent, not to say prejudiced, judges.
The women who rose to such distinction under the
khalif ate were, without exception, members of polyg-
amous households, a circumstance which would seem
to effectually contradict the prevalent idea that the
system of the harem inevitably tends to intellectual
debasement. The standard of morals imder the His-
pano-Arab domination was probably much superior to
that which now obtains in the great capitals of Eu-
rope. The deplorable condition of modem society,
MooBiSH Empire in Eubofe 659
even among the highly cultivated, where monogamy
nominally exists, is disclosed by the frequency of
divorce cases and the significant revelations of crimi-
nal statistics. It demonstrates that the primitive im-
pulse which among barbarians leads to communal
marriage — ^the original social state of man — ^is not
only not extinct, but even generally prevails, although
decorously concealed, and, however repugnant to
every principle of morality, must be recognized as a
powerful and retarding element of our boasted civi-
lization.
The chivalrous coiui;esy bom of intellectual culture
and rejBned surroundings which distinguished the
Spanish Moslems in all the phases of their social life
was, as above stated, eminently conspicuous in their
treatment of females. The latter were, for the most
part, highly educated. Even to-day, in the harems of
Constantinople, it is not unusual to see women fine
musicians, excellent conversationalists, familiar with
the principles of art, able to express themselves flu-
ently in three or four languages. Such accomplish-
ments are still sufficiently rare to confer distinction
upon their possessors in London, Paris, and New
York. Under the khalif s of the House of Ommeyah,
the mental faculties of the sex were cultivated to
a marked degree; no field of literature was closed
to those who aspired to eminence. They were every-
where received with great respect. They were never
insulted in public. They traversed districts in revolt
without molestation. The laws protected them against
the excesses of marital jealousy. If divorced, the
wife was certain of maintenance. It was she who, at
marriage, received the dowry. Public opinion de-
nounced as infamous the husband who permitted his
spouse to labor in order that he might profit by her
earnings. In case of his death she was entitled to a
share of his estate. All things considered, the legal
680 HiSTOBY OF THE
status of woman under the khalifate appears to ad-
vantage when compared with that to which she is re-
stricted by modem legislation. If polygamy entailed
the unhappiness which foreign prejudice is accus-
tomed to attribute to it, the practice would long since
have been abolished. It is but a natural result of
climatic and physiological conditions, an apparently
indispensable factor in the maintenance of Oriental
life.
Slavery in Europe under the Moslems brought
with it the numerous privileges and indulgent treat-
ment enjoined by the Prophet. The Mohanunedan
slave was rarely abused or persecuted. His acceptance
of the faith of Islam rendered his manumission easy.
No stigma attached to his condition. He could aspire
to the most noble matrimonial alliance. He was
eligible to the most important })olLtical employments.
While his master was entitled to exercise despotic
authority over him, the patriarchal customs of the
Orient discouraged all exhibitions of unmerited
severity, and designated the slave rather as a com-
panion than a dependent in the household. It was
contrary to law to put him in chains. His personality
was never sacrificed to the convenience of trade; his
classification as a chattel would have been abhorrent
to all Mussulman ideas of justice and htmianity ; and
in this respect the laws of the Koran are immeasurably
superior to the provisions of Roman and Anglo-
Saxon jurisprudence. An obligation, whose force the
lapse of time could never diminish, was imposed upon
the descendants of a f reedman to assist and protect
at the risk of their lives all members of the family
which had liberated their ancestor from bondage.
The dignity of human nature was never outraged
by the infliction of torture upon those whom fate had
condenmed to a state of helpless subjection; on
the contrary, the slave was usually educated by his
MooBiSH Empibe in Eubofe 661
master; he became his secretary, his agent, his comi-
sellor; he superintended the affairs of his family; he
executed with diligence and fidelity important com-
missions in distant lands.
The cheapness of slaves indicates their abundance;
their price was within reach of the himiblest laborer.
After the battle of Zallaca, an ordinary captive could
be obtained for a dirhem. Many inmates of the
harems came from the East Circassian and Georgian
girls, purchased in the markets of Constantinople,
were imported into Spain as' early as the ninth cen-
tury. In Mussulman law a distinction existed be-
tween slaves bought for service and prisoners taken
in battle. The latter shared few of the privileges of
the ordinary bondman, and, strictly speaking, could
never be liberated or ransomed.
The amusements of the Spanish Arabs were de-
rived from the East. There was nothing in Roman
tradition or Visigothic inheritance which appealed to
their imagination like the diversions of the idle and
sensuous races that inhabited the tropics, and which,
with other congenial customs, they had appropriated.
They felt but a languid interest in the chase of fero-
cious beasts. They shrank with horror from the gladi-
atorial contests of the arena and their scenes of blood
and butchery. Exhibitions of strength, where mus-
cular superiority carried off the palm, were scarcely
less distasteful to a people accustomed to rely for suc-
cess on fertility of resource and personal agility.
While active exercise was not neglected, those pas-
times were in highest favor which required the least
physical exertion. Among these, the principal one
was the game of chess. Of unknown but high an-
tiquity, it had been brought by Arabic merchants from
India. In that country it had long been used as an
instrument of divination, and, in time of war, the
movements of its pieces frequently directed the evo-
602 HmOEY OF THE
lutions of armies on the march and in battie. A part
of the sacred furniture of every Hindu temple, the
board had also a cabalistic and astrological signifi-
cance. Long before the appearance of Mohammed,
this game was the solace of the vagrant sheiks of the
Desert and the delight of the wealthy traders of
Yemen. It followed everywhere in the train of the
Moslem armies. In Spain it was tmiversally popular.
The chessmen of the khalif s were not inferior in rich-
ness to the other accessories of royal luxury,— the
arms, the plate, the furniture of the palace. Some
were made of the precious metals; others were curi-
ously carved of ivory; most of them were incrusted
with gems. The boards were of ebony and sandal-
wood inlaid with gold. In this instance, also, as in
many others, the prohibition of the Koran relating
to the representation of animal forms was disregarded.
The Spanish Moslems were passionately fond of
chess. It became one of the favorite diversions of
the court; and it was no unusual occurrence for
players to pass the entire day engrossed by its fasci-
nations and entirely oblivious of their smroundings.
The story, already related, of the prince who pleaded
for time to finish his game after his death-warrant had
been read to him, is an example of the absorbing in-
terest excited by this scientific pastime in the mind of
the Moor. Cards were known to the Arabs long be-
fore the Hegira. Naipe, the Spanish name for them,
is from the Arabic word naib, "viceroy," whence
comes the English " nabob." Introduced into Italy
by the Saracens, they were at first called The Game
of the Kings. They were not generally used in Eu-
rope imtil the latter part of the f oiurteenth century.
Backgammon and draughts were also familiar to the
Moors of Spain. The genius of Mohammed recog-
nized the hidden danger which beset his followers
when he forbade indulgence in all games of diance.
MoosisH Empire in Eubope 668
To such a temptation the ardent and romantic nature
of the Oriental is peculiarly susceptible. No infor-
mation, in this respect, *is now obtainable concerning
the Mohammedan population of the Peninsula, but
the copious accounts of the prevalence of other vices
under the domination of the emirs and the khalifs
would seem to indicate, from the general silence on
this point, that gaming was not commonly practised.
The feats of jugglers were a source of poptdar
amusement in mediaeval Cordova. These mounte-
banks were intimately associated with itinerant min-
strels and extemporaneous rhymers, whose coarse
effusions, while they could scarcely be dignified by
the name of poetry, yet often contributed to the diver-
sion of the cotui;, and whose calling and example pro-
duced the troubadour, such an important agent in the
civilization of Europe. The lascivious contortions of
the dancers of ancient Gades, immortalized in the epi-
grams of Martial, and whidi have been transmitted
with probably trifling changes through the Phoenician,
Carthaginian, Roman, Gothic, and Mussulman domi-
nations to the Spanish gypsies of otu* day, were con-
stantly exhibited, in all their suggestive indecency,
before the appreciative audiences of Moorish Spain.
Nothing can indicate more positively the general re-
laxation of manners than the popularity of such an
amusement. Even the indulgent^and profligate spirit
of Roman society eyed it with marked disfavor. The
poets lampooned those who patronized or encouraged
it. Moralists and legislators condemned it as a pro-
lific source of corruption. Mohanuned forbade it to
his followers as a relic of Paganism and an incentive
to immorality. Under no circumstances did men
participate in it, or, indeed, in any of the terpsi-
chorean exercises practised by Orientals. The dance,
as we understand it, was unknown to the Moslems.
Among them the practice was abandoned to female
604 History of the
professionals, who constituted a caste, who were dis-
tinguished by a peculiar costume, and whose calling
was infamous. This prejudice, descended from a re-
mote antiquity, exists in full force in all Eastern
countries to-day. The degradation of Herodias was
far more reprobated by the Hebrews than her inhu-
manity. The character of the bayadere of India, of
the ghawazee of Egypt, of the Jewess of Tunis, of
the gypsy of Spain, inheritors of the lewd PhcBnician
positions and gestures, is familiar to all travellers.
In the dances of Mohammedan Spain, as in those
still practised at Cairo, the lower limbs were station-
ary, and all movements were performed with the body
and the arms. Their impropriety generally consisted
rather in their suggestiveness than in any flagrant
personal exposure. Rarely were they performed in
a condition of nudity; as a rule, the form was com-
pletely enveloped in graceful folds of silk and linen.
The dancers kept time with castanets, which were
originally small copper cymbals, and every motion
was made in perfect cadence with the music. The
extraordinary effect of these exhibitions upon the
imagination, even when represented by women not
adepts in the art, can be understood only by Uiose who
have witnessed tihem.
. The taste for improvisation pervaded the music of
the Hispano-Arabs «s it did their poetry. Although
to foreign ears it might appear wholly destitute of
measure and harmony, the monotonous execution of
the performer impressed the feelings of his audience
to an extent incomprehensible to nations of northern
blood. The profoundly emotional nature of the
Moor, readily susceptible to every kind of mental
excitement and passionately devoted to rhyme, at one
time roused him to frenzy, at another deprived him
of consciousness. No race has ever enjoyed to an
equal degree with the Arabs the faculty of investing
MooKiBH Empibe in Eubofe 665
fiction with the semblance of truth, of transforming
images created by an inexhaustible fancy into the
realities of life, of giving
— " to airy nothing
A local habitation and a name."
The music of the khalifate was largely derived
from Greek and Roman sources. Its peculiarities, in-
herited by the Spaniards, have imparted a national
character to their minstrelsy, as well as measures un-
known to the other nations of Europe. It had noth-
ing in common with our ideas of harmony. It con-
sisted principally of monotonous chants, whose time
was marked by rude instruments of percussion ; whose
melody was partly classic, partly barbaric; and which
disclosed none of that novelty and variety which con-
stitute the greatest charm of modern music. The
Spanish Arabs had no theory, used no notes, and pos-
sessed no means of preserving musical compositions
except by memory and oral tradition. Under these
disadvantages, improvement in one of the most
pleasing of sciences was impossible, and most pieces
rarely survived their tX)mposers. The musical instru-
ments of fhe Spanish Moslems were of many kinds;
there were thirteen diif erent varieties — ^among them
viols, lutes, dulcimers, harps — ^made in Seville, which
was the most celebrated seat of their manufacture in
the world. The great Ziryab, who lived at the court
of Abd-al-Kahman II., added a fifth string to the
lute, to which, as to the others, the Moors attached a
symbolic significance. The remaining strings, which
were of difi^erent colors, represented the supposed
four htmiors of the human body; that of Ziryab was
presumed to represent the soul. The school of music
which he founded at Cordova endured until the last
days of the khalifate, to which is no doubt due the fact
666 History of ths
that the writers of Spain on this subject are the most
numerous and prolific of any age.
The antipathy with which this science was regarded
by theologians did not prevent it from being the de-
light of the prince and an indispensable diversion of
the people. Its power was so great that it early in-
vaded the shrines of the religion that condemn^ it,
and for centuries the verses of the Koran have been
intoned in the mosques. The story-teller recited his
tales to music; the itinerant buffoon interspersed his
coarse but expressive pantomime with rhyming jests
and ribald songs. The Arab notes are harsh, nasal,
and guttiu-al, unpleasant beyond measure to Euro-
pean ears. Their scale includes seventeen intervals in
the octave, and it is said by learned authority on the
subject that the Italian, from which ours is derived,
was originally copied, without alteration, from that
of the Arabs of Sicily and Spain.
The Moors thoroughly understood the almost magi-
cal effects which follow the judicious employment of
music. Not only was it indispensable on aJl festive
occasions, but its notes brought consolation and com-
fort to the house of bereavement. It was considered
an' important remedial agent in disease. It was used
to correct the distressing condition of insonmia. In
the hospitals of great cities bands were constantly en-
tertained, because it was well known that harmony
of sound promoted convalescence. Its aphrodisiacal
qualities were appreciated and utilized to fuUy as
great an extent as those of perfiraies, — ^the delight of
the Oriental. It was a favorite maxim of the Mussul-
man doctors that '' to hear music is to sin against the
law; to make music is to sin against religion; to take
pleasure in it is to be guilty of infidelity." Notwith-
standing this, and the fact that it was anathematized
by Mohammed, no people were more fond of it than
the Arabs; and the professional musician, whose
MooBiSH Empire in Eukofe 667
talents had raised him above mediocrity, was sure of
distinguished attention at the court of the khalifs;
and, once become famous, he was the recipient of
honors ekewhere reserved for the descendants and the
representatives of royalty. It was not unusual for a
master, of his art to receive ten thousand pieces of
gold for a single performance. Instruments of per-
cussion, and especially drums and tambourines, were
most employed by the Spanish Moslems, but their
constructive genius produced radical changes in
others; they improved the guitar, the flute, and the
clarionet; they were the inventors of the mandolin
and the organ.
In equestrian sports, which required the highest
degree of adroitness and agility, the Moors of Spain
had no superiors. First among their pastimes of this
description was the bull-fight, which had little in com-
mon with the modem spectacle, whose revolting char-
acteristics are the result of long-continued sanguinary
and brutalizing influences. The performers were all
of noble birth; they were splendidly moimted; their
equipments were of the most sumptuous description.
No weapon was.allowed them but a short, heavy jave-
lin, whose point was partly encased in leather. The
rules of the sport required that the animal be killed by
a thrust along the spine in front of the shoulder, to
deliver which properly demanded great skill and
almost superhimian strength. If a blow yas landed
elsewhere, the knight was compelled to retire from
the arena; if his weapon was broken or lost, he was
adjudged to have sustained an irretrievable disgrace.
The intelligence and training of the horse and the
dexterity of the rider were ordinarily sufiicient guar-
*antees against disaster; but the occasional sacrifice
of a cavalier reminded the survivors of the fearful
dangers of the encoimter. Trained from early child-
hood to the use of the horse and the javelin, accus-
668 History of the
tomed to every manly exercise, adepts in the arts of
the tourney and the chase, the Spanish Moslems found
in the bull-fight the climax of enjoyment, second only
to the martial pleasures and excitements of war. With
such an education, it is not strange that they were
recognized as the finest light cavalry in Europe.
Of equal interest, and of even greater magnificence,
was the spectacle presented by the tilt of reeds. In
its exhibition and accessories were displayed the inex-
haustible profusion and opulence of Moorish luxury.
The scene was laid in one of the many squares of the
vast Moslem capital. A series of arcades and gal-
leries, supported by columns of colored marble, bril-
liant with mosaics and gilded stuccoes, were crowded
with an enthusiastic audience representing the. noblest
families of the court and the wealth and fashion of
the principal dty of the empire. The Khalif was there,
surrounded by his body-guard, gigantic blacks from
the Atlas and the Soudan, with gem-studded weapons
and armor damascened with gold. The balustrades of
the galleries were hung with scarlet, emerald, and sky-
blue velvet. The inmates of the harems, models of
the voluptuous type of Andalusian beauty, unveiled,
revealed their smiling features to the public gaze, — a
sight to be witnessed in no other quarter of the Mo-
hammedan world. Their silken cloaks striped with
every color of the rainbow; their strings of superb
jewels, whose collection was an absorbing passion with
every Moorish woman of rank; the golden belts and
bracelets gleaming in the sunlight; the personal
charms of their owners, enhanced to the utmost by
every resource of attire and adornment, presented a
splendid and enchanting picture unsurpassed in either
classic or mediaeval times. In the audience, sometimes
by courtesy among the cavaliers in the arena were to
be seen Castilian knights exiled for political reasons,
or competitors for distinction in the national sports
MooEiSH Emfibe in Eusope 669
of their hereditary foes. The parapets and terraces
which commanded the amphitheatre, the arches of the
aqueducts, the minarets, the trees, even the spurs of
the distant sierra, were white with the robes and tur-
bans of the populace, attracted by the novelty and
magnificence of the scene. The performers, in whom
all interest centred, were worthy of the attention they
excited. Twenty-four in number, they included the
flower of the Moorish warriors selected from two of
the principal tribes composing the aristocracy of the
Peninsula. All were clad in flexible coats of mail
covered with tunics of blue or crimson velvet sowed
with stars of gold. Their heads were protected by
silken turbans; their waists were encircled by sashes
of the same material; upon the small buckles worn
by each horseman were emblazoned his motto and
family crest, from which custom Christian chivalry
borrowed its heraldic devices and its coats of arms.
The horses of one division were white, those of the
other black; they were almost concealed by embroid-
ered housings; the bridles were enriched with jewels,
the bits were of massy gold. A short lance, whose
point was blunted, was the sole arm upon which the
cavalier was permitted to rely for attack or protec-
tion; to it were attached the colors of his mistress, —
sometimes represented by a knot of ribbons, but more
frequently by a scarf of silken tissue, upon which she
had traced in golden embroidery the characters of
some amorous legend. In the fantastic devices of
Oriental imagery, which originated in the voluptuous
regions where love is an art, each color, each gestiu^e,
even the most prosaic of objects, is invested with more
than a passing significance.
These equestrian diversions of the Spanish Mos-
lems, imlike the tournaments of the Middle Ages,
which were derived from them, were never polluted
by the wanton shedding of blood. They represented
670 HiSTOBY OF THE
all the exciting phases of battle, — ^the attack, the
melee, the retreat. In the confusing movements of
each encomiter every facility was afforded for the ex-
hibition of the highest degree of strength, activity,
and skill. Their object was not the disabling of an
antagonist, but the seizure and retention of the deco-
rations which adorned both horse and rider; and in
the evolutions performed for the accomplishment of
these ends the most daring feats of horsemanship were
exhibited. The course of the rings terminated the
brilliant festival. Among the branches of a tree,
planted at one extremity of the arena, were suspended
a number of rings of gold. One after another the
competitors for knightly honors, moving at the great-
est speed, endeavored to bear away these trophies of
adroitness upon the point of the slender reed which
served the purpose of a lance. A magnificent prize,
usually a golden vase enriched with jewels, was
awarded the victor, who in turn was expected to pre-
sent it to the lady whose colors he had worn in the
contest. The talents of the most famous poets of ihe
khalifate were exercised in the celebration of these
splendid spectacles, wonderful exhibitions of human
dexterity, whose attractiveness was not marred by
suffering, and which revealed to the greatest advan-
tage the chivalrous sentiments and martial ardor of
a refined and polished race.
Nor were these the only sports which occupied the
leisure of the elegant society of the Moslem court
Its members rarely participated in the chase. Hawk-
ing, introduced by Abd-al-Rahman I., was, however,
a favorite diversion with them; their hawks were the
finest and best trained in Europe, and they constituted
an important article of commerce, especially with
Italy, France, and England. In the extensive gar-
dens of Granada and Palermo were artificial lakes,
where naval spectacles were frequently given upon
MooBiSH Emfibe in Eubope 671
a much larger scale than in the amphitheatre of Titus
during the pahny days of Imperial Rome.
Under a government whose beneficent policy pro-
vided work for the industrious and shelter for the
helpless, it may well be supposed that mendicancy was
neither an honorable nor a lucrative profession. The
horrible exhibitions of real or simulated deformity
which in Southern Europe now shock the eyes of the
traveller were not tolerated under the Moslem domi-
nation. While the bestowal of alms is a cardinal
principle of the Mohammedan religion, its objects,
when worthy, were not permitted to openly solicit the
aid of the generous and sympathetic passer-by. The
su£rering and the crippled were carried to hospitals,
where every means was applied to effect their restora-
tion to health ; while the impostor, seized by the police,
expiated in prison or under the scourge the penalty
of his idleness and fraud. Conducted on a plan of
boundless charity, no factitious impediments of race
or religion interposed to exclude from the public in-
stitutions those unfortunates whose physical afflic-
tions claimed the indulgence or the generous solicitude
of mankind. Hospitals were open to the worthy ap-
plicant, and the Jew, the Christian, even the idolater,
received within their walls the same assiduous care be-
stowed upon the most orthodox Moslem.
In all its tendencies the spirit of Moorish civiliza-
tion was eminently practicd. Even its speculative
labors were rather serious than sportive, — ^the occa-
sional relaxations of arduous and prolonged mental
effort. Its grand aims were the security of the indi-
vidual, the dispensation of impartial justice, the sys-
tematic development of the noblest faculties of the
human intellect, the amalgamation of the heterogene-
ous constituents of a proud and turbulent society, the
progressive improvement and durable prosperity of a
vast and populous, but constantly disintegrating, em-
672 HiSTOBT OF THE
pire. In the accomplishment of these ends, war, while
presumed to be an object, was in reality but an in-
strument. Public policy required the occupation of
the streams of restless barbarians and needy adven-
turers incessantly pouring into the Peninsula. For
their employment in foreign campaigns, the Koranic
injunction of perpetual hostility offered a plausible
and convenient excuse. This practice, while appeal-
ing at once to the religious enthusiasm of the fanatic
and the cupidity of the warrior, insured the succession
of the dynasty and the permanence of the throne.
Without its aid even the administration of Al-Mansur,
directed by the consummate ability of that leader,
must speedily have fallen. It required semi-annual
campaigns, followed by an unbroken succession of
victories, to restrain the native insubordination of the
African immigrants, whose multitudes, constantly
recruited from the innumerable tribes of Mauritania,
constituted not only the bulk of the army, but the
predominant element of the population.
This mingling of races and the resultant prevalence
of crosses, combined with the influence of climate and
the stimulants of military and commercial activity,
will readily account for the versatility of the Hisjpano-
Arab mind, which was among its most prominent
characteristics. No greater contrast in comparative
ethnology can be drawn than that presented by the
precarious and barbaric existence of the Desert and
the polished and highly cultivated life of the Western
Khalifate in its most glorious days. And yet but a
comparatively insignificant period of time separates
the vagrant Bedouin, whose favorite occupation was
the plunder of his neighbors and who resented the in-
terference of even his acknowledged chieftain as an
infringement of his liberties, and the Spanish Arab,
whose despotic government insured the enjoyment of
personal freedom and public tranquillity, where intel-
Moorish Empibx in Eusofe 678
ligence, order, prosperity, took the place of insubordi*
nation and discord, and the prestige of foreign con*
quest and the blessings of civilization travelled in
parallel lines and side by side. To the development
of that civilization every people became tributary, co-
incident with its subjection to the Moslem arms. In
the character of the conqueror was revealed a spirit
of acquisition in no wise inferior to its inventive fac-
ulty, and which at once appropriated, and often im-
proved, all that was useful in the systems of others
while forming and developing new ideas of its own.
It is with mingled sentiments of admiration and
regret that we contemplate the phenomenal rise, the
dazzling splendor, the rapid fall, of the Moslem em-
pire in Spain. The material relics which remain to
tell the story of its architectural grandeur, of the
munificence of its sovereigns, of the acquirements of
its scholars, of the skill of its artisans, are few and
widely scattered. The destruction has been most
complete. The supremacy of Christian ideas and
Castilian customs, enforced by diligent persecution,
was in all instances necessary before the intellectual
aspirations fostered during nine generations of au-
gust and learned princes could be subordinated to
the sacerdotal ignorance and military ferocity of the
age. Some edifices defaced by malice or neglect,
their apartments so altered by barbarous innovators
that their original plans and the purposes of their
construction can often no longer be traced or even
conjectured; their delicate ornamentation concealed
by many successive layers of lime and plaster; their
precincts abandoned to the vilest uses; a meagre
collection of manuscripts, whose characters are half
obliterated by moisture and rough usage; an occa-
sional trophy rusting in the solitude of the museum,
are all the tangible evidences extant of a monarchy
once the marvel of Europe. It is elsewhere that we
Vol. III.-48
674 HiBIOBY OF THE
must look for the proofs of its greatness and the
trophies of its glory. Its salutary influence in modi-
fying the debased instincts and savage manners of
medieval society is no longer questioned. The en-
during impulse it imparted to philosophical investi-
gation, its prosecution of the exact sciences, the
consideration in which it held intellectual ability, the
honors with which it rewarded proficiency in litera-
ture, transmitted through many generations, have
placed their seal upon the civilization of tiie twentieth
century. The obligations we are under to the Span-
ish Arabs cannot be too frequently nor too generally
acknowledged; and in ascribing the origin of our
progress to the nation whose genius was its inspiring
spirit, we are only offering a just and well deserved
tribute of gratitude.
It was said by Seneca, " Wherever the Roman con-
quers, he inhabits.'" It might, with almost equal
truth, be asserted of the Arab that, wherever his re-
ligion and his language are once established, there they
will forever prevail. The countries originally sub-
dued by the lieutenants of the Prophet are still Mo-
hammedan. The idiom of Mecca is still spoken from
the eastern shore of the Atlantic to the China Sea.
Nor does Islam seem to have lost its power of ex-
pansion. Its progress has never been arrested. It
has penetrated to Central Russia, — ^in that empire its
votaries nimiber eleven millions. It is the faith of
hundreds of thousands of Negroes at the equator. In
Europe there are seven million Mussulmans, in India
fifty-three million, in China twenty-two million. The
people of Sicily and Spain alone of the great colonies
founded by the Moslem — ^the seat of his most highly
developed civilization, the home of races equally ac-
complished in learning, advanced in arts, illustrious in
arms — ^were compelled to go into exile or renounce
their faith and abandon their language. In neither
Moorish Empibe in Extrote 67ff
of these countries have the discoveries, the inventions,
and the experience of six centuries, which have long
been the common property of all nations, exerted any
appreciable effect in repairing the awful damage con-
sequent on Moorish expulsion.
The propagators of a form of religion which relies
for its success upon the extermination of all who re-
fuse assent to its dogmas have certainly little faith in
the truth or the celestial inspiration of the maxims
which they deem it necessary to resort to force to in-
culcate. During the ascendency of the papal power
no one within its reach could publicly profess hereti-
cal doctrines and live. Under the Ommeyades and
the Aghlabites both the misbeliever and the infidel
were safe on the payment of tribute. The occasional
outbursts of Moslem fanaticism were directed against
literature; the spirit of Christian persecution — ^a spirit
sadly at variance with that evinced by the gentleness
and meekness of its Divine Founder — ^raged fiercely
against both literature and humanity. Amru and Al-
Mansur burned books. Innocent III. and Calvin
tortured men.
The Assyrian, Carthaginian, Roman, and Hispano-
Arab empires lasted each about eight hundred years.
Of two of these the memory alone survives. A num-
ber of defaced monuments, a fragmentary literature,
preserve the traditions of the third. The genius of
the Moslem, superior to those of all his predecessors,
has perpetuated itself in the scientific inspiration and
progressive energy of every succeeding age. Remark-
able for its imparalleled success, while hampered by
tremendous obstacles, — ^war, sedition, disorder, bar-
barian supremacy, — ^it is instructive to reflect what it
might have accomplished imder the most favorable
auspices, when at the height of their prosperity the
Moors of Europe controlled the Mediterranean. The
latter occupied and colonized in turn the important
678 HmoST OF THK
posts of Sardinia, Corsica, Cyprus, Malta. * Thdr
revenues were tenfold greater than those of any con-
temporaneous state. The inexhaustible population of
Africa could be constantly drawn on for hundreds
of thousands of soldiers, whose abstemious lives, blind
fanaticism, and reckless bravery made them most for-
midable adversaries. The fleets of the Sicilian emirs
threatened the coast of Asia Minor. The Arab gov-
ernors of Spain established permanent outposts as far
as Lyons. The pirates of Fraxinet fortified and held
for many years tiie passes of the Alps. The tracks of
the Saracen armies marching northward from Cala-
bria and southward from Provence and Switzerland
overlapped on the plains of Lombardy. Such oppor-
tunities for conquest have rarely been enjoyed or
neglected by any military power. Civil discord and
tribal jealousy were all that prevented Europe from
being Mohammedanized. In the polity of the Arabs,
wherever domiciled, the traditions of the Desert in-
variably prevailed. The organization of the state was
modelled after those of the family and the tribe. No
allowance was made for the changed conditions re-
sultmg from the extension of dominion and the m-
crease of knowledge. Under such circumstances there
could be no cohesion among the parts of the constantly
tottering fabric of Moslem power, which, in fact, was
undermined from the very beginning. From this in-
stability, the Western Khalifate has been, witii some
truth, compared to a Bedouin encampinent. The de-
fects of an anomalous constitution were aggravated
by intestine conflict. Factional hostility in Arabian
Spain was always more pronounced and bitter than
hatred of the Christian foe.
A great victory and a few unimportant skirmishtt
gained for the Moslems in less than two years control
of the richest kingdom in Europe. To reconquer it
required eight centuries and more than five tfaousand
MoosiBH Emfise m Eubofe 077
buttles. The followers of Pelayus, when the long
struggle for Christian supremacy began, were but
thirty in number. The host mustered by Ferdinand
and Isabella before Granada amounted to nearly a
hundred thousand men. The religious character which
invested the Reconquest, and from which its prosecu-
tion eventually became inseparable, has stamped itself
indelibly and ruinously upon the Spanish people.
The cost of the triumph was incalculable. It im-
poverished forever great provinces. It drenched the
soil of the entire Peninsula with blood. A single
campaign often destroyed an army. The casualties
of a single siege sometimes swept away numbers equal
to the inhabitants of a populous city. At Baza alone,
in the short space of seven months, twenty-one thou-
sand Castilians perished.
The almost universal disbelief in Moorish civiliza-
tion is hardly less remarkable than its creation and
progress. Sectarian prejudice, ignorance of Arabic,
and a fixed determination to acknowledge no obliga-
tion to infidels have concurred to establish and con-
firm the popular opinion. To this end the Church has
always lent its powerful, often omnipotent, aid. Yet,
in spite of systematic suppression of facts and long-
continued misrepresentations, it cannot now be denied
that no race efi^ected so much for all that concerns the
practical welfare of mankind as the Spanish Moham-
medans; that no race of kings has deserved so large
a measure of fame as that which traced its lineage to
Abd-al-Bahman I.
Such was the civilization which the Spanish and
Sicilian Arabs bequeathed to Eiu*ope. Their con-
quests and their influence, their progress in the arts
of peace, their industrial and economical inventions,
the precocity of their mental development, the per-
petuation of their advanced ideas under the most
discouraging conditions which can be conceived, pre-
678 History of the
sent an example without parallel in the history of na-
tions^ Their origin had nothing in common with that
of any European people. Their religion was avowedly
inimical to the one which was professed from the
Mediterranean coast to the verge of the Arctic Circle.
Their political and domestic institutions were abhor-
rent to the feelings of their neighbors, their allies,
their enemies. From the hour when Tarik landed at
Gibraltar to that when Boabdil surrendered the keys
of the Alhambra was a period of constant and relent-
less hostility. Such circumstances as these are not
ordinarily propitious to the material or intellectual
advancement of mankind.
In the face of such formidable obstacles a mighty
empire was founded. The very causes which seemed
liable to seriously affect its integrity and permanence
in reality increased its strength. Its military power
became a standing menace to every state of Chris-
tendom. Its fleets of armed galleys dominated the
seas. The Saracens of Sicily sacked the suburbs of
Rome and insulted the sacred majesty of the Holy
Father in the Vatican. In every trade-centre of the
East and West, in the streets of Canton and Delhi,
in the bazaars of Damascus, along the crowded quays
of Alexandria, beside the scattered wells of the Sa-
hara, at the great fairs of Sweden, Germany, and
Russia, in the splendid markets of Constantinople, the
Moorish merchants and Hebrew brokers of Spain out-
stripped all commercial competitors in the amounts of
their purchases and the shrewdness of their bargains.
The wealth which resulted from this vast system of
trade was almost inconceivable. In addition, the agri-
cultural and mineral resources of the country, great in
themselves, were developed beyond all precedent. The
treasures thus amassed were expended in public works,
whose neglected ruins amaze the traveller; in the pro-
motion of educational advantages that modem experi-
MooBiSH Emfibe in Eukofs 679
ence and energy have never been able to. surpass; in
the coUection of immense libraries; in the mainten-
ance of a court with whose magnificence the tradi-
tional luxury of the Byzantine princes was not worthy
of comparison; in the celebration of a worship whose
f umitiu'e and appointments transcended, in richness
and beauty, the vaunted pomp and semi-barbaric cere-
monial of pontifical Rome.
It is both popular and fashionable to ascribe to the
influence of the Crusades the awakening of the spirit
of progress which ultimately led to the revival of
letters and to the political and social regeneration of
Eiu-ope. But the Crusades were only, in an indirect
and secondary manner, a factor of civilization. On
the other hand, their general tendency was signally
destructive. Their track has been compared to that
left by a swarm of locusts. Many works of classic
genius perished in the sack of Constantinople. The
Moslem library of Tripoli, which contained two him-
dred thousand volumes, was burned when that city
was taken by the soldiers of the Cross. It is a well-
established fact that few of the latter were actuated
by religious motives. Their crimes cast discredit upon
their cause and secured the eternal contempt of the
Oriental; for even the name of Christianity was un-
worthily degraded by such vile associations. The
results produced upon Europe by these expeditions,
instead of being humanizing, were most disastrous.
Whole districts were depopulated. The hereditary
estates of the nobility were transferred to the Church,
whose ministers alone possessed the means of pur-
chase, and who, through promoting the insane spirit
of fanaticism by which they subsequently profited,
secured a double measure of consequence and power.
The Papacy soon controlled the wealth of Chris-
tendom, and its irresponsible authority increased in
proportion to its influence. With despotism came
880 HlflTOBY OF THE
tjrranny, with tjnranny persecution. The principle of
forcing the acceptance of religious dogmas upon
armed enemies was extended to the conviction of
recalcitrant sectaries by torture. The atrocities of
religious conflict, the war of the Albigenses, the un-
speakable horrors of the Inquisition, the massacre of
St. Bartholomew, are largely attributable to the san-
guinary tastes engendered by the Crusades. In other
respects, as well, their influence was highly detrimen-
tal to humanity. They introduced vices hitherto con-
fined to the East, and which are to this day blots upon
the society of the great European capitals. They
filled Europe with leprosy or with an afi^ection simi-
lar to it, from which eminent medical authorities have
deduced the origin of the most obstinate and loath-
some of contagious diseases. They introduced the
plague, one visitation of which swept away thirteen
million persons. The rupture of family ties occa-
sioned by the absence of such multitudes fostered
every form of licentiousness. In some provinces vast
tracts of* fertile soil, soon overgrown with brushwood,
relapsed into primeval wildness. In others, deprived
of the means of preserving order, the country became
a prey to outlaws. While tens of thousands of armed
fanatics were fighting for the Christian cause in Syria,
the barbarians of Northern Europe were worshipping
idols and serpents and offering human sacrifices.
The Crusades, however, were not wholly an un-
mixed evil. They increased the power of the clergy,
but they exterminated a large part of the most worth-
less elements of society. It has been estimated that
six million persons perished in these expeditions.
They made the Papacy autocratic; but, by destroying
feudalism through the alienation of the estates of the
barons, they greatly improved the condition of the
serf. The necessity for treating victims of the hor-
rible maladies contracted in Palestine led to the f oun-
Moorish Emfibe in Eubofe 681
dation of the first hospitals in Christendom. They
directed the attention of scholars to the study of works
in Arabic, a language hitherto unknown outside of
Mussulman coimtries. It was in 1142 that Peter the
Venerable, Abbot of Cluny, went to Toledo and made
a translation of the Koran into Latin, in order that
he might demonstrate the falsity of the doctrines of
Islamism. Had these successive deluges of fanatics
been poured upon the Spanish Peninsula instead of
upon the Holy Land, not the slightest trace of Mos-
lem learning and civilization could have survived
their attack.
The benefits arising from the Crusades were far
from sufficient to coimterbalance their injurious
effects. They gave, however, a great impetus to
commerce, especially through the enterprise of the
Italian republics. They awakened a taste for luxuries
which had been hitherto unknown, even to royalty.
They stimulated manufactures, particularly those
connected with the ornamental arts of glass, wood,
ivory, and metals. In one respect, their influence pro-
moted immensely the cause of civilization. Famili-
arity with Moslem valor, politeness, and culture re-
moved the prejudices maintained through centuries
of priestcraft and ignorance by the benighted nations
of Europe. Retiuning pilgrims and adventurers
brought back from the Holy Land tales of magnifi-
cent cities, of incredible treasures, of deeds of heroism
and chivalry, which had no counterparts in any state
of Christendom. Accoimts of these marvels awakened
not only a desire to imitate them, but aroused an in-
voluntary admiration for the superiority of their au-
thors. At the time of the first Crusade, in the closing
years of the eleventh century, Moorish civilization in
the Peninsula had attained its highest perfection.
While its infiuence had long been imperceptibly ex-
erted upon the populations of France and Italy, deep-
682 History of the
seated hatred of the followers of Mohammed had
retarded the general diffusion of its benefits. In con-
sequence of the repeated expeditions to Palestine, an
increased demand for the manufactures and the agri-
cultural products of Moorish Spam was created. Its
language, its improvisations, its literature, soon be-
came familiar to Europe. Even its sports were
borrowed, and the graceful courses of the arena,
adapted to the rude and ferocious tastes of baronial
society, became the most popular of mediaeval diver-
sions. The chivalric sentiments inseparable from
knightly exercises contributed to social refinement and
to the exaltation of woman. The troubadour carried
everywhere the amatory songs which had long en-
chanted the polished society of Andalusia. The
coarseness and asperity of feudal manners were
softened, and a marked improvement characterized
every form of official and domestic intercourse. It
is beyond the Pyrenees, and not to the Orient, that the
historian must look for the origin of modem civili-
zation.
In rapidity of conquest, in extent of dominion, in
successful propagation of religious belief, in ability
to profit by the resources of Nature, in profundity of
knowledge and versatility of intellect, no people have
ever approached the Arabs. Their conquests were
secured, and their government made permanent, by
that peculiar provision of their civil polity which, ap-
pealing to the strongest of hunian passions and sanc-
tioned by the injunctions of their Prophet, permitted
the appropriation of the women of vanquished na-
tions. Their commerce, to which in a land destitute
of agricultural resources they were impelled by neces-
sity, developed their trading propensities, and by asso-
ciation from a remote age with their enterprising
neighbors, the Phoenicians, familiarized them with
the men of all races and the products of all countries;
Moorish Empibb m Eubofe 688
enlarged their faculties; sharpened their intellects;
and made them capable of becoming, in after times,
the conquerors and the lawgivers of the world. Pro-
digious energy and aggressiveness were their leading
characteristics. These traits were intensified by vari-
ous, sometimes by unworthy, motives, — ^by the love of
pleasure, the thirst of avarice, the fire of ambition, —
as well as by the precepts and promises of a religion
congenial to their tastes, their habits, and their ex-
cessively romantic and adventurous nature. Of all
the dynasties established by the Successors of the
Prophet, that of the Ommeyades of Spain is in-
disputably entitled to the most exalted rank.
The foundation of that djmasty marks a great
epoch in the history of Europe. Of its noble deeds,
in both war and peace, every individual of Moslem
faith or Arab lineage may well be proud; proud of
its long line of illustrious princes; proud of its con-
quests; proud of its civilization, which surpassed the
splendors of Imperial Rome, and whose arts modem
science has found it impossible to successfully imi-
tate; proud of its unequalled agricultural prosperity;
proud of the exquisite beauty of its edifices, still pre-
eminently attractive even in their decay; proud of its
mighty capital; proud of its academical system, with
its perfect organization, its colleges, its lyceums, its
libraries; proud of the vast attainments of its schol-
ars, its surgeons, its chemists, its botanists, its astron-
omers, its mathematicians; proud of the theories of
its philosophers, which for a thousand years, amidst
the incessant fluctuations of human opinion and the
infinite variations of religious belief, have retained
their original form, and are accepted as correct by
the most enlightened thinkers of the present age. The
destruction of this wonderful empire was an event of
more than national sfgnificance; it was a misfortune
to he deplored by every lover of learning for all
684 HiSXOBY OF THE MOORISH EmPIBE
coming time. For evil was the day for human
progress when from his battlemented walls the Moor
looked down upon the signing of a truce craftily
devised for the betrayal of his kindred; evil was the
day when upon the red towers of the Alhambra, deco-
rated by the emirs with profuse and unexampled mag-
nificence, and which for seven centuries had been the
stronghold of Moslem power, the home of Moslem
art, were raised the victorious banners of the Spanish
monarchy, suggestive, it is true, of incredible adiieve-
ment, of undaunted valor, of heroic self-sacrifice, of
imperishable renown, yet at the same time harbingers
of an endless train of national calamities which, like
avenging and relentless furies, stalked unseen in the
wake of the exultant conqueror.
INDEX
Abbeys of France and England^ their extent and wealthy iii. 851.
Abd-al-Aziz^ first Emir of Spain^ i. 267; marries widow of Rod-
erick^ 269; is assassinated^ 271.
Abdallah gains crown by treachery^ i. 5S5; character of^ 56l.
Abd-al-Melik^ emir^ i. 806; is impaled, 817*
Abd-al-Mumen, ruler of the Almohades, ii. 259; eonquers Spain,
287.
Abd-al-Rahman-al-Ghafeki conducts retreat, L 277; becomes
emir and is deposed, 287; is again raised to that office, 292;
attempts conquest of France, 295; defeated and killed at
Poitiers, 805.
Abd-al-Rahman I., his early career, i. 884, 885; escapes to the
Desert, 885; lands in Spain, 889; conquers the Peninsula,
898, 894; his death and character, 408-411.
Abd-al-Rahman II., ability of, i. 475; receives embassies from
the East, 478, 479; builds a navy, 491 ; his death, 494.
Abd-al-Rahman III. ascends the throne, i. 56$; his noble quali-
ties, 564; subdues the rebels, 567; death of, 596; his fame,
597; domestic policy of, 605; his patronage of letters, 681.
Abd-al-Rahman IV., ii. 85 ; his independence, 98.
Abd-al-Rahman V., ii. 99'
Abu-Abdallah, the Mahdi, ii. 249; character of, 250.
Abu-Bekr, chief of Almoravides, ii. 194; deposed, 196.
Abul-Hassan, Sultan of Fez, invades Spain, ii. 476.
Abul-Kasim-Mohammed, Kadi of Seville, great power of, IL Il6;
death of, 140.
Abu-Said betrayed by Pedro el Cruel, ii. 492.
Africa, innate barbarism of, ii.. 88.
Agriculture, system of the Arabs, its perfection, iii. 599-601.
Aguilar, Alonso de, death of, iii. 250.
Ajarquia, rout of, ii. 562, 56S,
Alarcos, battle of, ii. 811.
Albigenses, rise and doctrines of, iii. 90; crusade against, 95, 96*
Alfonso I., King of Aragon, raid of, ii. 268, 264; defeated and
killed at Fraga, 269-
686 Index
Alfonso I.^ King of the Astnrias^ i. 857; hiB ezpeditionfy $59; bif
deaths 861.
Alfonso 1 11.^ exploits of, i. 582.
Alfonso VI.^ reforms of^ ii. 162; prowess of, 188; enters Toledo,
185.
Alfonso VIII. wins battle of Las Navas, iL 881.
Alfonso X., great talents of, iL 441; literary works, 448; his
death, 444.
Alfonso XI., death of, before Gibraltar, ii. 488.
Al-Hakem I. ascends the throne, i. 440; defeats his nndes, 448,
444; qnells rebellion of southern suburb, 466; his suffer-
ings and death, 474.
Al-Hakem II., accession of, i. 686, 687; character of, 668; his
love of learning, 670; his great library, 672; his emdition,
678; attempts at reform, 676; public works, 677.
Alhambra, origin of, i. 547 ; magnificence, iL 525 ; gardens, 529*
Alhandega, battle of, i. 588.
Al-Haytham-Ibn-Obeyd appointed emir by the Khalif, L 290.
Al-Horr appointed emir by the Viceroy of Africa, L 272.
Ali, ruler of Spain, ii. 87 ; his severe measures, 89, 90 ; his death,
9S.
Al-Maghreb, its extent and fertility, i. 184; invasion of, by
Abdallah, 188; by Ibn Hajij, 141; is conquered by Okbah,
148; is invaded by Hassan, 145; is finally subjugated by
Musa, 162.
Al-Mansur — see Ibn-abi-Amir.
Almohades, rise of, ii. 255.
Al-Mondhir, character of, i. 5SS; is poisoned, SS5.
Almoravides, origin of, ii. 191; they conquer Africa, 194; tbeir
immense empire, 289.
Al-Morthada, iL 91.
Al-Nazer, King of Granada, ii. 454.
Al-Samh, Emir, i. 278; invades France, 276; is killed, 277.
Al-Zagal defeats Christians, ii. 568 ; becomes king, 591 ; abdica-
tion of, 664.
Al-Zarkal, clepsydra of, iL 164; quadrant of, iiL 485; suggests
elliptical orbit, 477.
Amulets of Arabs, i. 86.
Anbasah-Ibn-Sohim succeeds Abd-al-Rahman, L 287; his sever-
ity, 288; invades Septimania, 290.
Arabia, topography of, i. 1 ; dearth of history, 4; visited by Phoe-
nicians, 5; its great wealth, 7; exemption from foreign
influence, 10.
Index 687
Arabs^ their prominence in antiqiiity^ i. 16; their energy^ 16;
predatory instincts predominant^ 16; influence of the sheik^
19; difference from other pastoral nations, 19; blood re-
venge, 25; habits of life, 27, 28; treatment of woman, 28;
idolatry, SO; relationship with Jews, 82; trade of, $9;
wonderful career of the race, 54; rebel after death of Mo-
hammed, 128.
Architecture under the Moors of Spain, iii. 537-540.
Art, absence of, in Arabia, iii. 535.
Asturias, foundation of the kingdom of, i. 341.
Aurora, sultana, intrigues with Ibn-abi-Amir, i. 691 ; opposes the
latter, 735.
Averroes, iii. 473-475.
Ayub-Ibn-Habib, provisional emir, i. 271; is deposed by the
Khalif, 272.
B
Badis, King of Granada, ii. 134.
Balj-Ibn-Beshr besieged in Ceuta, i. 314; relieved by Abd-al-
Mdik, 316; seizes authority, 3 1 7.
Barcelona taken by the Franks, i. 450.
Baths, iii. 643 ; luxury of, 644.
Baza, siege of, ii. 651 ; capitulation of, 663.
Bedouins, life and character of, i. 17.
Beni-Khaldun, clan of, i. 552.
Berbers, origin and characteristics of, i. 136; language and gov-
ernment, 137, 138; oppressed by Arabs, 313, 325.
Bermudo, King of Leon, renders homage to Al-Mansur, L 727.
Bemhart, count of Barcelona, killed, i. 492.
B6ziers, destruction of, iii. 98.
Biscay, its ruggedness and severe climate, i. 338.
Black Stone of Kaaba, i. 35.
Boabdil taken prisoner at Lucena, iL'568; released, 572; his
worthless character, 594.
Botany of Spanish Moslems, iii. 486, 487.
Byzantine Empire, condition of, after barbarian conquest, i. 70;
its society and its policy, iii. 370-372; degradation of all
classes, 381, 382.
Calligraphy, skm in, iii. 590.
Carmona taken by Arabs, L 235; its siege raised by Abd-al-
Bahman I., 400.
688 Inhex
Carihage^ the andent dty, iti origin and Mpheuiat, L 147^ 148;
trade^ 148; religion^ 151; bnildingi, 152; the Megan, 152;
the Roman city^ its arta^ its learnings and its vices, 158;
stonned by Hassan, 154.
Castrogiovanni, first attack on, iL 18; snrprised by Moslems, 29*
Chakya, the impostor^ rebels against Abd-al-Rahman I., L 401 ;
his defeat and death, 402.
Charlemagne invades Spain, L 405.
Charles Martel, character of, L 802; hated by the clergy, 80S;
invades Provence, 809-
Chemistry, its great progress in the Peninsula^ iii. 490-492.
Chess^ game of, introduced by the Arabs, iii. 661, 662.
Christian tributaries of the Moors, iiL 188; their tribute and
their privileges, 184, 185; disabilities of, 186, 189; perse-
cution of, by the khalifs, 204-206.
Christianity made no progress in Arabia, L 41.
Church, condition of, before Mohammed, L 66.
Cid, rise of, ii. 160; character and career of, 220; valor of, 224;
duplicity of, 226; takes Valencia, 285; horrors of the siege,
286; his death, 287.
Civil organization of the Arabs, iii. 688.
Clergy, influence of, among the Visigoths, i. 175; their luxury,
194,211; increasingpower of, ii. 420; wealth of, 422.
Commerce, its great extent under the Moors, iii. 616-619-
Cordova, beauty and wealth of, under the Onmieyades, L 6l8, 619;
suburbs of, 622; taken by Ferdinand III., ii. 866.
Count Julian resents outrage on his daughter, 1. 221; enters
Spain, 224; retires to Ceuta, 259-
Covadonga, battle of, L 850.
Damascus, beauty and wealth of city, L 870-^72.
Dances derived from the Orient, iii 66S.
De Hauteville, House of, ii. 54.
E
Edrisi, geography of, ii. 71*
Egilona, queen of Roderick, captured at Merida, i. 246; marries
Abd-al-Aziz, 269-
Egisa, his tyranny, i. 216.
Egypt, effect of its civilization on the Arabs, L 182.
Elvira, foundation and wars of, L 542-549; surrenders to Abd*
al-Rahman III., 567.
Index 680
Emirate, disorderf of, i. 322.
Equestrian sports, their magnificence, iii. 491^ 498.
Ervigios, reign and death of, L 814.
Fatimites of Africa, L 580; remove capital to Egypt^ 646.
Favila, King of Asturias, i. 856.
Fayic and Djandar, eunuchs, conspiracy of, i. 697.
Ferdinand Gonzalez, Count of Castile, his character, i. 589;
power and exploits of, 608, 604.
Ferdinand III., character of, ii. 41 6.
Ferdinand the Catholic, character of, ii. 589; defeated at Loja,
559.
Festivals, iii. 667-669.
Force, worship of, by man, i. 121.
Forum Judicum, i. 178; procedure it enjoins, 179> 180; founda-
tion of modem jurisprudence, 181; precepts, 185-189.
France, South of, its traditions and civilization, iii. 6l ; literary
and social condition, 64, 65»
Franks, the character and institutions of, i. 800.
Fraxinet, colony of, i. 602.
Frederick II., Emperor, first defiance of the Pope, iii. 81, S8; his
genius, $5; laws of, $6; commercial regulations instituted
by, 89; his intimacy with the Moslems, 89; his power and
dignity, 54; his character, 56-59*
O
Galera, siege of, iiL 287*
Garcia, King of Leon, i. 575.
Gerbert, his origin, iii. 488 ; educated at Cordova, 484, 485.
Ghalib subdues Africans, i. 649; feud with Ibn-abi-Amir, 719,
720.
Giralda, construction of, ii. 816.
Gothic March, i. 446, 447; conquered by the Franks, 448.
Granada (city), siege and capture of, ii. 677, 688.
Granada (kingdom), dawning greatness of, ii. 181; taken by
Almoravides, 214; condition of, in fifteenth century, 518,
514; palaces of, 525.
Guadalete, battle of, L 280.
H
Hamet-al-Zegri, raid of, ii. 574; severity of, 684; sold as a slave,
641.
Hanrani, Syrian physician, i. 502.
Vol. III.-
690 Index
Haschim, vizier of Mohammed^ defeated by the ChristiaiiB, L 519«
Hasdai^ ambaMador of the Khalif, L 598; cores Sancho the Fat,
595.
Hegira, i. 88.
Hischem I., Emir, i. 421; hia character, 422; war with his
uncles,^ 425; his armies invade France, 429; his death, 489.
Hischem II. kept in tutelage, i. 716; severe restraints imposed
on him, 717; disappearance of, 76l.
Hischem III., iL 71 ; death of, at Saragossa, 108.
Hmnan sacrifices of Arabs, i. 87.
Iberians, their rudeness and ignorance, i. 889, 840.
Ibn-Abbas, minister of Zohair, ii. 129*
Ibn-abi-Abda invades Leon and is defeated, i. 576, 577.
Ibn-abi-Amir sent on mission to Africa, i. 649; his boast in the
garden, 686; early career of, 688, 689; conduct of, in
Africa, 698, 694; becomes vizier, 701; appointed ha jib,
707; bums books of the library, 710; reorganizes the army,
711 ; becomes ruler of Moorish Spain, 720; his campaigns,
728, 724; named Al-Mansur^ 724; his invasion of Galicia,
788; his death, 744; his character, 744, 745.
Ibn-Abu, death of, iii. 801.
Ibn-al-Awam, bontanical work of, iii. 607.
Ibn-Djahwar, rise of, ii. 106; great talents of, 112.
Ibn-Forat, Kadi of Tunis, invades Sicily, ii. 12; his death, 17.
Ibn-Habib, Viceroy of Africa, pursues Abd-al-Rahman, L 887.
Ibn-Hud, family of, ii. 115.
Ibn-Kenun, his revolt, i. 647; defeats Al-Hakem, 647; takcB to
Cordova, 651 ; put to death, 780.
Ibn-Shobeyd, wealth of, i. 615.
Improvisation prized by Arabs, i. 50.
Industrial arts in Spain, iii. 575—577.
Innocent III., ability of, ii. 80.
Interdict, its terrors, iii. SS5.
Irrigation in Moorish Spain, iii. 601, 602.
Isabella, character of, ii. 589; her popularity, enters the camp
before Malaga, 682; aids army before Baza, 661.
Islam, its unprecedented career, i. 6l, 68; slow progress of, when
first promulgated, 86; its meaning, 118; duties enjoined by
it, 114, 115; the benefits it conferred on the Arabs, 116, 117;
its grand achievements, 125.
Ismail I., King of Granada, ii. 459*
Ikdxx 691
Jaime I. of Aragon, ii. 351 ; character of^ 394i, $95.
Jews, persccntioii of, by Visigoths, i. 173; influence of, on dvill-
sation, iii. 105, 106; early commerce of, 109; i prejadice
against, in antiquity, 113; prosperity and power of, in the
Middle Ages, 118, 119; good influence of, in Sptun, 127;
great scholars, 141; the depositaries of mediieval culture,
149; expulsion from Spain and Portugal, 171^ 174.
John de Gorsa, ambassador of the German Emperor, i. 600.
Junquera, battle of, i. 583.
Kadir, ruler of Toledo, u. 179; expelled, 184.
Kahtanites, feud with Maadites, i. 278; its duration and intensity,
279, 280.
Eairoan founded by Okbah, i. 143.
Khadijah marries Mohanmied, i. 84.
Khairan, governor of Malaga, ally of Ali, ii. 87.
Khalifs, general character of, ii. 596.
Koceila conspires against Okbah, i. 144; is killed, 144.
Koran, its origin, i. 104; its contents, 106; allegorical imagery,
108; benign precepts, 109*
Kordsh, guardians of temple of Mecca, i. 81.
Las Navas de Tolosa, battle of, ii. 331.
Leon taken by Al-Mansur, i. 732.
Libraries of the Arabs, iii. 470.
Literature of the Arabs, iii. 457-460.
Loja carried by storm, ii. 600.
Love, Courts of, iii. 80.
Lucera, Saracen colony of, iii. 52.
M
Magic of the Arabs, i. 36.
Maimonides, iii. 142; his learning and his works, 143, 144.
Majorca taken by the Aragonese, ii. 322.
Malaga, city of, its wealth and prosperity, ii. 6l8; manufactures,
619 ; siege of, 625; surrender of, 641.
Malik-Ibn-Anas, sect of, i. 435.
Manufactures, iii. 622-625.
602 Ikdex
Marquis of Cadiz takes Alhama^ ii. 547> 548.
Mecca^ its situation and climate^ i. 89; conquest hy Moham-
med, 90.
Medicine, its advancement and perfection among the Spanish
Arabs, iii. 511-516.
Medina-al-Zahra, origin of, i. 625; extent and magnificence, 626;
pavilion, 628 ; destroyed hj the Berbers, 758.
Mendoza, Cardinal, his greatness and character, iiL 284, 287-
Merida, its splendid monuments, i. 244; taken by Mnsa, 245.
Moallakat, i. 46, 49.
Mohanmied-al-Ahmar pays homage to Ferdinand, ii. 404.
Mohammed, birth and childhood of, i. 82, 84; marriage of, 84;
his hallucinations, 85; death, 91; character, 92; distrust
of himself, 96; his personal appearance and manners, 98.
Mohammed, eldest son of Abd-al-Rahman II., i. 501, 508; ob-
tains the emirate, 505-507; his zeal, 508; death of, 525.
Mohammed II., King of Granada, ii. 486.
Mohammed III. deposed, ii. 450.
Mohammed IV. ascends the throne, ii. 459-
Mohammed V., his love of peace, ii. 487.
Mohammed VI. visits Toledo, ii. 496.
Mohammed VII., pride of, ii. 508.*
Monasticism, wealth of, iii. 851, S65; its corruption, 849.
Monastic life, its pomp and luxury, iii. 864.
Montfort, Earl of Leicester, his character, iii. 96.
Montpellier, University of, iL 76; high attainments of its pro-
fessors, 78, 79-
Moriscoes, persecution of, by Ximenes, iii. 242, 248; banished to
Leon and Castile, 244; attempted reform of, 259; their
property confiscated, 266; rebellion of, 268; exiled from
Granada, 277; chased through the mountains, 299; final
expulsion from the Peninstila, 818, 819*
Moshafi, vizier of Al-Hakem II., i. 651; rivalry with Ibn-abi-
Amir, 707; ruin and death of, 708.
Mosque of Cordova founded by Abd-al-Rahman I., i. 414, 415,
654 ; minaret, 665 ; description of, 657-667.
Motadhid, Prince of Seville, talents and vices of, ii. 141, 142.
Motamid ascends the throne of Seville, ii. 168.
Muley Hassan, enmity of, to the Christians, ii. 505; domestic
troubles of, 542, 552; death of, 688.
Musa-Ibn-Nosseyr, his origin, i. 157; appointed general in
. Africa, 158; his character, 158, 159; builds and equips a
fleet, l6l; enters Spain, 248; his return through Africa,
258; his punishment and death, 256, 257.
Index 698
Musenm of Alexandria^ iii. 437-440.
^Mtt8ic> popularity of^ among the Moors^ iii. 664-666.
N
Naples^ University of^ iii. 44.
Narbonnese Gaul^ known as " The Great Land/' L 272.
Normans invade ]?eninsula^ i. 489^ 490, 516; character of, ii. 54;
conquer Sicily, 55; adopt Moslem customs, iii. 16-18.
Okbah Ibn-al-Hejaj, Emir, i. 807; his discipline, 808.
Okhad, fair of, i. 53.
Omar-Ibn-Hafsun, rise of, i. 521; his antecedents, 522; his
stronghold at Bobastro, 522; dupUcity of, 540; defeated at
Aguilar, 558; death of, 577.
Ommeyades, origin of, i. 867; profligacy of the S3rrians, 875,
876, 879.
Ordofio IV. visits court of Cordova, i. 640; his baseness, 641,
642.
Othman-Ibn-Abu-Nesa, Emir, i. 291; governor of Gijon, 848,
S55.
Palermo taken by the Moslems, ii. 21 ; reduced by the Normans,
56; luxury of, under the Moors and the Normans, 66;
beauty of the city, 67.
Pampeluna destroyed by Abd-al-Rahman I., i. 585.
Papacy, corruption of, iii. 827, 828.
Paraclete, tradition of, i. 77.
Pedro el Cruel ascends throne of Castile, ii. 487.
Pelayus, his origin, i. 844; organizes an army, 845; becomes
king, 854.
Phallicism of Arabs, i. 84.
Phoenicians, their trade in Arabia, L 8.
Poetry of ancient Arabs, i. 48-46; great influence of the poet,
51 ; his license, 51 ; that of the Spanish Moslems, iii. 448-
450.
Poitiers, battle of, i. 805.
Polygamy of Arabs, i. 28; its universal practice in the Orient,
102.
Pope Joan, story of, iii. 880, 881.
Popes, character of, iii. 882, 888.
694 Index
Population of Moorish Spain^ L 618; its great cities^ 614.
Pottery^ perfection in, attained by Moors, iiL 5S5, 586.
Public works of the Moors, i. 614, 618.
Pulgar, exploit of, il. 676.
Q
Quadros, ii. 449*
Quesada taken by Sancho el Bravo, ii. 447.
R
Redwan Venegas, commander in fight of the Ajarquia, iL 568.
Revenues of the khalifs, i. 614.
Roderick, accession of, i. 219; his character, 220; violates daii|^
ter of Count Julian, 221.
Roncesvalles, rout of, i. 406.
Rusafah, garden of, i. 412, 624.
Saba, i. 7; its ancient civilisation, 8.
Salado, battle of the, ii. 481.
Salerno, Medical School of, iii. 45 ; its contributions to medicine
and surgery, 46, 47.
Samuel, Rabbi of Granada, learning and power of , ii. 181.
Sancho-el-Bravo, King of Castile, ii, 445.
Sancho the Fat, i. 592; visits Cordova, 594.
Santiago destroyed by Al-Mansur, i. 740.
Saragossa taken by Musa, i. 249; under the Beni-Hud, iiL 448.
Science in Arabian Spain, iii. 476, 477-
Science, its achievements, iii. 527-580.
Seigniorial rights, iii. 887, 888.
Septimania, its origin and extent, i. 274, 275.
Serfs, condition of, in Europe, iii. 895, 896 ; degradation of, 897*
Seville captured by Musa, i. 244; surrenders to Ferdinand, iL
411.
Sicily, great natural advantages of, iL 1 ; classic traditions of, 2;
condition of, at time of Moorish invasion, 7; invasion of, by
Moslems, 9> 10; mixed population of, 62; scientific progress
of its people, 69-
Sidi-Yahya, treason of, ii. 498.
Silk manufacture, iii. 625.
Sisebert, Archbishop of Toledo, heads conspiracy, i. 215.
Slaves, caste of, i. 606; power and influence of, 607.
Social life of the Hispano-Arab, iiL 652, 65S.
Index 690
Spain, condition of, under the khalifa, i. 614-616.
St. James the Apostle, legend of, i. 471.
Stneco, iii. 549.
Suleyman, Khalif, his character, ii. 85.
Sword venerated in Arabia, i. 94; importance of, among the
Arabs, iii. 580, 581.
Syracuse, first siege of, by the Moors, ii. 18; stormed by them,
88-40.
Talavera, Archbishop of Granada, his character, iii. 240. •^
Tarik invades Spain, i. 225; marches northward, 287; quarrels * ^^
with Musa, 248. • ^
Tarub, treachery of, i. 501.
Taxation of tributaries, i. 260.
Tendilla, Count of, Captain-General of Granada, iii. 240.
Textile fabrics, iU. 627.
Thalaba raised to power, i. 818; his cruelty, 818.
Theodomir surrenders Murcia to the Arabs, i. 247.
Theology in Arabian Spain, iii. 460.
Toledo, its strength and antiquity, i. 288; massacre of its citi-
zens by Al-Hakem, 460; becomes independent, 518.
Tota, Queen of Navarre, her ability, i. 592; visits Cordova, 594.
Tribunal of the Waters, iiL 602, 608.
Troubadours, influence of, iii. 82, 88.
U
Ubeda sacked by the Christians, ii. 840.
Utrera, Gomez-Mendez, governor of, killed in the Ajarquia, ii.
568.
Valencia taken by Jaime, ii. 882; expulsion of Moors from, iiL
814.
Vases of the Hispano-Arabs, iii. 585.
Visigoths, origin and migrations of, i. 166, 167; constitution and
government, 169, 170; councils, 171; churches, 195; arts,
196; manufactures, 196; medicine, 197; dress, 199; profli-
gacy, 227; causes of the decline of their power, 268.
W
Wadhih, governor of Cordova, i. 759.
Water, symbolic use of, among Oriental nations, iiL 578, 574.
/
696 Index
Witixa becomes king^ i. 217; l^ wise measures, 218; his ex-
cesses, 219.
Women mider the Arabs, iii. 446, 447; privileges of, 655-657.
Xativa, prosperity of, u. 887; besieged by Jaime, 889; snrrender
of, 891.
Ximenes, Cardinal, character and origin of, iiL 285, 286; boms
Arabic manuscripts at Granada, 248.
Yahya, faqni, leads a rebellion, i. 465; becomes a favorite of
Abd-al-Rahman II., 468.
Yahya-Ibn-Salmah, Emir, i. 291.
Yaknb-al-Mansur invades Andalusia, ii. 807; death of, 814.
Yusnf-al-Fehri, Emir, i. 820; abdicates, 894; is killed, 896.
Ynsuf, King of Granada, at the battle of Salado, ii. 480; char-
acter of, 484.
Yosnf, Sultan of Almohades, ii. 299; public works of, at Seville,
801 ; is killed near Lisbon, 804.
Yusuf, the Almoravide, invades Spain, ii. 199; death and charac-
ter of, 241.
Z
Zahira founded by Al-Mansur, i. 717.
Zaid, wali of Barcelona, his heroic defence, i. 449.
Zallaca, battle of, ii. 204.
Zamora stormed by the Moors, i. 782.
Zeyd-Ibn-Kesade overruns Andalusia, i. 288.
Ziadet- Allah, Sultan of Africa, ii. 10.
Ziryab, the musician, i. 496; his versatility, 497.
Ziyad-Ibn-Aflah, prefect, aids conspiracy, i. 709.
Zobeir, Ibn-al-, his success during the invasion of Africa, L 140.
Zonaria, Hebrew prophet, i. 289.
END OF VOLUME HI.
J i